904 resultados para City planning -- Spain
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Identity is a recurrent research interest in current sociolinguistics and it is also of primary interest in digital discourse studies. Identity construction is closely related to stance and style (Eckert 2008; Jaffe 2009), which are fundamental concepts for understanding the language use and its social meanings in the case of social media users from Malaga. As the specific social meanings of a set of dialect features constitute a style, this style and the social (and technological) context in which the variants are used determine the meanings that are actually associated with each variant. Hence, every variant has its own indexical field covering any number of potential meanings. The Spanish spoken in Malaga, as Andalusian Spanish in general, was in the past often times considered an incorrect, low prestige variety of Spanish which was strongly associated with the poor, rural, backward South of Spain. This southern Spanish variety is easily recognised because of its innovative phonetic features that diverge from the national standard. In this study several of these phonetic dialect features are looked at, which users from Malaga purposefully employ (in a textualised form) on social media for identity construction. This identity construction is analysed through interactional and ethnographic methods: A perception and an imitation task served as key data and were supplemented by answers to a series of open questions. Further data stems from visual, multimodal elements (e.g. images, photos, videos) posted by users from the city of Malaga. The program TAMS Analyzer was used for data codification and analysis. Results show that certain features that in spoken language are considered rural and old-fashioned, acquire new meaning on social media, namely of urbanity and fashion. Moreover, these features, if used online, are associated with hipsters. That is, the “cool” social media index the “coolness” of the dialect features in question and, thus, the mediatisation makes their indexical fields even more multi-layered and dynamic. Social media users from Malaga performatively employ these stylised dialect features to project a hipster identity and certain related stances.
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This paper discusses the issue of upgrading industrial clusters from the perspective of external linkages. It is taken for granted that in most developing countries, due to the limited domestic market and poor traditional commercial networks, industrial clusters are able to upgrade only when they are involved in global value chains. However, the rise of China’s industrial clusters challenges this view. Historically, China has had a lot of industrial clusters with their own traditional commercial networks. This fact combined with its huge population resulted in the formation of a unique external linage to China’s industrial clusters after the socialist planning period ended. In concrete terms, since the 1980s, a traditional commercial institution . the transaction market . began to appear in most clusters. These markets within the clusters get connected to those in the cities due to interaction between traditional merchants and local governments. This has resulted in the formation of a powerful market network-based distribution system which has played a crucial role for China’s industrial clusters in responding to exploding domestic demand. This paper explains these features in detail, using Yiwu China Commodity City as a case study.
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In Rangoon/Yangon, the ex-capital city of Burma/Myanmar, there still remain many old buildings today. Those buildings were constructed in the British colonial period, especially from the 1900s to the 1930s, and formed Rangoon's built environment as something modern. In focusing on the period before and after the inauguration of the Rangoon Development Trust in 1921, this paper describes how the colonial administrative authorities perceived urban problems and how their policy and practice affected urban society. It also suggests the possibility that competition for habitation among the lower strata of Rangoon society was a cause of the serious urban riot in 1930.
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Species selection for forest restoration is often supported by expert knowledge on local distribution patterns of native tree species. This approach is not applicable to largely deforested regions unless enough data on pre-human tree species distribution is available. In such regions, ecological niche models may provide essential information to support species selection in the framework of forest restoration planning. In this study we used ecological niche models to predict habitat suitability for native tree species in "Tierra de Campos" region, an almost totally deforested area of the Duero Basin (Spain). Previously available models provide habitat suitability predictions for dominant native tree species, but including non-dominant tree species in the forest restoration planning may be desirable to promote biodiversity, specially in largely deforested areas were near seed sources are not expected. We used the Forest Map of Spain as species occurrence data source to maximize the number of modeled tree species. Penalized logistic regression was used to train models using climate and lithological predictors. Using model predictions a set of tools were developed to support species selection in forest restoration planning. Model predictions were used to build ordered lists of suitable species for each cell of the study area. The suitable species lists were summarized drawing maps that showed the two most suitable species for each cell. Additionally, potential distribution maps of the suitable species for the study area were drawn. For a scenario with two dominant species, the models predicted a mixed forest (Quercus ilex and a coniferous tree species) for almost one half of the study area. According to the models, 22 non-dominant native tree species are suitable for the study area, with up to six suitable species per cell. The model predictions pointed to Crataegus monogyna, Juniperus communis, J.oxycedrus and J.phoenicea as the most suitable non-dominant native tree species in the study area. Our results encourage further use of ecological niche models for forest restoration planning in largely deforested regions.
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Hunting is assuming a growing role in the current European forestry and agroforestry landscape. However, consistent statistical sources that provide quantitative information for policy-making, planning and management of game resources are often lacking. In addition, in many instances statistical information can be used without sufficient evaluation or criticism. Recently, the European Commission has declared the importance of high quality hunting statistics and the need to set up a common scheme in Europe for their collection, interpretation and proper use. This work aims to contribute to this current debate on hunting statistics in Europe by exploring data from the last 35 years of Spanish hunting statistics. The analysis focuses on the three major pillars underpinning hunting activity: hunters, hunting grounds and game animals. First, the study aims to provide a better understanding of official hunting statistics for use by researchers, game managers and other potential users. Second, the study highlights the major strengths and weaknesses of the statistical information that was collected. The results of the analysis indicate that official hunting statistics can be incomplete, dispersed and not always homogeneous over a long period of time. This is an issue of which one should be aware when using official hunting data for scientific or technical work. To improve statistical deficiencies associated with hunting data in Spain, our main suggestion is the adoption of a common protocol on data collection to which different regions agree. This protocol should be in accordance with future European hunting statistics and based on robust and well-informed data collection methods. Also it should expand the range of biological, ecological and economic concepts currently included to take account of the profound transformations experienced by the hunting sector in recent years. As much as possible, any future changes in the selection of hunting statistics should allow for comparisons between new variables with the previous ones.
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According to Corine Land Cover databases, in Europe between 1990 and 2000,77% of new artificial surfaces were built on previous agrarian areas. Urban sprawl ¡s far from being under control, between 2000 and 2006 new artificial land has grown in larger proportion than the decade before. In Spain, like in most countries, the impact of urban sprawl during the last decades has been especially significant in periurban agrarian spaces: between 2000 and 2006, 73% of new artificial surfaces were built on previous agrarian areas. The indirect impact of this trend has been even more relevant, as the expectations of appreciation in the value of land after new urban developments reinforce the ongoing trend of abandonment of agricultural land. In Madrid between 1980 and 2000 the loss of agricultural land due to abandonment of exploitation was 2-fold that due to transformation into urban areas. By comparing four case studies: Valladolild, Montpellier.Florence and Den Haag, this paper explores if urban and territorial planning may contribute to reduce urban pressure on the hinterland. In spite of their diversity, these regions have in common a relative prosperity arising from their territorial endowments, though their landscapes are still under pressure. The three last ones have been working for years on mainstream concepts like multifunctional agriculture. The systematic comparison and the analysis of successful approaches provide some clues on how to reconsider urban planning in order to preserve agricultural land. The final remarks highlight the context in which public commitment, legal protection instruments and financial strategies may contribute to the goals of urban, peri-urban or regional planning about fostering agrarian ecosystem services
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The province of Salta is located the Northwest of Argentina in the border with Bolivia, Chile and Paraguay. Its Capital is the city of Salta that concentrates half of the inhabitants of the province and has grown to 600000 hab., from a small active Spanish town well founded in 1583. The city is crossed by the Arenales River descending from close mountains at North, source of water and end of sewers. But with actual growing it has become a focus of infection and of remarkable unhealthiness. It is necessary to undertake a plan for the recovery of the river, directed to the attainment of the well-being and to improve the life?s quality of the Community. The fundamental idea of the plan is to obtain an ordering of the river basin and an integral management of the channel and its surroundings, including the cleaning out. The improvement of the water?s quality, the healthiness of the surroundings and the improvement of the environment, must go hand by hand with the development of sport activities, of relaxation, tourism, establishment of breeding grounds, kitchen gardens, micro enterprises with clean production and other actions that contribute to their benefit by the society, that being a basic factor for their care and sustainable use. The present pollution is organic, chemical, industrial, domestic, due to the disposition of sweepings and sewer effluents that affects not only the flora and small fauna, destroying the biodiversity, but also to the health of people living in their margins. Within the plan it will be necessary to consider, besides hydric and environmental cleaning and the prevention of floods, the planning of the extraction of aggregates, the infrastructure and consolidation of margins works and the arrangement of all the river basin. It will be necessary to consider the public intervention at state, provincial and local level, and the private intervention. In the model it has been necessary to include the sub-model corresponding to the election of the entity to be the optimal instrument to reach the proposed objectives, giving an answer to the social, environmental and economic requirements. For that the authors have used multi-criteria decision methods to qualify and select alternatives, and for the programming of their implementation. In the model the authors have contemplated the short, average and long term actions. They conform a Paretooptimal alternative which secures the ordering, integral and suitable management of the basin of the Arenales River, focusing on its passage by the city of Salta.
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The authors are from UPM and are relatively grouped, and all have intervened in different academic or real cases on the subject, at different times as being of different age. With precedent from E. Torroja and A. Páez in Madrid Spain Safety Probabilistic models for concrete about 1957, now in ICOSSAR conferences, author J.M. Antón involved since autumn 1967 for euro-steel construction in CECM produced a math model for independent load superposition reductions, and using it a load coefficient pattern for codes in Rome Feb. 1969, practically adopted for European constructions, giving in JCSS Lisbon Feb. 1974 suggestion of union for concrete-steel-al.. That model uses model for loads like Gumbel type I, for 50 years for one type of load, reduced to 1 year to be added to other independent loads, the sum set in Gumbel theories to 50 years return period, there are parallel models. A complete reliability system was produced, including non linear effects as from buckling, phenomena considered somehow in actual Construction Eurocodes produced from Model Codes. The system was considered by author in CEB in presence of Hydraulic effects from rivers, floods, sea, in reference with actual practice. When redacting a Road Drainage Norm in MOPU Spain an optimization model was realized by authors giving a way to determine the figure of Return Period, 10 to 50 years, for the cases of hydraulic flows to be considered in road drainage. Satisfactory examples were a stream in SE of Spain with Gumbel Type I model and a paper of Ven Te Chow with Mississippi in Keokuk using Gumbel type II, and the model can be modernized with more varied extreme laws. In fact in the MOPU drainage norm the redacting commission acted also as expert to set a table of return periods for elements of road drainage, in fact as a multi-criteria complex decision system. These precedent ideas were used e.g. in wide Codes, indicated in symposia or meetings, but not published in journals in English, and a condensate of contributions of authors is presented. The authors are somehow involved in optimization for hydraulic and agro planning, and give modest hints of intended applications in presence of agro and environment planning as a selection of the criteria and utility functions involved in bayesian, multi-criteria or mixed decision systems. Modest consideration is made of changing in climate, and on the production and commercial systems, and on others as social and financial.
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In the year 1999 approves the Law of Construction Building (LOE, in Spanish) to regulate a sector such as construction, which contained some shortcomings from the legal point of view. Currently, the LOE has been in force 12 years, changing the spanish world of the construction, due to influenced by internationalization. Within the LOE, there regulating the different actors involved in the construction building, as the Projects design, the Director of Construction, the developer, The builder, Director of execution of the construction (actor only in Spain, similar as construcion engineer and abroad in), control entities and the users, but lacks figure Project manager will assume the delegation of the promoter helping and you organize, direct and management the process. This figure assumes that the market and contracts are not legally regulated in Spain, then should define and establish its regulation in the LOE. (Spain Construction Law) The translation in spanish of the words "Project Manager is owed to Professor Rafael de Heredia in his book Integrated Project Management, as agent acting on behalf of the organization and promoter assuming control of the project, ie Integraded Project Management . Already exist in Spain, AEDIP (Spanish Association Integrated of Project Construction management) which comprises the major companies in “Project Management” in Spain, and MeDIP (Master in Integrated Construction Project) the largest and most advanced studies at the Polytechnic University of Madrid, in "Construction Project Management" they teach which is also in Argentina. The Integrated Project ("Project Management") applied to the construction process is a methodological technique that helps to organize, control and manage the resources of the promoters in the building process. When resources are limited (which is usually most situations) to manage them efficiently becomes very important. Well, we find that in this situation, the resources are not only limited, but it is limited, so a comprehensive control and monitoring of them becomes not only important if not crucial. The alternative of starting from scratch with a team that specializes in developing these follow directly intervening to ensure that scarce resources are used in the best possible way requires the use of a specific methodology (Manual DIP, Matrix Foreign EDR breakdown structure EDP Project, Risk Management and Control, Design Management, et ..), that is the methodology used by "Projects managers" to ensure that the initial objectives of the promoters or investors are met and all actors in process, from design to construction company have the mind aim of the project will do, trying to get their interests do not prevail over the interests of the project. Among the agents listed in the building process, "Project Management" or DIPE (Director Comprehensive building process, a proposed name for possible incorporation into the LOE, ) currently not listed as such in the LOE (Act on Construction Planning ), one of the agents that exist within the building process is not regulated from the legal point of view, no obligations, ie, as is required by law to have a project, a builder, a construction management, etc. DIPE only one who wants to hire you as have been advanced knowledge of their services by the clients they have been hiring these agents, there being no legal obligation as mentioned above, then the market is dictating its ruling on this new figure, as if it were necessary, he was not hired and eventually disappeared from the building process. As the aim of this article is regular the process and implement the name of DIPE in the Spanish Law of buildings construction (LOE)
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La Región Metropolitana de Madrid (RMM) ha sufrido una gran transformación urbana en el periodo 1985-2007, en el cual ha crecido la población, ha crecido fuertemente el cuerpo físico, pero sobre todo han crecido su coste y su consumo, lo que supone que se ha vuelto más insostenible. Para tratar de comprender esta evolución asimétrica se ensayan sucesivos modelos que tratan de explicar la transformación de la realidad a través de la articulación de las formas de poder y sus políticas asociadas dentro del contexto local-metropolitano. Si se compara la transformación urbana en el periodo 1985-2007 respecto a la registrada durante el desarrollismo previo al presente periodo democrático, se encuentran similitudes, como el amplio consumo de suelo, pero el modelo desarrollista se inscribe en otras lógicas y tiene otros parámetros de contexto y es congruente ya que las últimas décadas del Régimen Franquista se caracterizan por un importantísimo aumento poblacional que se correspondía con el fuerte crecimiento industrial de la RMM. Esa congruencia relativa se pierde en el periodo estudiado, a pesar de que en 1985, se aprueba el Plan General de Ordenación Urbana de Madrid centrado en la ciudad existente y con un crecimiento contenido, y que puede considerarse un modelo abortado. Tras numerosas transformaciones políticas, económicas, sociales y urbanísticas se llega a una situación opuesta a la prevista en el citado Plan. Más de veinte años después, en 2007, se presentan no solo síntomas de agotamiento del modelo finalmente adoptado, sino su quiebra dramática tanto en su dimensión inmobiliario-financiera como del espacio del bienestar. Es precisamente la supresión de los mecanismos de regulación lo que ha caracterizado la evolución de los modelos urbanos, en correspondencia con la desregulación de las actividades económicas y de los flujos de capital propios del modelo "neoliberal". La actual crisis financiera internacional, en especial en algunos países periféricos europeos como España, ha demostrado cómo las políticas económicas que se han llevado a cabo, fuera de toda regulación, han resultado insostenibles. Pero no se trata solo de una crisis económica. En el caso español, de todas las dimensiones de la crisis, destaca la dimensión urbana, o el auge y caída del ciclo inmobiliario, debido a la urbanización intensiva del territorio en relación con el circuito secundario de la acumulación capitalista, habiendo tenido especial incidencia en algunos territorios como la RMM. En la Región Metropolitana de Madrid la situación actual es de crisis urbana, causada principalmente por el divorcio entre las necesidades y la producción de ciudad, pues no se ha basado el crecimiento en la creación de nuevos hogares, u otras cuestiones demográficas, sino en la acumulación de capital a través del crecimiento de la ciudad. Además, dicho crecimiento está conformado por una expansión urbana descontrolada, con mayores requerimientos energéticos que el modelo compacto y complejo tradicional, lo que unido a la escala de los procesos, supone un sistema urbano progresivamente ineficiente. El caso de la RMM resulta paradigmático, ya que la región ha desempeñado un papel como laboratorio de nuevas formas de gobierno y planificación que han dado un mayor protagonismo al espacio, que ha entrado en las dinámicas centrales principalmente por el apoyo al crecimiento físico, a la vez que han confluido circunstancias específicas, como un nuevo impulso al centralismo, lo que ha potenciado ciertas políticas, como considerar la ciudad como motor de crecimiento económico y de competitividad en el concierto europeo y mundial de ciudades. El estudio del papel de la planificación y sus crisis en la sucesión de los modelos, muestra su función nuclear en la propia constitución de estos —es parte fundamental de su aparato de regulación— y su valor no solo para poder entender el periodo, sino para poder proyectar otro futuro urbano. Este enfoque conduce a establecer la relación del planeamiento con las diferentes crisis económicas en el periodo de estudio lo que permite diferenciar tres momentos de dicha relación: la planificación urbanística austera bajo la influencia de la crisis fordista, la salida de la crisis a través de la imposición de un modelo urbano basado en el sobreproducción de espacio urbano, y la entrada en una crisis inmobiliaria y de financiarización en relación a la adopción de un modelo multidimensionalmente insostenible. El análisis de este periodo es la base para apuntar perspectivas que permitan transformar el gobierno urbano hacia un modelo urbano más deseable, o mejor aún, otros futuros posibles, que se enmarcan dentro de la alternativa principal que supone la sostenibilidad. Madrid's Metropolitan Region (MMR) has undergone a major urban transformation in the period 1985-2007, where the population has grown up, the built environment has grown strongly, but mostly its cost and consumption have grown, which means that it has become unsustainable. To try to understand this evolution successive asymmetric models are tested in order to explain the transformation of reality through the articulation of forms of power and its associated policies in that localmetropolitan context. Comparing the urban transformation in the period 1985-2007 to the existing during developmentalism in the current predemocratic period, both have similarities in terms of land consumption, but the previous developmentalism model is part of another logics and has got other context parameters. It is consistent since the last decades of the Franco Regime was characterized by an important population increase that corresponded to strong industrial growth of the MMR. This relative consistency is lost during the study period, although in 1985, with the approval of the Master Plan of Madrid that was focused on the existing city, with a limited growth, and it may be considered an interrupted model. After numerous political, economic, social and urban changes, there is the opposite situation to that foresight under that Plan. Over twenty years later, in 2007, there are not only signs of exhaustion of the model which was finally adopted, but also its dramatic collapse in both real estate and financial dimension of space as well. The urban transformation under analysis has relaunched the hegemony of the sectors that rule the growth of the Madrid's Metropolitan Region and it is supported by decision making and financing of the different administrations with the passivity of the social stakeholders and citizens. This has meant the removal of regulatory mechanisms that have characterized the evolution of urban models, corresponding to the deregulation of economic activities and capital flows according to "neoliberal" model. The current international financial crisis, especially in some European peripheral countries like Spain, has shown how economic policies that have been carried out, without any regulation, have proven unsustainable. But it is not only an economic crisis. In the Spanish case, of all the dimensions of the crisis, it is the urban dimension that is highlighted, or the rise and fall of real estate cycle, due to intensive urbanization of the territory in relation to the secondary circuit of capital accumulation, having had a particular impact in some territories such as the Madrid's Metropolitan Region. In Madrid's Metropolitan Region there is the current situation of urban crisis, mainly caused by the divorce between needs and the city (space) production, because no growth has been based on creating new homes, or other demographic issues, but in the capital accumulation through growth of the city. Furthermore, this growth is made up of urban sprawl, with higher energy requirements than the traditional compact and complex one, which together with the scale of processes, is increasingly an inefficient urban system. The case of Madrid's Metropolitan Region is paradigmatic, since the region has played a role as a laboratory for new forms of governance and planning have given a greater role to space, which has entered the core dynamics supported mainly by physical growth, while specific circumstances have come together as a new impulse to centralization. This has promoted policies such as considering the city as an engine of economic growth and competitiveness in the international and the European hierarchy of cities. The study of the role of planning and crisis in the succession of models, shows its nuclear role in the constitution of these models is a fundamental part of its regulatory apparatus- and also its value not only to understand the period, but to anticipate to other urban future. This approach leads to establish the relationship of planning with the various crises in the study period, allowing three different moments of that relationship: the austere urban planning under the influence of Fordist crisis, the output of the crisis through imposition of an urban model based on the overproduction of urban space, and entry into a housing crisis and financialisation in relation to the adoption of a multi-dimensionally unsustainable model. The analysis of this period is the basis for targeting prospects that translate urban governance towards a more desirable urban model, or better yet, other possible futures, which are part of the main alternative that is sustainability.
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The geochemical fingerprint of sediment retrieved from the banks of the River Manzanares as it passes through the City of Madrid is presented here. The river collects the effluent water from several Waste Water Treatment (WWT) plants in and around the city, such that, at low flows, up to 60% of the flow has been treated. A total of 18 bank-sediment cores were collected along the course of the river, down to its confluence with the Jarama river, to the south–east of Madrid. Trace and major elements in each sample were extracted following a double protocol: (a) “Total” digestion with HNO3, HClO4 and HF; (b) “Weak” digestion with sodium acetate buffered to pH=5 with acetic acid, under constant stirring. The digests thus obtained were subsequently analysed by ICP-AES, except for Hg which was extracted with aqua regia and sodium chloride-hydroxylamine sulfate, and analysed by Cold Vapour-AAS. X-ray diffraction was additionally employed to determine the mineralogical composition of the samples. Uni- and multivariate analyses of the chemical data reveal the influence of Madrid on the geochemistry of Manzanares' sediments, clearly manifested by a marked increase in the concentration of typically “urban” elements Ag, Cr, Cu, Pb and Zn, downstream of the intersection of the river with the city's perimeter. The highest concentrations of these elements appear to be associated with illegal or accidental dumping of waste materials, and with the uncontrolled incorporation of untreated urban runoff to the river. The natural matrix of the sediment is characterised by fairly constant concentrations of Ce, La and Y, whereas changes in the lithology intersected by the river cause corresponding variations in Ca–Mg and Al–Na contents. In the final stretch of the river, the presence of carbonate materials seems to exert a strong geochemical control on the amount of Zn and, to a lesser extent, Cu immobilised in the sediments. This fact suggests that a variable but significant proportion of both elements may be susceptible to reincorporation in the aqueous phase under realistic environmental conditions.
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The need of the Bourbon monarchy to build a Naval Base in the Bay of Cartagena (Spain) during the eighteenth century, implied performing various actions on the environment which allowed the construction of the new dock. One of the priority actions was the transformation of the watershed of the streams that flowed into Mandaraches´s sea. For this reason, a dike was designed and constructed in the northern part of the city. The design of this great work, which was designed as a fortification of the city, was subject to considerable uncertainties. Its proximity to the city involved the demolition of several buildings in the San Roque´s neighborhood. The greater or lesser number of affected buildings and the value of the just indemnification for the expropriation of them, become decisive factors to determine if the work was viable for the Royal Estate or not.
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No tenemos conocimiento de ninguna red de caminos prerromanos que sirvieran como base de una posible malla territorial de España. Sin embargo, una sociedad prerromana sin caminos, por muy fragmentada y aislada que fuera, es algo improbable y mucho menos en la Edad del Hierro. Por eso en época prerromana existían infinidad de caminos, muchos de los cuales hoy han desaparecido y otros han sobrevivido, casi siempre con sus recorridos mejorados. Los pueblos prerromanos aprovecharon vías naturales de comunicación (ríos, vados, valles, puertos naturales, llanuras, etc.) para tender sus caminos. En sus orígenes no siguieron pautas concretas, si no que los caminos se originaban por el tránsito (de personas, ganados, mercancías, etc.) de un lugar a otro. De este modo la red viaria prerromana era caótica y anárquica: todo camino tenía numerosos ramales y variantes, según las necesidades. Pendientes excesivas, anchuras variables, etc., en decir eran vías espontáneas, surgidas sin ninguna planificación aparente. Los recorridos en general eran cortos, aunque algunas investigaciones actuales están demostrando que algunas de las cañadas ganaderas más importantes, como la Galiana, y de largo recorrido, eran de origen prerromano. En el caso de la península Ibérica, y más concretamente en el caso de la Meseta, el territorio estaba fragmentado en diversos pueblos y tribus, agrupados según criterios étnicos y culturales y con contactos con los pueblos próximos que motivan la preponderancia de caminos de recorrido cortos. Solo la necesidad de llevar los rebaños (de cabras y ovejas sobre todo) desde las serranías en verano a las llanuras en invierno, motivaría viajes más largos en los que algunas cañadas ganaderas jugarían un papel más importante. Con la llegada de los romanaos, se implantó en Hispania una densa red viaria, cuya construcción se prolongó durante toda la dominación romana, siendo reparadas muchas calzadas y vías en varias ocasiones. En época romana la red caminera era variada y estaba constituida por “las calzadas” que comunicaban puntos importantes, eran muy transitadas, de ahí que la administración romana las mantuviera siempre en buen estado, para asegurar el intercambio comercial entre zonas distintas, cobro de impuestos, etc. “Los caminos de tierra (viae terrenae)” que además de las calzadas, que podemos asemejar a las actuales carreteras de primer y segundo orden, constituían la infinidad de caminos locales y comarcales. Los trazados se realizaron unos en época romana, y otros muchos apoyándose en los caminos de la época prerromana, éstas vías no se realizaban buscando el recorrido más corto entre dos puntos, ni tampoco el más cómodo y con un firme estructural de menor importancia que en las calzadas. Tampoco estaban hechos para un tipo concreto de transporte, por lo que nos encontraríamos algunos que por su anchura permitían el paso de carros, y otros que sólo permitirían el paso a pie, a caballo o en burro. Solían ser, como hemos indicado, caminos de tierra con acabados en zahorras y recorridos en su mayor parte cortos y medianos. Dentro de la malla territorial de España las calzadas constituirían las denominadas “viae publicae” que constituían la red principal y esqueleto vertebrador de Hispania. Los caminos de tierra constituirían los denominados “actus” caminos de carácter regional que configuraban la mayor parte de la red. Muchas de las “viae publicae” y de los “actus” tendrían su origen en las “viae militares” que habrían sido los primeros construidos, apoyándose en muchas ocasiones en los caminos prerromanos, por los romanos para realizar la conquista de Hispania y que luego con la Paz romana habrían tenido otro tipo de uso. Dentro de estas “viae militares” tuvieron una importancia relevancia aquellas que se utilizaron en la conquista de la Celtiberia, culminada con la caída de Numantia. Dentro de ellas tuvo una importancia fundamental la vía romana del río Alhama, objeto de esta Tesis, que facilitaría el desplazamiento de los ejércitos romanos desde Graccurris, primera ciudad romana fundada en el Ebro medio, hasta Numantia. Desde la época Augusta, la vía romana del río Alhama, pasaría a formar parte de los denominados “actus” formando parte de la malla territorial de la Península Ibérica como vía de comunicación entre la Meseta y el Ebro Medio. We do not have knowledge of any network of ways prerromanos that were serving as base of a possible territorial mesh of Spain. Nevertheless, a company prerromana without ways, for very fragmented and isolated that was, is something improbable and great less in the Age of the Iron. Because of it in epoch prerromana existed infinity of ways, many of which today have disappeared and others have survived, almost always with his improved tours. The people prerromanos took advantage of natural routes of communication (rivers, fords, valleys, natural ports, plains, etc.) to stretch his ways. In his origins concrete guidelines did not continue, if not that the ways were originating for the traffic (of persons, cattle, goods, etc.) to and from. Thus the network viaria prerromana was chaotic and anarchic: all way had numerous branches and variants, according to the needs. Excessive slopes, variable widths, etc., in saying were spontaneous routes arisen without no apparent planning. The tours in general were short, though some current investigations are demonstrating that some of the most important cattle glens, as the Galiana, and of crossed length, were of origin prerromano. In case of the Iberian Peninsula, and more concretely in case of the Plateau, the territory was fragmented in diverse peoples and tribes, grouped according to ethnic and cultural criteria and with contacts with the near peoples that motivate the prevalence of short ways of tour. Only the need to take the flocks (of goats and sheeps especially) from the mountainous countries in summer to the plains in winter, would motivate longer trips in which some cattle glens would play a more important paper. With the arrival of the romanos, a dense network was implanted in Roman Spain viaria, whose construction extended during the whole Roman domination, being repaired many causeways and routes in several occasions. In Roman epoch the pertaining to roads network was changed and constituted by " the causeways " that were communicating important points, they were very travelled, of there that the Roman administration was supporting always in good condition, to assure the commercial exchange between different zones, collection of taxes, etc. "The dirt tracks (viae terrenae)" that besides the causeways, which we can make alike to the current roads of the first and second order, were constituting the infinity of local and regional ways. The tracings were realized some in Roman epoch, and great others resting on the ways of the epoch prerromana, these routes were not realized looking for the most short tour neither between points, two nor neither most comfortable and with a structural road surface of minor importance that in the causeways. They were not also done for a concrete type of transport, for what some of us would think that for his width they were allowing the step of cars, and others that only would allow the step afoot, astride or in donkey. They were in the habit of being, since we have indicated, dirt tracks with ended in zahorras and tours in his most short and medium. Inside the territorial mesh of Spain the causeways would constitute the called ones "viae publicae" that constituted the principal network and skeleton vertebrador of Roman Spain. The dirt tracks would constitute the "actus” called ways of regional character that were forming most of the network. Many of "viae publicae" and of the "actus" they would have his origin in " viae military" that would have been the first ones constructed, resting on many occasions on the ways prerromanos, for the Romans to realize the conquest of Roman Spain and that then with the Roman Peace they would have had another type of use. Inside these "viae military" had an importance relevancy those that were in use in the conquest of the Celtiberia, reached with Numantia's fall. Inside them a fundamental importance had the Roman route of the river Alhama, object of this Thesis, which would facilitate the displacement of the Roman armies from Graccurris, the first Roman city been founded on the average Ebro, up to Numantia. From the August epoch, the Roman route of the river Alhama, would happen to form a part of the "actus” forming a part of the territorial mesh of the Iberian Peninsula as road link between the Plateau and the Average Ebro.
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La sequía es un fenómeno natural que se origina por el descenso de las precipitaciones con respecto a una media, y que resulta en la disponibilidad insuficiente de agua para alguna actividad. La creciente presión que se ha venido ejerciendo sobre los recursos hídricos ha hecho que los impactos de la sequía se hayan visto agravados a la vez que ha desencadenado situaciones de escasez de agua en muchas partes del planeta. Los países con clima mediterráneo son especialmente vulnerables a las sequías, y, su crecimiento económico dependiente del agua da lugar a impactos importantes. Para reducir los impactos de la sequía es necesaria una reducción de la vulnerabilidad a las sequías que viene dada por una gestión más eficiente y por una mejor preparación. Para ello es muy importante disponer de información acerca de los impactos y el alcance de este fenómeno natural. Esta investigación trata de abarcar el tema de los impactos de las sequías, de manera que plantea todos los tipos de impactos que pueden darse y además compara sus efectos en dos países (España y Chile). Para ello se proponen modelos de atribución de impactos que sean capaces de medir las pérdidas económicas causadas por la falta de agua. Los modelos propuestos tienen una base econométrica en la que se incluyen variables clave a la hora de evaluar los impactos como es una variable relacionada con la disponibilidad de agua, y otras de otra naturaleza para distinguir los efectos causados por otras fuentes de variación. Estos modelos se adaptan según la fase del estudio en la que nos encontremos. En primer lugar se miden los impactos directos sobre el regadío y se introduce en el modelo un factor de aleatoriedad para evaluar el riesgo económico de sequía. Esto se hace a dos niveles geográficos (provincial y de Unidad de Demanda Agraria) y además en el último se introduce no solo el riesgo de oferta sino también el riesgo de demanda de agua. La introducción de la perspectiva de riesgo en el modelo da lugar a una herramienta de gestión del riesgo económico que puede ser utilizada para estrategias de planificación. Más adelante una extensión del modelo econométrico se desarrolla para medir los impactos en el sector agrario (impactos directos sobre el regadío y el secano e impactos indirectos sobre la Agro Industria) para ello se adapta el modelo y se calculan elasticidades concatenadas entre la falta de agua y los impactos secundarios. Por último se plantea un modelo econométrico para el caso de estudio en Chile y se evalúa el impacto de las sequías debidas al fenómeno de La Niña. iv Los resultados en general muestran el valor que brinda el conocimiento más preciso acerca de los impactos, ya que en muchas ocasiones se tiende a sobreestimar los daños realmente producidos por la falta de agua. Los impactos indirectos de la sequía confirman su alcance a la vez que son amortiguados a medida que nos acercamos al ámbito macroeconómico. En el caso de Chile, su diferente gestión muestra el papel que juegan el fenómeno de El Niño y La Niña sobre los precios de los principales cultivos del país y sobre el crecimiento del sector. Para reducir las pérdidas y su alcance se deben plantear más medidas de mitigación que centren su esfuerzo en una gestión eficiente del recurso. Además la prevención debe jugar un papel muy importante para reducir los riesgos que pueden sufrirse ante situaciones de escasez. ABSTRACT Drought is a natural phenomenon that originates by the decrease in rainfall in comparison to the average, and that results in water shortages for some activities. The increasing pressure on water resources has augmented the impact of droughts just as water scarcity has become an additional problem in many parts of the planet. Countries with Mediterranean climate are especially vulnerable to drought, and its waterdependent economic growth leads to significant impacts. To reduce the negative impacts it is necessary to deal with drought vulnerability, and to achieve this objective a more efficient management is needed. The availability of information about the impacts and the scope of droughts become highly important. This research attempts to encompass the issue of drought impacts, and therefore it characterizes all impact types that may occur and also compares its effects in two different countries (Spain and Chile). Impact attribution models are proposed in order to measure the economic losses caused by the lack of water. The proposed models are based on econometric approaches and they include key variables for measuring the impacts. Variables related to water availability, crop prices or time trends are included to be able to distinguish the effects caused by any of the possible sources. These models are adapted for each of the parts of the study. First, the direct impacts on irrigation are measured and a source of variability is introduced into the model to assess the economic risk of drought. This is performed at two geographic levels provincial and Agricultural Demand Unit. In the latter, not only the supply risk is considered but also the water demand risk side. The introduction of the risk perspective into the model results in a risk management tool that can be used for planning strategies. Then an extension of the econometric model is developed to measure the impacts on the agricultural sector (direct impacts on irrigated and rainfed productions and indirect impacts on the Agri-food Industry). For this aim the model is adapted and concatenated elasticities between the lack of water and the impacts are estimated. Finally an econometric model is proposed for the Chilean case study to evaluate the impact of droughts, especially caused by El Niño Southern Oscillation. The overall results show the value of knowing better about the precise impacts that often tend to be overestimated. The models allow for measuring accurate impacts due to the lack of water. Indirect impacts of drought confirm their scope while they confirm also its dilution as we approach the macroeconomic variables. In the case of Chile, different management strategies of the country show the role of ENSO phenomena on main crop prices and on economic trends. More mitigation measures focused on efficient resource management are necessary to reduce drought losses. Besides prevention must play an important role to reduce the risks that may be suffered due to shortages.
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The aim of this paper is to propose an integrated planning model to adequate the offered capacity and system frequencies to attend the increased passenger demand and traffic congestion around urban and suburban areas. The railway capacity is studied in line planning, however, these planned frequencies were obtained without accounting for rolling stock flows through the rapid transit network. In order to provide the problem more freedom to decide rolling stock flows and therefore better adjusting these flows to passenger demand, a new integrated model is proposed, where frequencies are readjusted. Then, the railway timetable and rolling stock assignment are also calculated, where shunting operations are taken into account. These operations may sometimes malfunction, causing localized incidents that could propagate throughout the entire network due to cascading effects. This type of operations will be penalized with the goal of selectively avoiding them and ameliorating their high malfunction probabilities. Swapping operations will also be ensured using homogeneous rolling stock material and ensuring parkings in strategic stations. We illustrate our model using computational experiments drawn from RENFE (the main Spanish operator of suburban passenger trains) in Madrid, Spain. The results show that through this integrated approach a greater robustness degree can be obtained