Colectividades agrarias en la región de Girona, 1936-1939

En el contexto de la revolución y la Guerra civil española se desarrolló en las comarcas de Girona un proceso colectivista agrario protagonizado principalmente por jornaleros, payeses sin tierra suficiente (en propiedad o arrendada) para vivir de ella y algunos pequeños y medianos propietarios o arrendatarios. La colectivización agraria en la región, cobijada bajo las siglas de la Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), afecto principalmente a las grandes fincas o mansos y, en función de factores locales, económicos, sociales y políticos, tuvo una tipología diferenciada y un desarrollo desigual. Los sucesos de mayo de 1937 marcaron el punto de inflexión de la acción colectivista y desencadenaron su progresiva decadencia. Claramente minoritaria frente al reparto de la tierra y la explotación familar de la misma, la opción colectivista, básicamente voluntaria, aunque fracasó como alternativa al modelo de producción y distribución capitalista, intentó establecer unas relaciones sociales basadas en la igualdad económica y en la libertad individual, y fue el referente claro del proceso revolucionario en el campo. FASES: -Julio-octubre 1936: incautación de los medios de producción agraria y constitución de las colectividades. -octubre 1936-abril 1937:participación gubernamental de la CNT, paulatina recomposición del estado y progresivo aislamiento de las colectividades. -Mayo 1937 en adelante fase de decadencia caracterIzada por el ataque legal y político contra las colectividades. -En las comarcas de L'Alt Emporda, el Baix Emporda, La Garrotxa, el Gironès y la Selva (región de Girona) no hubo ningún ataque armado explicito contra las colectividades agrarias.

L'anarquisme individualista a Espanya 1923-1938

La present tesi doctoral té com a objectiu delimitar, descriure i analitzar el discurs ideològic, en clau interna, de l'anarquisme individualista, una de les tendències minoritàries i més mal conegudes de l'anarquisme a Espanya entre 1923 i 1938. A la part preliminar de la investigació es tracta d'acotar les bases epistemològiques del subjecte d'investigació. I en aquest sentit, es realitza un esforç per tractar d'arribar a una definició sobre l'anarquisme individualista. També s'analitzen els antecedents historiogràfics, es duu a terme un estat historiogràfic de la qüestió i s'exposen els criteris metodològics emprats. La primera part de la investigació tracta d'analitzar, en capítols successius, els fonaments teòrics de l'individualisme anarquista, ressegueix i descriu els processos de penetració a l'estat espanyol i exposa i analitza la trajectòria de les principals vies de debat i difusió a l'entorn de la teoria individualsta. En el primer cas, l'autor es remunta als orígens ideològics, fonamentats en l'obra fundacional de L'Ego i la seva propietat, del filòsof bavarès Max Stirner. Posteriorment es comenta el substrat filosòfic individualista de procedència nord-americana, amb autors com Henry David Thoreau, Josiah Warren o Benjamin Tucker i es destaca la influència de l'individualisme d'arrel francesa, de finals de segle XIX, amb el rol jugat per anarcoindividualistes com Émile Armand o Han Ryner. En el següent capítol s'exposa l'absència d'un individualisme espanyol autòcton i la dependència ideològica dels corrents foranis, en especial del francès, donats els estrets contactes a banda i banda del Pirineu. També es planteja la qüestió de la diferent intensitat de la presència d'individualisme entre diferents sectors pertanyents al complex univers individualista. També es realitza una descripció de la trajectòria cronològica d'aquest corrent, remuntant-se des de finals del segle XIX, amb la irrupció de la filosofia de Nietzsche, fins a l'acabament de la guerra civil espanyola. El quart capítol enumera els diferents òrgans de propaganda des del qual s'expressa aquest pensament i es descriu breument les tendències individualistes de cadascun d'ells. La segona part de la investigació analitza, en clau interna, el pensament individualista, a partir del seu material imprès i publicat. Així es descriuen els principis generals, els intens associacionistes, o es comenta el paper dels individualisme al llarg de la guerra civil. Posteriorment es comenten aspectes més concrets, com ara la filosofia educativa del moviment, la extraordinària importància que té la qüestió de l'amor lliure i l'emancipació sexual per als seus seguidors, i altres aspectes complementaris que tindran una extraordinària presència i importància en l'anarquisme individualista com serà l'annacionalisme, l'antimilitarisme i el naturisme. Es conclou la tesi destacant les aportacions al panorama historiogràfic i a l'esforç realitzat pel seu autor per recuperar la memòria col·lectiva.

Continua a haver duas Espanhas

A Espanha contemporânea foi violentamente marcada pela Guerra Civil dos anos 30 do século passado e pelas violências que a acompanharam. Marcas que ainda hoje continuam presentes na memória colectiva e na forma como essa memória contribui para a demarcação de campos políticos e ideológicos.

Los orígenes de la Revolución de Quito en 1809 (Debates)

La Revolución de Quito de 1809 no fue un movimiento por la independencia. Lejos de ello, se trató de una reacción local ante la crisis de la monarquía española. A lo largo del siglo XVIII, el Reino de Quito experimentó un declive económico, político y jurídico. Supeditado a las capitales de dos virreinatos –Lima y Santa Fe–, Quito buscaba el estatus de una capitanía general independiente con el fin de liberarse del dominio de Nueva Granada y Perú. Convencido de que España estaba perdida y de que los españoles en Quito traicionarían al reino y aceptarían el gobierno francés, un grupo de quiteños tomó el control del gobierno y puso en práctica un programa que garantizara la autonomía y que promoviera sus intereses económicos. No obstante, otras provincias del reino, cuyos intereses se vieron amenazados, se opusieron a Quito y unieron fuerzas con los virreyes de Perú y Nueva Granada para extinguir el levantamiento que duró unos tres meses.

Type specimens of G.E. Post in Beirut and The Natural History Museum, London

The Flora of Syria, Palestine and Sinai, a pioneer Flora of the region, was published in 1896 by George Edward Post (1838–1909). Lesser known are his series of Diagnoses plantarum novarum orientalium, published in the Journal of the Linnean Society Botany, and 10 papers, Plantae Postianae, which appeared in Swiss journals from 1890 to 1900. A greatly expanded second edition of the Flora was prepared by John Edward Dinsmore and published in Beirut in 1932 and 1933. Post's plant collection is part of the Post Herbarium (BEI), with about 63 000 specimens, that has been well maintained, despite civil war and inadequate staffing. This work involves the identification of around 150 types in BEI and BM, and improvement of the accessibility of the specimens. © 2009 The Linnean Society of London, Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society, 2009, 159, 315–321.

Diamond mining, rice farming, and a ‘Maggi cube’: a viable survivial strategy in rural Liberia?

Since the conclusion of its 14-year civil war in 2003, Liberia has struggled economically. Jobs are in short supply and operational infrastructural services, such as electricity and running water, are virtually nonexistent. The situation has proved especially challenging for the scores of people who fled the country in the 1990s to escape the violence and who have since returned to re-enter their lives. With few economic prospects on hand, many have elected to enter the artisanal diamond mining sector, which has earned notoriety for perpetuating the country's civil war. This article critically reflects on the fate of these Liberians, many of whom, because of a lack of government support, finances, manpower and technological resources, have forged deals with hired labourers to work artisanal diamond fields. Specifically, in exchange for meals containing locally grown rice and a Maggi (soup) cube, hired hands mine diamondiferous territories, splitting the revenues accrued from the sales of recovered stones amongst themselves and the individual ‘claimholder’ who hired them. Although this cycle—referred to here as ‘diamond mining, rice farming and a Maggi cube’—helps to buffer against poverty, few of the parties involved will ever progress beyond a subsistence level

Free People of Color: expulsion and enslavement in the Antebellum South

This chapter explores the expulsion and enslavement of free People of Color in the southern states of the USA before the Civil War.

Palm oil, land rights and ecosystem services in Gbarpolu County, Liberia

As part of the rebuilding efforts following the long civil war, the Liberian government has renegotiated long-term contracts with international investors to exploit natural resources. Substantial areas of land have been handed out in large-scale concessions across Liberia during the last five years. While this may promote economic growth at the national level, such concessions are likely to have major environmental, social and economic impacts on local communities, who may not have been consulted on the proposed developments. This report examines the potential socio-economic and environmental impacts of a proposed large-scale oil palm concession in Bopolu District, Gbarpolu County in Liberia. The research provided an in-depth mapping of current resource use, livelihoods and ecosystems services, in addition to analysis of community consultation and perceptions of the potential impacts of the proposed development. This case study of a palm oil concession in Liberia highlights wider policy considerations regarding large-scale land acquisitions in the global South: • Formal mechanisms may be needed to ensure the process of Free, Prior, Informed Consent takes place effectively with affected communities and community land rights are safeguarded. • Rigorous Environmental and Social Impact Assessments need to be conducted before operations start. Accurate mapping of customary land rights, community resources and cultural sites, livelihoods, land use, biodiversity and ecosystems services is a critical tool in this process. • Greater clarity and awareness-raising of land tenure laws and policies is needed at all levels. Good governance and capacity-building of key institutions would help to ensure effective implementation of relevant laws and policies. • Efforts are needed to improve basic services and infrastructure in rural communities and invest in food crop cultivation in order to enhance food security and poverty alleviation. Increasing access to inputs, equipment, training and advice is especially important if male and female farmers are no longer able to practice shifting cultivation due to the reduction/ loss of customary land and the need to farm more intensively on smaller areas of land.

Varieties of parliamentarianism

From the start of the English civil war, the parliamentarians were a fragmented coalition, held together by distrust of the king and a belief that Parliament was entitled to lead action to remedy his government’s deficiencies. The driving motivations of parliamentarians were various, including the religious commitments of puritanism, legalistic thought about the ancient constitution, and more radical notions of republicanism or natural rights. Historians have disputed whether parliamentarianism had an inherent strand of radicalism – or radical potential – from the early 1640s, but radicalization certainly took place as the civil wars went on, alongside more ‘conservative’ reactions against the propaganda and wartime measures employed by parliament. Parliamentarian radicalism itself was varied in character, embracing the Levellers’ populism, parliamentary absolutism, and millenarian and providentialist ideas.

E-learning opens the door to the global community. Novice users experiences of e-learning in a Somali University

E-learning has become one of the primary ways of delivering education around the globe. In Somalia, which is a country torn within and from the global community by a prolonged civil war, University of Hargeisa has in collaboration with Dalarna University in Sweden adopted, for the first time, e-learning. This study explores barriers and facilitators to e-learning usage, experienced by students in Somalia’s higher education, using the University of Hargeisa as case study. Interviews were conducted with students to explore how University of Hargeisa’s novice users perceived elearning, and what factors positively and negatively affected their e-learning experiences. The Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT) model was used as a framework for interpreting the results. The findings show that, in general, the students have a very positive attitude towards e-learning, and they perceived that e-learning enhanced their educational experience. The communication aspect was found to be especially important for Somali students, as it facilitated a feeling of belonging to the global community of students and scholars and alleviated the war-torn country’s isolation. However, some socio-cultural aspects of students’ communities negatively affected their e-learning experience. This study ends with recommendations based on the empirical findings to promote the use and enhance the experience of e-learning in post conflict Somali educational institutions

In Their Footsteps, In Their Words: Special Section, 1813-1863

In Their Footsteps and In Their Words: Colby explores the first 50 years, from Jeremiah Chaplin to the Civil War.

Um Vice-reinado na República do pós-30: Juarez Távora, as interventorias do Norte e a Guerra de 1932

Esta tese investiga a trajetória da região geopolítica conhecida como Norte, durante o Governo Provisório varguista (1930-1934). Ela começou a ser gestada no imediato pós- 30 e, nos anos seguintes, tornou-se uma das forças políticas mais ativas de todo o período. O Norte era formado pelo então território federal do Acre e os estado do Amazonas, Pará, Maranhão, Piauí, Ceará, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Alagoas, Sergipe, Bahia e Espírito Santo. Nesta conjuntura, as principais posições políticas e militares nesses estados passaram a ser ocupadas pelos que adotaram a autodesignação de revolucionários nortistas. A invenção e consolidação dessa identidade política tinha como elemento agregador o reconhecimento de Juarez Távora como grande líder e representante dos interesses da região junto ao Governo Provisório. Chamado ironicamente, por seus opositores, de “Vice-rei do Norte”, Távora liderou esse grupo durante todo o período, construindo uma importante aliança entre essa região geopolítica e o Governo Provisório. Desse modo, o Norte, seus revolucionários e seu líder foram os principais apoiadores de Vargas na defesa do projeto de centralização política, em oposição a outras correntes, sobretudo as que pregavam o retorno ao regime constitucional. Dessa forma, o Norte participou decisivamente do processo de radicalização que desembocou na guerra civil de 1932, enviando milhares de soldados para os campos de batalha e combatendo, dentro da região, os possíveis aliados do movimento rebelde liderado por São Paulo. Com o fim da guerra e confirmado o retorno do país ao regime constitucional, apesar da tentativa de permanecer como um grande bloco político, a região se fragmenta e os antigos laços que definiam a identidade dos revolucionários nortistas se dissolvem, assim como a liderança indiscutível de seu líder e herói, Juarez Távora.

Divided Brazil awaits Rousseff after poll win

In her victory speech, President Dilma Rousseff said she did not believe the nation’s closest election in a generation had divided Brazil. But she only needed to go online to see the civil war raging on social media to see how much the campaign had split Brazil, pitting rich against poor, friend against friend.

Foreign support, internal political disputes and mass killings

This paper studies the incentives underlying the relations between foreign countries and rival domestic groups. It models the interaction in a infinitely-repeated game between these three players. The domestic groups bargain for a split of the domestic surplus and may engage in violent dispute for power and in unilateral mass killing processes. The foreign country may choose to support one of these groups in exchange for monetary transfers. The paper characterizes the parametric set in which strategies leading to no violent disputes nor mass killings are Subgame Perfect Nash Equilibra in the presence of foreign support, but not in its absence.

Identidade e participação da comunidade rural nos processos de desenvolvimento local:desafios e competências do regulado de Nhambita-Moçambique

This thesis is defined as a reflection on the mechanisms of expression and insertion of the homo situs in the participatory governance in Mozambique. For a better understanding of this social fact, it was settled a periodization which covered the decline of colonialism at the time of the independence, which was proclaimed in June 1975, the civil war that lasted over 16 years and the period of the democratic State, further established. Therefore, we sought to understand the mechanisms and failures of the participation of the homo situs in local development projects that absorbed the needs and problems of these peasants, not mobilizing the skills and social competences of these communities. It would be essential for the homo situs a genuine democratic practice involving a political culture based on the social construction of the territories of the traditional man which was characterized by being procedural and historical, finding in participation its higher base. In this context, it would be desirable that the community development in Mozambique could contemplate and respect the choices of the homo situs. For this purpose, it would be fundamental the consistency between theory and practice, which builds and rebuilds, continually the competence of the peasants, facilitating the possibility of realization of their primordial aspirations. In the research, it became apparent that there is not a continuous process of participation of the rural communities, which appear as participants, only at the time of the implementation of the activities. Therefore, even having the participation of the communities expected by the law, with predictable moments of discussion and necessary conditions for that, the State failed to establish an ongoing process of democratic dialogue with traditional populations, as well as it failed to organize, properly, accurate informational bases to help solve the problems of rural areas. These facts have led to obstacles to the process of conquest of the human and civil rights of the traditional communities