56 resultados para slogans


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En 2011 Marradi llamó la atención sobre la expansión semántica que han sufrido algunos de los términos más utilizados en las ciencias sociales debido a un complejo de inferioridad respecto a las ciencias físicas. La cascada de los componentes conceptuales de las llamadas ciencias "duras" a la "blandas" es, sin duda, impresionante. Obviamente, el problema no es el mestizaje de las ciencias humanas, sino la substitución del pensamiento mismo con eslóganes, sin reflexionar sobre sus presupuestos epistemológicos y ontológicos. En mi presentación quiero extender el análisis de las consecuencias del complejo de inferioridad en tres direcciones: i. ampliando los referentes (los términos importados), incluyendo a otro término clave de parte de las ciencias sociales: el término indicador; ii. analizando la importancia que tuvo la cuantificación en el desarrollo de la disciplina sociológica, en competición con la disciplina económica para obtener un reconocimiento público; iii. marcando la importancia del éxito de una imagen de ciencia entre el mundo de los que toman decisiones políticas y económicas, que limita las posibilidades de la investigación social

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La corriente norteamericana llamada 'Nuevo periodismo', nacida en los años sesenta, supuso para la Periodística tradicional de Estados Unidos toda una revolución por la combinación de elementos literarios con otros propios de la investigación periodística. Hunter S. Thompson, autor de Miedo y asco en las Vegas (1971), con su periodismo gonzo, le iba a dar una vuelta más a la propuesta del New Journalism, llevando al extremo el proceso de inmersión, hasta implicarse personalmente en sus reportajes y acogiendo sobre todo influencias narrativas del movimiento Beat de los cincuenta. Casi 35 años después, en El Dorado, Juan-Cantavella hace un paralelismo entre Las Vegas y la ciudad de vacaciones en la costa mediterránea española, Marina D'Or y desarrolla en este ámbito una novela, protagonizada por su alter ego el periodista punk, Escargot. Novela, periodismo, gonzo, ficción, cuento, punk, ensayo, reportaje, 'aportaje', fragmentación discursiva, diálogos, monólogos interiores, descripciones, comunicados, telegramas, emails, notas de prensa, noticias radiofónicas, canciones, eslóganes, todo cabe para recrear géneros, para releer tradiciones periodísticas y literarias, y llegar a construir algo nuevo. Este trabajo analiza este proceso que va desde el periodismo gonzo, de Miedo y asco en Las Vegas a la narrativa española actual de El Dorado. Se ocupa de discernir los recursos literarios de que se sirve el periodista gonzo para construir sus reportajes y las herramientas periodísticas que nutren la 'narrativa punk' de Juan-Cantavella. Un ejemplo singular de simbiosis periodístico-literaria

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La mayoría de los investigadores considera que las primeras expresiones publicitarias se remontan a la Antigüedad; otros creen desproporcionada esta visión tan larga. Un tercer grupo lo integran aquéllos que adoptan criterios eclécticos. En este trabajo el objetivo ha sido, por una parte, reflexionar sobre por qué la historia de la publicidad cuenta en España con tan escasos estudios; y, por otra, ha sido mostrar las diferentes y más representativas propuestas cronológicas, partiendo de una clasificación propia que ordena la Historia publicitaria en dos modelos: generalista y restrictivo.

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On the Day of National Unity, celebrated in Russia every 4 November, members of nationalist movements organise a so-called Russian March in Moscow. In 2014 the nationalists took part in three competing marches, which illustrated the divisions present in these circles. The reason for these divisions is a difference of opinions on the policy pursued by Russia towards Ukraine. The pro-Russian, Russia-inspired protests in south-eastern Ukraine organised under the slogan of ‘defending’ the Russians living there (the ‘Russian Spring’) and the annexation of Crimea were received enthusiastically by the nationalists and contributed to a consolidation of these circles around the Kremlin which lasted for several months. In spite of this, opinions on the Russian government’s current policy towards the so-called Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics have been varied. The most radical groups have demanded that military support be offered, and that the ‘confederation’ of these republics, the so-called ‘Novorossiya’, should be officially recognised. They consider the Kremlin’s policy to have been too soft, and see the signing of the peace agreements in Minsk as a betrayal of the interests of the Russians. For the remaining representatives of nationalist circles, who are not so numerous and are less visible in the public sphere, finding a solution for Russia’s domestic problems remains a priority. Some of them oppose the very notion of Russia’s involvement in the conflict. Since the beginning of the ‘Russian Spring’, the Kremlin has fostered active attitudes among the nationalists and solicited their support, hoping to win a valuable ally. This has boosted hopes in these circles that their political position may be strengthened. The involvement in the fighting in Ukraine has led to a radicalisation of attitudes among the nationalists, and demonstrated that this group is ideologically motivated and has considerable potential for mobilisation. Moreover, the ‘Great Russian’ and anti-Western slogans some of them have propagated are reflected in views displayed by average Russians, who have been influenced by the patriotic enthusiasm which followed the annexation of Crimea. Due to all this, from among all the actors active on the opposition side, it is the nationalists – and not the representatives of the liberal and pro-Western opposition – that have the best prospects for access to the political stage in Russia. It cannot be ruled out that a further strengthening of the radical groups might also be boosted by the possible growing social frustration caused by the economic crisis, which additionally increases the risk of political destabilisation.

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Since the beginning of his third presidential term, Vladimir Putin has consistently invoked conservative ideology. Thus he legitimises the Kremlin’s new political strategy, the aim of which is to stabilise the regime and prevent any political mobilisation in Russia around a liberal agenda. This strategy is also intended to strengthen the legitimacy of the current model of government, by portraying it as ‘traditional’ for Russia; and to justify the government’s repressive and anti-Western policies. It also includes the policy of reintegrating the post-Soviet space under the auspices of Moscow, as evidenced by the annexation of Crimea and the Novorossiya project. This strategy was devised as a response to the galvanisation of adherents of liberalisation in Russia, namely the new middle class and a part of the business and administrative elites who publicly demonstrated their dissatisfaction with the regime in 2011 and 2012. However, the dissonance between the conservative slogans mouthed by the ruling elite and its actual conduct suggest that the Kremlin’s ‘conservative project’ is purely instrumental in nature, which in the longer term will undercut its effectiveness by undermining its credibility in the eyes of Russian society.

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Until 2008, Macedonia was leading the process of EU and NATO integration, and (after Croatia) was the fastest-reforming Western Balkan country. However, since Macedonia’s negotiations on joining the EU and NATO were blocked, in connection with its dispute with Greece, the Macedonian government has moved away from a policy of reform towards reinforcing its autocratic system and consolidating society behind nationalist slogans. Also the EU, which had hitherto been the driving force behind the changes, has due to its internal crises been paying little attention to violations of democratic standards in the Republic of Macedonia, tensions in relations between the Slavic Macedonians and the Albanian minority (which make up over 25% of the population), and the country’s permanent political domestic crises.

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In this paper, we analyze corporate slogans, understanding them as a discursive construction that is, as a pairing of form and function able to unite the notions of textual type and discursive genre. In this way, we developed a qualitative and quantitative analysis, aimed specifically to analyze the formal properties (phonetic, morphological and syntactic) and functional (semantic, pragmatic and discursive) of slogans. Furthermore, we attempted at verifying and quantifying recurring aspects involved in their construction, in order to capture configurational patterns underlying their formation. The data come from slogans collected in products and / or service stores in the metropolitan area of Natal city, Rio Grande do Norte. This research is based on the Cognitive-Functional Linguistics, that conjugates the North American functionalist tradition, represented by researchers as Talmy Givón, Paul Hopper, Joan Bybee, Elizabeth Closs-Traugott, with Cognitive Linguistics, in particular, the chain linked to Construction Grammar, as postulated by Adele Goldberg, William Croft e Jan-Olla Östman, among others. The results ratified the importance of the interface between the formal and functional aspects in the analysis of linguistic uses. These results point to the idea of the slogan as the pairing of form and function on textual / discursive level, in other words, as a discursive construction, constituting as cognitive storage of a scheme / model of textual formation with a specific discursive-pragmatic function.

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‘Shock’ advertising is the new black and the subject of the reflection in which this article engages. We do this in particular through consideration of the (largely) British high-street fashion house French Connection’s seemingly endless ‘FCUK’ campaign. The obvious resonance between this abbreviation and perhaps the most popular word in the English language was at the heart of the campaign’s appeal and it continues today through various extensions on both slogans and logos on French Connection’s own goods and indeed those who seek to piggy back upon and/or subvert its market power. It is far from the only example of such ‘shock’ tactics. Whether discussing reproduction in graphic detail with children, joyously dismantling chastity, or merely fucking with fuck, it seems that traditional mores can no longer remain virgin territory, unsullied by rapacious marketing. Our mediated experiences of reaching ‘extremes’, it now appears, are not paralysing, mesmerising, fascinating or inspiring but simply a further prod down the path leading to (gleeful) purchase. In this paper we explore how, via a series of semiotic reversals, the new, the strange, the unfamiliar and the would-be shocking are rendered banal, and thus thoroughly comprehensible through brand association and the endless re-iteration of existing works.

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El artículo analiza la figura del prosumidor desde los estudios visuales a partir de la combinación de la teoría de los actos de habla y los nuevos medios. El objetivo es evaluar si la distinción entre productores y consumidores, estrategias y tácticas de Michel de Certeau continúa siendo operativa en las interfaces gráficas de la cultura global de la información de Scott Lash. Para ello distingue dos tipos de performatividad de los actos de habla: la performatividad top-down del software, y la bottom-up de los juegos del lenguaje y las formas de vida. Estos tipos se aplican al análisis del discurso de los eslóganes que aparecen en los sitios web de las iniciativas “open” y de economía colaborativa, ya que las primeras están dedicadas a la producción de bienes inmateriales y las segundas a la producción de bienes materiales. El desarrollo muestra cómo los dos tipos de performatividad transforman el análisis textual de los estudios literarios y cinematográficos en una metodología capaz de investigar acciones materiales, humanas y no humanas. Las conclusiones describen el surgimiento de nuevas convenciones narrativas de poder y control ajenas a la ficción que apuntan a una “DIY society”.

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Uncle Dave Macon provided an essential link between nineteenth-century, urban popular stage music (especially the minstrel show and vaudeville) and commercialized country music of the 1920s. He preserved through his recordings a large body of songs and banjo techniques that had their origins in urban-based, nineteenth-century vaudeville and minstrelsy. Like the minstrel and vaudeville performers of the nineteenth century, Macon told jokes and stories, employed attention-grabbing stage gimmicks, marketed himself with boastful or outrageous slogans, and dressed with individual flair. At the same time, Macon incorporated many features from the rural-based folk music of Middle Tennessee. Overall, Macon’s repertoire, musical style, and stage persona (which included elements of the rube, country gentleman, and old man) demonstrated his deep absorption, and subsequent reinterpretation, of nineteenth-century musical traditions. Macon’s career offers a case study in how nineteenth-century performance styles, repertoire, and stage practices became a part of country music in the 1920s. As an artist steeped in two separate, but overlapping, types of nineteenth-century music—stage and folk—Macon was well-positioned to influence the development of the new commercial genre. He brought together several strains of nineteenth-century music to form a modern, twentieth-century musical product ideally suited to the new mass media of records, radio, and film. By tracing Macon’s career and studying his music, we can observe how the cross-currents of rural and popular entertainment during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries interacted to form the commercial genre we now know as country music.

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El estallido de la “Revolución de los Jazmines” cuestionó el éxito de un país que por más de dos décadas fue exaltado por el Banco Mundial (BM) y el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) por los logros alcanzados gracias a un programa de restructuración económica. Las exigencias e inconformidades de los manifestantes, que iban más allá de la falta de garantías democráticas, permitieron ver que el país sufría de problemas estructurales relacionados a los altos niveles de desempleo, la precariedad de la situación laboral y la desigualdad. Esta monografía pretende evaluar el papel que tuvieron las reformas económicas y en general el modelo de desarrollo que siguió Túnez de la mano del FMI y el BM, en el surgimiento y consolidación de las condiciones que dieron lugar a la Revolución de los Jazmines a finales del año 2010.