The influence of gender-stereotyped perfumes on leadership attribution

The classification of perfumes as ‘women's’ and ‘men's’ fragrances is based on certain gender stereotypes. In two experiments, female and male participants were asked to assume the role of a manager. In Experiment 1, they read an application for the position of a junior manager written by a male or female job applicant. Application papers were prepared with a typically masculine perfume, a typically feminine perfume or no perfume at all (control group). In Experiment 2, participants conducted a job interview with a female or male applicant (a confederate) who had applied the respective perfume or no perfume. Persons with a typically masculine perfume were ‘employed’ with a higher degree of certainty compared to persons with a typically feminine perfume.

Effekte des generischen Maskulinums und alternativer Sprachformen auf den gedanklichen Einbezug von Frauen

In der feministischen Linguistik wird angenommen, daß maskuline Bezeichnungen, die generisch benutzt werden (Bezeichnungen von Personen beiderlei Geschlechts durch die maskuline Form, wie z.B. die Wissenschaftler, die Studenten), weibliche Personen weniger vorstellbar oder sichtbar machen als männliche Personen. Verschiedene experimentelle Untersuchungen konnten diese Annahme für den englischen Sprachraum bestätigen. Für die deutsche Sprache existieren dagegen bislang sehr wenige Studien zu dieser Frage. Es werden vier Experimente vorgestellt, die untersuchen, ob unterschiedliche Sprachversionen - ,Beidnennung‘ (Studentinnen und Studenten), ,Neutral‘ (Studierende), ,Generisches Maskulinum‘ (Studenten) und “Großes I“ (StudentInnen) - den gedanklichen Einbezug von Frauen beeinflussen. Über alle Experimente hinweg zeigte sich, daß bei Personenreferenzen im generischen Maskulinum ein geringerer gedanklicher Einbezug von Frauen zu beobachten war als bei alternativen Sprachformen wie der Beidnennung oder dem “Großen I“ (z.B. seltenere Nennungen von beliebten weiblichen Persönlichkeiten oder von politischen Kandidatinnen für das Amt des Bundeskanzlers/der Bundeskanzlerin der BRD).

Meta-cognition about biological sex and gender-stereotypic physical appearance: Consequences for the assessment of leadership competence

Previous findings are inconsistent with regard to whether men are judged as being more or less competent leaders than women. However, masculine-relative to feminine-looking persons seem to be judged consistently as more competent leaders. Can this different impact of biological sex and physical appearance be due to the disparate availability of meta-cognitive knowledge about both sources? The results of Study 1 indicated that individuals possess meta-cognitive knowledge about a possible biasing influence of persons’ biological sex, but not for their physical appearance. In Study 2, participants judged the leadership competence of a male versus female stimulus person with either masculine or feminine physical appearance. In addition, the available cognitive capacity was manipulated. When high capacity was available, participants corrected for the influence of stimulus persons’ sex, but they fell prey to this influence under cognitive load. However, the effect of physical appearance was not moderated by cognitive capacity.

Can gender-fair language reduce gender stereotyping and discrimination?

Gender-fair language (GFL) aims at reducing gender stereotyping and discrimination. Two principle strategies have been employed to make languages gender-fair and to treat women and men symmetrically: neutralization and feminization. Neutralization is achieved, for example, by replacing male-masculine forms (policeman) with gender-unmarked forms (police officer), whereas feminization relies on the use of feminine forms to make female referents visible (i.e., the applicant… he or she instead of the applicant… he). By integrating research on (1) language structures, (2) language policies, and (3) individual language behavior, we provide a critical review of how GFL contributes to the reduction of gender stereotyping and discrimination. Our review provides a basis for future research and for scientifically based policy-making.

The benefits and pitfalls of language change – The case of gender-fair language use

Gender-fair language (GFL) is a symmetric linguistic treatment of women and men. To create GFL two principle strategies can be deployed. Neutralization means that gender-unmarked forms (police officer) are used to substitute the male-biased (policeman). Feminization, implies that feminine forms of nouns are used systematically to make female referents visible. The results of a comprehensive European research program provide evidence in support of a non-discrimination policy in language, yet identify the potential setbacks preventing linguistic reforms to be effective. In general, studies indicate positive effects of GFL. In an applied context, for example women feel more motivated to apply for the position if a job advertisement is formulated in a GFL. However, negative effects of reformed usage were also reported specifically when GFL is novel. For example, a woman referred to as a chairperson was evaluated lower in occupational status than a woman referred to as a chairman.

The social perception of heroes and murders: Effects of gender-inclusive language in media reports

The way media depict women and men can reinforce or diminish gender stereotyping. Which part does language play in this context? Are roles perceived as more gender-balanced when feminine role nouns are used in addition to masculine ones? Research on gender-inclusive language shows that the use of feminine-masculine word pairs tends to increase the visibility of women in various social roles. For example, when speakers of German were asked to name their favorite "heroine or hero in a novel," they listed more female characters than when asked to name their favorite "hero in a novel." The research reported in this article examines how the use of gender-inclusive language in news reports affects readers' own usage of such forms as well as their mental representation of women and men in the respective roles. In the main experiment, German participants (N = 256) read short reports about heroes or murderers which contained either masculine generics or gender-inclusive forms (feminine-masculine word pairs). Gender-inclusive forms enhanced participants' own usage of gender-inclusive language and this resulted in more gender-balanced mental representations of these roles. Reading about "heroines and heroes" made participants assume a higher percentage of women among persons performing heroic acts than reading about "heroes" only, but there was no such effect for murderers. A post-test suggested that this might be due to a higher accessibility of female exemplars in the category heroes than in the category murderers. Importantly, the influence of gender-inclusive language on the perceived percentage of women in a role was mediated by speakers' own usage of inclusive forms. This suggests that people who encounter gender-inclusive forms and are given an opportunity to use them, use them more themselves and in turn have more gender-balanced mental representations of social roles.

Does gender-fair language pay off? The social perception of professions from a cross-linguistic perspective

In many languages, masculine forms (e.g., German Lehrer, “teachers, masc.”) have traditionally been used to refer to both women and men, although feminine forms are available, too. Feminine-masculine word pairs (e.g., German Lehrerinnen und Lehrer, “teachers, fem. and teachers, masc.”) are recommended as gender-fair alternatives. A large body of empirical research documents that the use of gender-fair forms instead of masculine forms has a substantial impact on mental representations. Masculine forms activate more male representations even when used in a generic sense, whereas word pairs (e.g., German Lehrerinnen und Lehrer, “teachers, fem. and teachers, masc.”) lead to a higher cognitive inclusion of women (i.e., visibility of women). Some recent studies, however, have also shown that in a professional context word pairs may be associated with lesser status. The present research is the first to investigate both effects within a single paradigm. A cross-linguistic (Italian and German) study with 391 participants shows that word pairs help to avoid a male bias in the gender-typing of professions and increase women's visibility; at the same time, they decrease the estimated salaries of typically feminine professions (but do not affect perceived social status or competence). This potential payoff has implications for language policies aiming at gender-fairness.

Alessandro Baricco: A Modern Homer / Alessandro Baricco: Omero Modern

Alessandro Baricco is an Italian author, pianist, journalist and music critic, among a wide range of many other talents. His novels have won great critical acclaim in Italy and France and are popular around the world. While generally considered among the postmodern writers, some critics have accused him of being a forerunner in a 1990s movement dubbed letteratura giovanile, that is juvenile literature that is simplistic, targets a young audience and is created for the sole purpose of making money. This criticism is unwarranted. Baricco is a multitalented author who pays strict attention to the quality of his work and weaves plotlines replete with a diverse set of genres, literary devices and symbolism, often inspired by other great writers and thinkers. However, literary critics have yet to acknowledge one of Baricco's strongest and most important influences: Homer, the ancient Greek bard and author of the epic poems, the Iliad and the Odyssey. Taking Baricco's work in a Homeric context can aid in viewing it as valid and important work, worthy of scholarly discussion and interpretation, rather than, as some critics accuse, a one-dimensional story meant only for children. This paper will argue that Baricco's work is Homeric and, in fact, Baricco's implementation of many of Homer's devices, such as his understanding of his audience and use rhythmic language and stereotyped story patterns, has aided Baricco's great success and popularity.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 242 - Korrespondenzen u.a. mit Bibliothekaren der Deutschen Bibliothek in Rom (p. V 55, 1-303)

1 Brief an Max Horkheimer von der Oberin, Agnes Karll-Verband Ruth Elster, 1959; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Fernanda Alves Diniz, 1959; 4 Briefe zwischen Journalist Walter Dirks, 1950-1955; 1 Interview mit Max Horkheimer, von Journalist, Tel-Aviv Dr. Dolan, 1952; 2 Briefe zwischen Albert Dragstedt und Max Horkheimer, 1959; 17 Briefe zwischen Ria Drevermann und Max Horkheimer, 1948-1957; 4 Briefe zwischen Architekt Wolf Drevermann und Max Horkheimer, 1950-1952; Professor Kurt Rheindorf: 1 Lebenslauf, 1 Manuskript, (1949); 2 Briefe zwischen Dr. Josef E. Drexel und Max Horkheimer, 1958; 3 Briefe zwischen Professor Tom F. Driver und Max Horkheimer, 1966; 12 Briefe zwischen dem DuMont Schuaberg Verlag und Max Horkheimer, 1961-1966; Deutsch-Amerikanischer Beratungs-Ausschuss für das Land Hessen: Drucksachen, Notizen, Protokolle an Max Horkheimer, 1952-1967; 1 Brief an Max Horkheimer von Hartmut Höschel, 1967; 14 Briefe zwischen Deutsche Bibliothek, Brüssel und Max Horkheimer, 1970-1971; 8 Briefe zwischen Deutsche Bibliothek Frankfurt am Main und Max Horkheimer, 1965-1967; 47 briefe zwischen Johannes Vandenrath, Deutsche Bibliothek Mailand und Max Horkheimer, 1968-1973; 51 Briefe zwischen Michael Freiherr Marschall von Bieberstein, Deutsche Bibliothek Rom, und Max Horkheimer, 1968-1973; Deutsche Bibliothek Rom: siehe Marschall von Bieberstein, Michael Freiherr;

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 103 - Korrespondenzen u.a. mit Maria Pattermann und Franz Neumann (p. III 11, 1-335)

1 Drucksache der Rechtsanwaltskanzlei Pacht, Tannenbaum & Ross, 1951; 2 Briefe zwischen der Pädagogischen Hauptstelle der Gewerkschaft Erziehung u. Wissenschaft und Max Horkheimer, 1954; 1 Brief vom Pädagogischen Verlag B. Schulz an Max Horkheimer, 1950; 3 Briefe zwischen dem Professor Erwin Walter Palm und Max Horkheimer, 1957-1958; 2 Briefe zwischen Helena Brans und Max Horkheimer, 1953; 2 Briefe vom Park-Hotel Frankfurt an Max Horkheimer,1957-1958; 1 Brief von Enno Patalas an Max Horkheimer, 1 Brief von Theodor W. Adorno an Enno Patalas, 1956; 2 Briefe zwischen Dieter Pätzold und Max Horkheimer, 1952; 8 Briefe zwischen Maria Pattermann und Max Horkheimer, 1952-1958; 2 Briefe zwischen F. Perrot und Max Horkheimer, 1953; 2 Briefe zwischen der Buchhandlung Werner Peter und Max Horkheimer, 1954; 3 Briefe zwischen Alfred Peters und Max Horkheimer, 1952-1953; 1 Zeugnis von dem Studenten Joachim Peter, 1953; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an F.H. Peterson, 1950; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Studenten Klaus Peuker und Max Horkheimer, 1951; 1 Brief des Chefredakteuren Karl Pfannkuch an Max Horkheimer, 1955; 1 Brief von Dr. Karl Pfauter an Max Horkheimer, 1952; Briefwechsel zwischen der Studentin Renate Pflaume und Max Horkheimer, 1952; Briefwechsel zwischen Joseph B. Phillips und Max Horkheimer, 1955; 1 Brief von Professor Josef Pieper an Max Horkheimer , 1951; 1 Brief von Ehrenfried Pihan an Max Horkheimer, 1953; 1 Brief von F. G. Pincus an Theodor W. Adorno, 1954; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Professor Koppel S. Pinson und Max Horkheimer, 1956; 2 Briefe zwischen dem Professor Kurt Pinthus und Max Horkheimer, 1953; 1 Brief an Dr. Knut Pipping von Max Horkheimer, 1950; 2 Briefe zwischen Erwin Piscator und Max Horkheimer, 1954; Briefwechsel zwischen der Max-Planck-Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaften und Max Horkheimer, 1953-1955; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Professor Richard Plant und Max Horkheimer, 1953 und 2 Briefe zwischen Professor Richard Plant und Margarete Feretty-Füredi, 1953; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Professor Johann Plenge und Max Horkheimer, 1951-1952; Briefwechsel zwischen Barbara Pleyer und Max Horkheimer, 1954; 1 Brief von Erich Paul Pechmann an Max Horkheimer, 1952; Briefwechsel zwischen Dr. Gerhard Poetzsch und an Max Horkheimer, 1958; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Committee on Science & Freedom und Max Horkheimer, 1955-1956; 1 Brief an den Professor Rudolf Pohl von Max Horkheimer, 1953; 1 Brief von der Zeitschrift "Die politsche Meinung" an Max Horkheimer, 1956; 1 Brief von Max F. Pollack an Max Horkheimer, 1954; 1 Brief von dem Professor Wilhelm Polligkeit an Max Horkheimer, 1951; 1 Brief von dem Poli-Verlag an Max Horkheimer, 1950; Briefwechsel zwischen Alexej Poremsky und Max Horkheimer, 1955; 1 Brief von Rita Post an Max Horkheimer, 1952; 1 Brief von Max Potzin an Max Horkheimer, 1951; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Oberstudienrat Max Preitz und Max Horkheimer, 1955; 1 Brief von dem Professor Wolfgang Preiser an Max Horkheimer, 1952; 1 Gutachten und Beilagen von Dr. Karl A. Preuschen an Max Horkheimer, 1955; Briefwechsel und Beilagen zwischen dem Direktor des The Commonwealth Fund E. K. Wickman und Max Horkheimer, 1955; Briefwechsel zwischen Klaus H. Pringsheim und Max Horkheimer, 1952-1958; 1 Brief von Curt Freiherr von Preuschen an Max Horkheimer, 1953; Briefwechsel zwischen Rüdiger Proske und Max Horkheimer, 1951; Briefwechsel und Beilagen zwischen Dr. Harry Pross und Max Horkheimer, 1954; 1 Brief von dem Professor Franz Neumann an Max Horkheimer, 1954; 1 Brief an G. H. Graber von Max Horkheimer, 1953; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Quaker Service und Max Horkheimer, 1950; Briefwechsel zwischn Günther Quandt und Max Horkheimer, 1953 und 2 Todesanzeigen, 1955; 1 Brief an den Querido-Verlag von Max Horkheimer, 1951; Briefwechsel zwischen Emil Querinjean und Max Horkheimer, 1955; Briefwechsel zwischen John Raatjes und Max Horkheimer, 1956; Briefwechsel zwischen der Zeitschrift the humanist radical und Max Horkheimer, 1957; Briefwechsel zwischen Sitangghu Chatterji und Max Horkheimer, 1957; 1 Brief von der Radio Corporation of America an Max Horkheimer, 1953; 1 Brief und Beilagen vom Radiodiffusion et Télévision Francaises an Max Horkheimer, 1955; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Österreichischer Rundfunk Radio Wien und Max Horkheimer, 1956; 1 Brief von dem Professor Boris Rajewsky an Max Horkheimer, 1953; 1 Brief an Else Rang von Max Horkheimer, 1950; Briefwechsel zwischen Heinz Raspini und Max Horkheimer, 1956; 1 Drucksache zwischen Hanna Becker vom Rath und Max Horkheimer, 1953; 1 Telegramm von dem Professor Roland Rather an Max Horkheimer und 2 Briefe von Max Horkheimer an Roland Rather, 1957; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Professor L. J. Rather und Max Horkheimer, 1955; Briefwechsel zwischen Phillip Roth und Max Horkheimer, 1958; Briefwechsel zwischen Sibnarayan Ray und Max Horkheimer, 1956-1957; Briefwechsel mit Beilagen zwischen dem Rationalisierungs-Kuratorium der Deutschen Wirtschaft und Max Horkheimer, 1954; 1 Aktennotiz von dem Jornalisten Rasten der dänischen Zeitung Politiken, 1953; Briefwechsel zwischen Wolfgang M. Rauch und Max Horkheimer, 1956; 1 Anzeige der Ingeborg Rauter, 1953; 1 Brief von dem Hotel Reber au lac an Max Horkheimer, 1955; Briefwechsel zwischen Alice Reboly und Max Horkheimer, 1955; 3 Briefe an die Regensburger Zeitungen von Max Horkheimer, 1956; 1 Brief an den Professor Klaus Reich von Max Horkheimer, 1950; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Reinhardt, Ernst, Verlag und Max Horkheimer, 1953; 1 Brief von dem Apotheker Hermann Reitberger an Max Horkheimer, 1955; Briefwechsel zwischen Dr. Paul Reiwald und Max Horkheimer, 1950; 1 Brief von dem Journalist Godo Remszhardt an Max Horkheimer, 1954; Briefwechsel zwischen Dr. Irmgard Rexroth-Kern und Max Horkheimer, 1952; Briefwechsel zwischen Hans Rheinbay und Max Horkheimer, 1955; 1 Brief von der Universität Bonn an Max Horkheimer, 1953; 1 Brief an den Rheinischer Merkur von Max Horkheimer, 1951; 1 Brief an die Rheinische Post von Max Horkheimer, 1954; 1 Brief an Hans Richter von Max Horkheimer, 1954; Briefwechsel zwischen Dr. Hermann Riefstahl und Max Horkheimer, 1957; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Professor Svend Riemer und Max Horkheimer, 1957; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Ring-Verlag und Max Horkheimer, 1957; Briefwechsel zwischen Werner Rings und Max Horkheimer, 1954; Briefwechsel zwischen Martha Ritter-Raabe und Max Horkheimer, 1955; Briefwechsel zwischen Otto-Heinz Rocholl und Max Horkheimer, 1954; 1 Brief von Hilde Rodemann an Max Horkheimer, 1952; 1 Brief von Edouard Roditi an Max Horkheimer, 1951 und 1 Brief von Theodor W. Adorno an Edouard Roditi, 1951; Briefwechsel zwischen der Zeitschrift Studenten-Kurier und Max Horkheimer, 1955; 1 Brief von Karl Roeloffs an Max Horkheimer, 1953; Briefwechsel zwischen der Kunsthistorikerin Hanna Rhode und Max Horkheimer, 1950-1951; 1 Brief an Dr. Anna Ronge von Max Horkheimer, 1954; 2 Brief an Kathe Romney von Max Horkheimer, 1952-1955; Briefwechsel zwischen Dr. Paul Rompel und Max Horkheimer, 1952; 1 Brief an den Zahnartz Dr. Ingo Ropper von Max Horkheimer, 1953; Briefwechsel zwischen Ilse Wallis Ross und Max Horkheimer, 1955-1956; 1 Brief von dem Professor Hans W. Rosenhaupt an Max Horkheimer, 1952; 1 Brief von Rosenthal an Max Horkheimer, 1958; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Generalstaatsanwalt und Staatssekretär Erich Rosenthal-Pelldram und Max Horkheimer, 1952-1956; Briefwechsel zwischen Lessing J. Rosenwald und Max Horkheimer, 1950; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Lieutenant Dr. Alan O. Ross und Max Horkheimer, 1955; 4 Briefe und Beilagen von Günther Roth an Max Horkheimer, 1953-1957; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Professor Wolfram Eberhardt und Max Horkheimer, 1955; 1 Brief an den Professor M. A. Stewart von Theodor W. Adorno, 1955; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Professor Rheinhard Bendix und Max Horkheimer, 1955; Briefwechsel zwischen der Studentin Valentine Rothe und Max Horkheimer, 1957; 1 Brief von dem Student Rudolf Rothrock an Max Horkheimer, 1953; 1 Brief von Guy Roustang an Max Horkheimer, ohne Jahr; 1 Brief von Heinz Maria Ledig-Rowohlt an Max Horkheimer, 1950; Briefwechsel zwischen Ellen Roy und Max Horkheimer, 1956; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Professor Paul Royen und Max Horkheimer, 1954; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Staatsminister August Rucker und Max Horkheimer, 1955-1957 1 Brief an den Staatsminister August Rucker von Leopold von Wiese, 1955; 1 Bericht von Walter Rüegg, 1953 und 2 Briefe von Max Horkheimer an den Professor Walter Rüegg, 1955; 3 Briefe an den Professor Alexander Rüstow von Max Horkheimer, 1953-1958; Briefwechsel zwischen Käthe von Ruckteschell und Max Horkheimer, 1951-1954; Briefwechsel zwischen dem Student Gerhard Rudolph und Max Horkheimer, 1954; 1 Brief von der Ruf und Echo, Arbeitsgemeischaft an Max Horkheimer, 1952; 3 Briefe an den Professor Jay Rumney von Max Horkheimer, 1952-1954; Briefwechsel zwischen Clarence R. Rungee und Max Horkheimer, 1951-1952;

Predictive factors for vaginal douching and tampon use among US women: Are these behaviors risk factors for bacterial vaginosis and trichomonas?

The use of feminine products such as vaginal douches, tampons, and sanitary napkins are common among women. Despite the results of some studies that suggest an association between douching and bacterial vaginosis, douching remains a topic that is understudied. The possibility of an association between tampon use and infection has not been significantly investigated since the toxic shock outbreak in the 1980s. The first objective of our study was to evaluate demographic, reproductive health, and sexual behavior variables to establish an epidemiologic profile of menstruating women who reported douching and women who reported using sanitary napkins only. The second objective of our study was to evaluate whether the behaviors of douching and using tampons were associated with an increased risk of bacterial vaginosis or trichomonas. We analyzed these factors, using logistic regression, among the 3,174 women from the NHANES cross sectional data from 2001-2004, who met the inclusion criteria determined for our study. We established an epidemiologic profile for women who had the highest frequency of douching reported as women who were age 36-49, had a high school education or GED, black race, not taking oral contraceptives, reported vaginal symptoms in the last month, two or more sexual partners in the last year, or tested positive for bacterial vaginosis or trichomonas. The profile for those who had the highest frequency of exclusive sanitary napkin use included women with less than a high school education, married women, women classified as black or "other" in race, and women who were not on oral contraceptives. While we were able to establish a significant increase in the odds of douching among women who tested positive for bacterial vaginosis or trichomonas, we did not find any significant difference in the odds of exclusive napkin use and testing negative for bacterial vaginosis or trichomonas.^

Women physicians' specialty choices

Three hypotheses have been offered to explain the historical specialty selection by women physicians. They are: (1) women choose the specialty for which the training requirements and working conditions interfere least with their commitments to marriage and children; (2) women tend to select the more "feminine" specialties such as pediatrics and psychiatry, and to avoid the "masculine" fields such as surgery; and (3) women have been deliberately excluded from male-dominated fields such as surgery. While the above hypotheses may be true to a greater or lesser degree, none of them has been adequately tested.^ The major study hypotheses are as follows: (1) female physicians' choice of specialty is influenced by the following reasons: (a) family responsibilities; (b) sex role expectations; and (c) sex discrimination; (2) female physicians' choice of specialty is also influenced by their age and ethnicity; and (3) the primary reasons for choosing a given specialty vary by type of specialty.^ The reasons for specialty selection will be explored based on a survey of women graduates of one of the oldest medical schools in the United States, The University of Texas Medical Branch (UTMB) in Galveston, Texas (n = 930). The survey response rate was 75.3% (700 respondents).^ The results for the first study hypothesis showed that fewer than 14% of the respondents agreed that sex role expectations, sex discrimination and family responsibilities played a role in their choice of specialty. Fifty nine percent of the respondents disagreed with the idea that sex role expectations influenced specialty selection and 64% disagreed that family responsibilities had an effect on the selection of their specialty. Around half (49%) were uncertain of the influence of sex discrimination. It was concluded that sex discrimination, sex role expectations and family responsibilities did not have a major impact on specialty selection.^ With respect to the second hypothesis, age was significant in Internal Medicine, Obstetrics/Gynecology and Psychiatry. Women physicians in Internal Medicine and Obstetrics/Gynecology were significantly younger (less than 45 years old) while physicians in Psychiatry were significantly older (45 years or older) than other specialties studied.^ The third hypothesis was confirmed: the reasons for choosing a given specialty varied by specialty.^ Respondents' comments written on the survey provided insight into other possible reasons for specialty selection including exploration of the role of mentoring and job satisfaction.^ The retrospective cross-sectional study design used in this study does not adequately capture the fact that different reasons may be given for the choice of specialty at different points in time, e.g., as the time of choosing a residency program versus several years into the future.^ In conclusion, approaches that explore the range of reasons that women elect to enter and stay within a given specialty must be explored to gain richer understanding of the complex and dynamic nature of women physicians' professional lives. (Abstract shortened by UMI.) ^

Delfina Bunge. Victoria Ocampo hacedoras de un espacio literario 1920-1940

Los teóricos de la literatura han propuesto una serie de conceptos específicos para estudiar la problematización del hecho literario. Unido a esto la noción de "espacio literario" aparece como búsqueda de la esencia de la literatura y de un campo donde se asiente la intimidad del yo. A partir de esta categoría y su asociación con el concepto de mentalidad, entendida como forma de pensar que se sucede a lo largo de la historia donde se plasman códigos de vida, en el presente trabajo se analizan dos ensayos sobre la problemática femenina y su inserción en el espacio intelectual de su época. El estudio de los ensayos de Delfina Bunge Las mujeres y su vocación y La mujer y su expresión de Victoria Ocampo pretende destacar la búsqueda de un espacio literario femenino propio centrando el interés particularmente en la problemática de la emancipación de la mujer. Los dos textos se articulan sobre algunos ejes temáticos comunes que permiten establecer coincidencias en el pensamiento de estas escritoras argentinas respecto de la maternidad, la educación y la igualdad respecto del varón.

Entre el testimonio y la autobiografía, Cartucho y la construcción de una memoria poética/política

Cartucho. Relatos de la lucha en el norte de México de Nellie Campobello es un libro excepcional que debido a su posicionamiento político y a la originalidad de su propuesta estética ha sido ignorado y despreciado, siempre a la sombra de los textos canónicos de la literatura de la revolución mexicana. Leemos el texto de Campobello bajo las claves del testimonio y de la autobiografía. Su construcción de una mirada infantil para contar desde una perspectiva villista los enfrentamientos en el norte revolucionario implica un rechazo del registro realista así como la indagación de una reescritura poética-política que recrea una memoria radical, a-moral y provocativa de los hechos de la revolución.

Rosalía de Flichman, también escritora

Rosalía L. de Flichman (1908-1992) es conocida en Mendoza sobre todo por su labor pictórica, la que creció y evolucionó desde la década de 1950, tanto en la difusión alcanzada por sus obras, como en los nuevos y diversos estilos transitados por la artista. También su nombre apareció en relatos de viaje a lejanos países publicados en diarios y revistas locales. En 1987 publicó el texto Rojos y blancos, Ucrania, que pertenece por su temática a la Literatura de Inmigración. En el libro, la autora recupera algunos recuerdos de su infancia en Ucrania, narra la huida familiar hacia el Oeste de Europa por causa de los pogromos de zaristas y bolcheviques y, por último, concluye con el viaje y la llegada a la Argentina en 1922. La perspectiva femenina del relato, su entrecruzamiento con la etapa vital por la que atraviesa la protagonista, así como la utilización del color y la luz otorgan a Rojos y blancos. Ucrania un valor literario más allá del puramente testimonial, que sin dudas enriquece la Literatura de Inmigración argentina y, dentro de ella, las letras femeninas de escritoras de origen judío.