748 resultados para socio-political integration
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The European Union (EU) is widely acknowledged as a successful example of economic and political integration of nation states today – a slate of democratic institutions such as the European Parliament have also been developed and European citizens now possess extensive political and civil rights by virtue of the introduction of European citizenship. Nevertheless, the EU is said to suffer from a so called “democratic deficit” even as it seeks deeper and closer integration. Decades of institutional design and elite closed-door decisions has taken its toll on the inclusion and integration of European citizens in social and political life, with widening socio-economic inequalities and the resurgence of extreme-right parties during in the wake of the debt crisis in the Eurozone. This paper attempts to evaluate the democratic development of the EU through the use of a process-oriented approach, and concludes at the end with discussions on the various options that the EU and its citizens can take to reform democratic processes and institutions in Europe.
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Since mid-2015 Turkey has been affected by a deep internal crisis, caused by rising political polarisation, increased levels of terrorist threat (posed by the Kurds and Islamic radicals) and the revived conflict with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). As a consequence of this crisis, over 350,000 residents of south-eastern Turkey have been forced to leave their homes. At the same time, due to the migration crisis and despite mutual distrust in relations between Turkey and the EU, cooperation between Ankara and Brussels has been intensifying. Turkey’s ongoing destabilisation does not challenge the status of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which is de facto controlled by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan; paradoxically, it strengthens the party. The internal crisis which the authorities have been deliberately fuelling is an element of a plan to rubber-stamp political change by introducing a presidential system of government. This is happening amid a thorough reconstruction of the socio-political order which has been underway for over a decade. In the upcoming months it is expected to result in the constitution being changed and, as a consequence, the institutionalisation of Erdoğan’s autocratic rule.
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This manuscript is based on a PhD thesis submitted at the Institute of Social Anthropology at the University of Bern in 2014. The dissertation was part of the research project „Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region and Chinese Territoriality. The Development of Infrastructure and Han Migration into the Region“ under the supervision of Prof. Dr. Heinzpeter Znoj and financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation SNSF. Madlen Kobi analyzes the architectural and socio-political transformation of public places and spaces in rapidly urbanizing southern Xinjiang, P.R. China, and in doing so pays particular attention to the cities of Aksu and Kaxgar. As the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region lies in between China and Central Asia, it is especially characterized by differing political, cultural, and religious influences, and, furthermore, due to its being a multiethnic region, by multiple identities. One might expect cultural and social identities in this area to be negotiated by referring to history, religion, or food. However, they also become visible by the construction and reconstruction, if not demolition, of public places, architectural landmarks, and private residences. Based on ethnographic fieldwork performed in 2011 and 2012, the study explores everyday life in a continuously transforming urban environment shaped by the interaction of the interests of government institutions, investment companies, the middle class, and migrant workers, among many other actors. Here, urban planning, modernization, and renewal form a highly sensitive lens through which the author inspects the tense dynamics of ethnic, religious, and class-based affiliations. She respects varieties and complexities while thoroughly grounding unfolding transformation processes in everyday lived experiences. The study provides vivid insights into how urban places and spaces in this western border region of China are constructed, created, and eventually contested.
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El presente trabajo se propone abordar una serie de parlamentos indígenas (considerados ámbitos de consenso) realizados en los espacios de Pampa y Patagonia a finales del siglo XIX. El objetivo del artículo es realizar un análisis socio-político sobre estos ámbitos de consenso para identificar cuáles son los actores que participan en ella, tratando de interpretar algunas características que hacen a la dinámica política y a las estrategias políticas que llevan adelante algunos grupos étnicos con sus respectivos líderes. Por otra parte, y desde un punto de vista metodológico, el trabajo se focaliza en realizar un análisis comparativo sobre los parlamentos indígenas que se llevan adelante, sincrónicamente, en un espacio y en otro para de esta forma evitar generalizaciones sobre el objeto de estudio
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A variety of texts are translated to fulfil functions for political communication across languages, cultures, and ideologies. For example, newspapers regularly provide quotes of statements by foreign politicians, without explicitly indicating that these politicians were actually speaking in their own languages. Politicians react to statements by other politicians as they were presented to them in translation. Political scientists and other experts often debate the potential political consequences of (the translation of) a statement. This chapter addresses the (in)visibility of translation in political communication and the link between textual profiles of translations and the socio-political contexts in which they are produced. The analyses are conducted from the perspective of Translation Studies. The focus is on institutionalised forms of political discourse, i.e. texts that originate in political or media institutions. The link between translation profiles and the social, institutional, ideological conditions of text production is illustrated with reference to authentic political texts (interviews, speeches by politicians, press conferences), mainly involving English, French and German as source and target languages.
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Although we are aware of some positive cases of leadership and management emerging on the African continent, very little empirical or theoretical work has addressed leadership and management in Africa. This raises a challenge for African nations in that ultimately a country's economic performance is contingent on the effectiveness of its leadership and management practices that serve to unlock the potential of its workforce to effectively implement the strategic goals of organizations. Against the backdrop of an increasingly knowledge-dependent global marketplace, the centrality of leadership and effective management systems as drivers of individual and organization performance has never been more critical. This special section brings together a compendium of papers that advances the science of leadership and management within the African context. Our principle goal was to examine what is unique, what generalizes, and what does not generalize from the West and East to Africa, as well as within different regions of Africa and then offer ideas to guide future research and practice. The papers in this section provide a broad and indeed innovative approach to studying leadership and management in Africa by including historical, philosophical, economic, and socio-political perspectives, as part of the analyses of leadership and management in the African context. Our editorial provides an integration of this work and a launching point for some audacious goals for future leadership and management science and practice in Africa and beyond. ©2011 The British Psychological Society.
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The objective of this study was to provide empirical evidence on the effects of relative price uncertainty and political instability on private investment. My effort is expressed in a single-equation model using macroeconomic and socio-political data from eight Latin American countries for the period 1970–1996. Relative price uncertainty is measured by the implied volatility of the exchange rate and political instability is measured by using indicators of social unrest and political violence. ^ I found that, after controlling for other variables, relative price uncertainty and political instability are negatively associated with private investment. Macroeconomic and political stability are key ingredients for the achievement of a strong investment response. This highlights the need to develop the state and build a civil society in which citizens can participate in decision-making and express consent without generating social turmoil. At the same time the government needs to implement structural policies along with relative price adjustments to eliminate excess volatility in price movements in order to provide a stable environment for investment. ^
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The notion of autonomy arises in feminism as theory and action for horizontal and building self-appointed women in the project of social transformation. As part of the feminist movement - political subject of women - the autonomy is established dynamically, back and forth from the socio-historical context that sign and thus the correlation of forces that is with the women's group . Thus, for this work it was necessary to feminism take on your current process, which set the transitional period of "onguização" of feminist organizations (1980 to 2000), which discusses the relative loss of autonomy before the alliance as State and dependence on development agencies, for the current period, which incorporates discourses and practices through autonomous groups and their militants. Therefore, this study is based on research of autonomous feminism of young women, characterized as another radical and political integration proposed for that period. The aim then was to analyze the organizational capacity of autonomous feminist collective in Natal/RN, from the knowledge of the structure and dynamics of a group and understanding the consubstantiality gender, 'race'/ethnicity, class for the process organization. And with the participation of the Coletivo Autônomo Feminista Leila Diniz. This was in organizational transition, ending his career as ONGs and leaving for autonomous militancy. In order to achieve the so-objectification proposal, literature review was performed of the categories, feminism, autonomy, patriarchy, feminist activist conscientiously and collective; documentary research relating to the Group; participant observations within their meetings; and a themed workshop with some militants Autonomous Collective, which was produced pictures and speeches. The materialization of these instruments provided research analysis on the elements that constitute the young feminists and contemporary autonomous organizations, in view of the multiple experiences and the diversity of women who configures the subject [the subject] while feminist collective total. As well as taking a feminist militancy conscience expressed by the group studied the necessary re-appropriation of each other in combating patriarchal femininity, the hierarchical naturalizations marking the sex of women and the recognition as sex class for feminist autonomous organization for women's liberation.
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The aim of the paper is to analyze the impact of the economic crisis on the integration of the immigrant population in Spain. The Spanish case is singular because during the years of intense immigration achieved a remarkable degree of socio-cultural integration. The paper argues that such integration it has been the result of the confluence of exceptional factors rather than the result of the policy making. From a mixed methodology approach, it shows that, during the period of expansion, two factors of the immigration contribute to their coexistence with native population: finding job and access to public services. But the economic crisis, with its impact in terms of job losses and austerity policies, expose the weaknesses of the Spanish model of integration.
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Studies of strategic HRM have dominated HRM research over the last three decades. Focusing on the HRM-organisation performance relationship, researchers take various themes and perspectives in their approach to strategic HRM. Among these themes, two contrasting approaches of strategic HRM continue to flourish: first, the best practice approach suggests that certain HRM practices will have the same effect irrespective of context and, second, the best fit approach suggests that the choice of HRM practices should be designed in accordance with an organisations’ specific context. While there is little consensus on what constitutes strategic HRM, the most common feature agreed in this field is the notion of the strategic integration; aligning HRM practices with organisations’ overall strategic objectives (vertical fit) and with each other (horizontal fit). Utilising the best fit approach as its theoretical framework, this study examines how vertical and horizontal fit is practised in the Indonesian civil service and what factors likely influence the prevalence of vertical and horizontal fit in the Indonesian civil service context. This study is significant for two important reasons. Firstly, the literature suggests that there are limited studies examining the best fit concept in the civil sector despite its implementation in the private sector positively contributing to organisational performance improvement. Secondly, the study provides enlightenment on how the best fit approach could contribute to performance improvement in the Indonesian civil service. This is in line with the fact that negative images of the Indonesian civil service are continuously highlighted although various HRM reform initiatives have been put in place. To achieve the objectives of the study, the qualitative case study approach accompanied by semi-structured interviews was employed involving 53 senior officials and one focus group discussion from eight Indonesian government agencies, consisting of three central agencies mandated to manage human resources, the National Bureaucratic Reform Team and four line agencies from both central and local governments. Thematic analysis was employed for data analyses and NVIVO software was used to manage the data. The study suggests three main findings. First, various HRM initiatives in relation to the HRM reform have been introduced in the Indonesian civil service differentiating them from the old HRM practices. However, the findings indicate that some HRM policies are still contradicting and hinder vertical and horizontal fit. Second, despite the contradictory policies, vertical and horizontal fit can be seen in the line agencies which have been acknowledged as ‘reformed agencies’. This demonstrates that the line agencies play an important role in aligning HRM practices with the line agencies’ goals and objectives and with one another although they are bounded by HRM policies that are unlikely to support the vertical and horizontal fit concept. Third, factors influencing the prevalence of vertical and horizontal fit include knowledge of contemporary HRM in both central agencies and line agencies, commitment from the line agencies’ leaders, devolvement of HRM to the line agencies and the socio-political and economic environments of the Indonesian civil service. The findings of the study raise policy, practical and theoretical implications. In terms of policy implications, the study highlights the importance of fit in HRM policies to support the achievement of the line agencies’ goals. Therefore, when formulating an HRM policy, the central agencies need to ensure that the HRM policy is linked to line agencies’ goals and to other HRM policies. This is to ensure synchronisation among the policies and thus maximising the achievement of the line agencies’ goals. From the practical perspectives, the study highlights important points which can be learned by the central agencies in carrying out their strategic role with regard to the formulation of HRM policies; by the line agencies in maximising the contribution of HRM to the achievement of the goals and objectives of the agencies through the implementation of the best fit concept, and by the leaders of the agencies in providing continuous support to each of the involved parties in the line agencies and involving the HRM department in all agency’s strategic decision-making. In relation to the theoretical implication, it is clear that the best fit approach is not thoroughly applied due to factors discussed previously. However, this does not mean that the best fit concept cannot be implemented. As argued by McCourt & Ramgutty-Wong (2003), instead of adopting the whole concept of best fit, a modulated approach reflecting the best fit concept, such as selecting individual HRM practices and experimenting with devolution, is possible for civil service organisations which still embrace centralised HRM systems. As demonstrated in the findings, some of the line agencies being studied seem to be ready to adopt the best fit approach given that they have knowledge of the best fit concept, strong support from the top leader, less political intervention and less corruption, collusion, and nepotism practices in their HRM practices.
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Mestrado (dissertação)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Ciências da Saúde, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Saúde Coletiva, 2016.
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Con el inicio del periodo Post-Guerra Fría el Sistema Internacional comienza a experimentar un incremento en el fortalecimiento de su componente social; la Sociedad de Estados alcanza un mayor nivel de homogenización, el estado, unidad predominante de esta, comienzan atravesar una serie de transformaciones que obedecerán a una serie de cambios y continuidades respecto al periodo anterior. Desde la perspectiva del Realismo Subalterno de las Relaciones Internacionales se destacan el proceso de construcción de estado e inserción al sistema como las variables que determinan el sentimiento de inseguridad experimentado por las elites estatales del Tercer Mundo; procesos que en el contexto de un nuevo y turbulento periodo en el sistema, tomara algunas características particulares que darán un sentido especifico al sentimiento de inseguridad y las acciones a través de las cuales las elites buscan disminuirlo. La dimensión externa del sentimiento de inseguridad, el nuevo papel que toma la resistencia popular como factor determinante del sentimiento de inseguridad y de la cooperación, así como del conflicto, entre los miembros de la Sociedad Internacional, la inserción como promotor de estrategias de construcción de Estado, son alguno de los temas puntuales, que desde la perspectiva subalterna, parecen salir a flote tras el análisis del sistema en lo que se ha considerado como el periodo Post-Guerra Fría. En este sentido Yemen, se muestra como un caso adecuado no solo para poner a prueba las postulados de la teoría subalterna, veinte años después de su obra más prominente (The third world security Predicament), escrita por M. Ayoob, sino como un caso pertinente que permite acercarse más a la comprensión del papel del Tercer Mundo al interior de la Sociedad Internacional de Estados.
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An informed citizenry is essential to the effective functioning of democracy. In most modern liberal democracies, citizens have traditionally looked to the media as the primary source of information about socio-political matters. In our increasingly mediated world, it is critical that audiences be able to effectively and accurately use the media to meet their information needs. Media literacy, the ability to access, understand, evaluate and create media content is therefore a vital skill for a healthy democracy. The past three decades have seen the rapid expansion of the information environment, particularly through Internet technologies. It is obvious that media usage patterns have changed dramatically as a result. Blogs and websites are now popular sources of news and information, and are for some sections of the population likely to be the first, and possibly only, information source accessed when information is required. What are the implications for media literacy in such a diverse and changing information environment? The Alexandria Manifesto stresses the link between libraries, a well informed citizenry and effective governance, so how do these changes impact on libraries? This paper considers the role libraries can play in developing media literate communities, and explores the ways in which traditional media literacy training may be expanded to better equip citizens for new media technologies. Drawing on original empirical research, this paper highlights a key shortcoming of existing media literacy approaches: that of overlooking the importance of needs identification as an initial step in media selection. Self-awareness of one’s actual information need is not automatic, as can be witnessed daily at reference desks in libraries the world over. Citizens very often do not know what it is that they need when it comes to information. Without this knowledge, selecting the most appropriate information source from the vast range available becomes an uncertain, possibly even random, enterprise. Incorporating reference interview-type training into media literacy education, whereby the individual will develop the skills to interrogate themselves regarding their underlying information needs, will enhance media literacy approaches. This increased focus on the needs of the individual will also push media literacy education into a more constructivist methodology. The paper also stresses the importance of media literacy training for adults. Media literacy education received in school or even university cannot be expected to retain its relevance over time in our rapidly evolving information environment. Further, constructivist teaching approaches highlight the importance of context to the learning process, thus it may be more effective to offer media literacy education relating to news media use to adults, whilst school-based approaches focus on types of media more relevant to young people, such as entertainment media. Librarians are ideally placed to offer such community-based media literacy education for adults. They already understand, through their training and practice of the reference interview, how to identify underlying information needs. Further, libraries are placed within community contexts, where the everyday practice of media literacy occurs. The Alexandria Manifesto stresses the link between libraries, a well informed citizenry and effective governance. It is clear that libraries have a role to play in fostering media literacy within their communities.
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Schools have seldom been examined by scholars in studies of organizational sites. Yet schools and the educational context in which they operate, offer potentially important insights into how organizations use rhetoric in their communications to persuade audiences and leverage advantage in the marketplace. This study, which utilises rhetorical analysis to examine the persuasive, yet ambiguous strategies used in 65 school prospectuses in Australia, revealed six strategies consistently used by schools to leverage competitive advantage and persuade internal and external audiences: identification, juxtapositioning, bolstering or self-promotion, partial reporting, selfexpansion and reframing or reversal. As well as illustrating how schools operate in the context of marketisation and privatization discourses in 21st century education, the organizational theory and methods utilised for the research demonstrates how rhetorical strategies draw on, as well as reproduce, socio-political and cultural discourses around economic and social privilege.
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This paper argues that media and communications theory, as with cultural and creative industries analysis, can benefit from a deeper understanding of economic growth theory. Economic growth theory is elucidated in the context of both cultural and media studies and with respect to modern Chinese economic development. Economic growth is a complex evolutionary process that is tightly integrated with socio-cultural and political processes. This paper seeks to explore this mechanism and to advance cultural theory from an erstwhile political economy perspective to one centred about the co-evolutionary dynamics of economic and socio-political systems. A generic model is presented in which economic and social systems co-evolve through the origination, adoption and retention of new ideas, and in which the creative industries are a key part of this process. The paper concludes that digital media capabilities are a primary source of economic development.