834 resultados para policy process


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La presente monografía tiene por objetivo analizar a través de la corriente constructivista de Alexander Wendt, cómo a partir de la política exterior de la Unión Europea, se crea una identidad europea que tiene efectos sobre Colombia a través de los Laboratorios de Paz. La creación de dicha identidad estuvo condicionada por la apropiación de ciertos mecanismos dentro de su política exterior, como la ayuda para el desarrollo y la diplomacia preventiva. Es de esta manera como la identidad europea afecta a Colombia a través de la creación de los Laboratorios de Paz por medio de mecanismos como actividades económicas alternativas y fuente de ingresos y empleo, sustitución de cultivos ilícitos, transferencia de conocimientos tecnológicos y administrativos, apoyo a procesos de paz al interior de la población, fortalecimiento institucional y participación ciudadana.

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RESUMEN En esta monografía el interés es comprender la dimensión de la captura del estado, su complejidad y cómo ha penetrado en la cultura política institucional de nuestro país; así mismo, el análisis permite entender el grado de influencia de los grupos de poder para lograr leyes y regulaciones a favor suyo en detrimento del interés general. Este trabajo aborda dicho fenómeno en los procesos de formulación e implementación de la política pública de Agro Ingreso Seguro – AIS– y explica consecuencias y efectos de la captura del Estado en su gobernabilidad y eficacia social. Para ello se desarrolló una investigación de tipo documental que permitió identificar el grado de legitimación de los propósitos de la política pública poniendo en perspectiva la intervención de agentes capturadores en el proceso de implementación de la política Agro Ingreso Seguro.

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Uno de los objetivos de la línea de Teoría y Práctica de las Políticas Públicas (TP3) es el análisis de las políticas públicas como objeto de estudio en sí mismo. En América Latina los estudios sobre este tema están más concentrados en el análisis práctico que en el académico, dejando de lado la posibilidad de teorizar y crear nuevos modelos que puedan ser replicados dentro de nuestros estudios de caso a nivel académico. Por ello, la tendencia ha sido la de copiar las teorías, enfoques y modelos propios de la escuela anglosajona (principalmente de Estados Unidos y Reino Unido), limitando nuestra capacidad de comprensión con respecto a nuestros fenómenos políticos, económicos y sociales. Por esta razón, durante el primer semestre de 2015 se creó el Semillero de Políticas Públicas con el fin de reflexionar sobre los vacíos que existen en la comprensión y el análisis de las políticas en Colombia y en Latinoamérica, para luego dar paso a la construcción de respuestas pertinentes. Esta publicación es el resultado de nuestra primera iniciativa como Semillero, la cual consiste en recoger las principales herramientas analíticas en el estudio académico de las políticas públicas, explicar sus postulados fundamentales, identificar sus fortalezas y debilidades y, finalmente, aplicar estas herramientas a un caso dentro del contexto colombiano.

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El interés de este estudio de caso es examinar la política pública “Plan Fronteras para la Prosperidad en el departamento de Norte de Santander” por medio de la realización de un análisis de política pública enfocado en la fase de la implementación de la misma. Se analiza y explica cómo es implementada la política pública en la sociedad beneficiaria de la misma y se identifican las herramientas dedicadas a cumplir tal fin. Posteriormente se evalúa la pertinencia de las mismas a través de un análisis de actores y una relación costo-efectividad comparada con otras de entidades del gobierno nacional, para así concluir cómo se desarrolló el proceso de implementación del PFP en el mencionado departamento.

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Este relatório apresenta os resultados iniciais de uma pesquisa de longo prazo sobre a presidência Brasileira e os outros poderes da federação. Várias pesquisas realizadas separadamente enfatizam a crescente importância do executivo, legislativo, e judiciário na política Brasileira desde a Constituição de 1988. Este relatório argumenta que, tomadas como um todo, estas pesquisas mostram um processo decisório mais complexo mais contestado, e mais democrático. Uma resenha das bibliografias recentes sobre as relações entre os três poderes no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos mostra a necessidade de mais pesquisa comparada sobre a separação dos poderes nestes dois países. O relatório também comunica os passos iniciais na organização de um banco de dados sobre sobre tendências de gastos entre os poderes da união a partir de dados oficiais sobre o Orçamento federal de 1995-2002.

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Esta dissertação examina o processo de produção de políticas públicas de turismo no Brasil e a institucionalização de instâncias participativas em âmbito federal. Para tanto, toma como objeto de estudo o Conselho Nacional de Turismo e seu funcionamento entre os anos de 2003 e 2006, com o propósito de identificar e analisar sua dinâmica política, considerando suas atribuições e sua representatividade. Com base em parâmetros teórico-conceituais advindos da Ciência Política e da Administração Pública, estabelece seu método de análise em dois pilares: de um lado, o contexto da criação e conformação de instâncias participativas no exercício da democracia e, mais especificamente, do crescimento dos conselhos de políticas públicas como instâncias deliberativas e de outro, as dinâmicas de interação - e competição - dos atores e grupos de interesse sobre a produção das políticas públicas de uma forma geral e, mais enfaticamente, considerando as especificidades das políticas de turismo. A partir da apreciação de tais parâmetros, a pesquisa tem como objetivo construir uma análise sobre as contradições e limitações deste órgão, que se apresenta simultaneamente como um instrumento participativo no contexto da democracia deliberativa e como mecanismo de governança junto à produção das políticas públicas de turismo.

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This work refers to one of the greatest infrastructure projects planned by the Federal Public Administration entitled Trem de Alta Velocidade RJ-Campinas (TAV Brasil) [High Speed Rail Rio de Janeiro – Campinas], also know as bullet train. The intent of this research is not to explore the technical issues of the project bu the description of some details contributes for a better understanting of the evolved technology. The focus of this work is found under the actions promoted by diverse political actors in such enterprise as well as the context which made the public grant not possible along the two mandates of President Lula and the first one of President Dilma Rousseff. This contemporary matter required a huge documentary investigation performed by available material on the internet, news report of the most important press vehicles in the country, essays and articles published by experts. Some people involved in this policy process were interviewed. These inputs enriched the data explaining the conceived actions and structure of the project by the federal government. The results and final considerations target the complexity of the project and the TAV auctions failure from 2010 to 2014, suggesting further researches concerning the retaking of the bullet train project.

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Pós-graduação em Educação - FCT

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In recent literature, the concept of policy subsystem has occupied a central place in many theoretical models, it is considered prime unit of analysis in recent approaches to the policy process. Subject of intense theoretical discussion, when compared to related concepts such as policy communities, policy networks and policy issues, these concepts can contribute to the analysis of political participation process, characteristic of democratic governments. This present study aims to present a critical review of the literature on subsystems, policy issues, policy networks and policy communities, as well as discuss these concepts emphasizing the participatory potential of the actors who make up these spaces, seeking to contribute to the dialogue of studies in public policy and participation policy in Brazil.

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From the organization of social movements in the late 1960s to the institutionalization of participatory politics in the Brazilian Federal Constitution in 1998 , the research agenda on participatory institutions in Brazil was not only consolidated in the academic setting as been growing and diversifying in the past decades. The main objective of this paper is to put the most recent literature of policy process applied to studies of participatory institutions. This paper assumes that the public policy are multidisciplinary epistemological field of knowledge. Thus, it is through the explanation of some of his theories and models of the policy process analysis that we aims to show new perspectives for the research agenda on participatory institutions.

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The Ph.D. dissertation analyses the reasons for which political actors (governments, legislatures and political parties) decide consciously to give away a source of power by increasing the political significance of the courts. It focuses on a single case of particular significance: the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 in the United Kingdom. This Act has deeply changed the governance and the organization of the English judicial system, has provided a much clearer separation of powers and a stronger independence of the judiciary from the executive and the legislative. What’s more, this strengthening of the judicial independence has been decided in a period in which the political role of the English judges was evidently increasing. I argue that the reform can be interpreted as a «paradigm shift» (Hall 1993), that has changed the way in which the judicial power is considered. The most diffused conceptions in the sub-system of the English judicial policies are shifted, and a new paradigm has become dominant. The new paradigm includes: (i) stronger separation of powers, (ii) collective (as well as individual) conception of the independence of the judiciary, (iii) reduction of the political accountability of the judges, (iv) formalization of the guarantees of judicial independence, (v) principle-driven (instead of pragmatic) approach to the reforms, and (vi) transformation of a non-codified constitution in a codified one. Judicialization through political decisions represent an important, but not fully explored, field of research. The literature, in particular, has focused on factors unable to explain the English case: the competitiveness of the party system (Ramseyer 1994), the political uncertainty at the time of constitutional design (Ginsburg 2003), the cultural divisions within the polity (Hirschl 2004), federal institutions and division of powers (Shapiro 2002). All these contributes link the decision to enhance the political relevance of the judges to some kind of diffusion of political power. In the contemporary England, characterized by a relative high concentration of power in the government, the reasons for such a reform should be located elsewhere. I argue that the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 can be interpreted as a result of three different kinds of reasons: (i) the social and demographical transformations of the English judiciary, which have made inefficient most of the precedent mechanism of governance, (ii) the role played by the judges in the policy process and (iii) the cognitive and normative influences originated from the European context, as a consequence of the membership of the United Kingdom to the European Union and the Council of Europe. My thesis is that only a full analysis of all these three aspects can explain the decision to reform the judicial system and the content of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Only the cultural influences come from the European legal complex, above all, can explain the paradigm shift previously described.

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Accurate assessments of anthropogenic carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions and their redistribution among the atmosphere, ocean, and terrestrial biosphere is important to better understand the global carbon cycle, support the climate policy process, and project future climate change. Present-day analysis requires the combination of a range of data, algorithms, statistics and model estimates and their interpretation by a broad scientific community. Here we describe datasets and a methodology developed by the global carbon cycle science community to quantify all major components of the global carbon budget, including their uncertainties. We discuss changes compared to previous estimates, consistency within and among components, and methodology and data limitations. CO2 emissions from fossil fuel combustion and cement production (EFF) are based on energy statistics, while emissions from Land-Use Change (ELUC), including deforestation, are based on combined evidence from land cover change data, fire activity in regions undergoing deforestation, and models. The global atmospheric CO2 concentration is measured directly and its rate of growth (GATM) is computed from the concentration. The mean ocean CO2 sink (SOCEAN) is based on observations from the 1990s, while the annual anomalies and trends are estimated with ocean models. Finally, the global residual terrestrial CO2 sink (SLAND) is estimated by the difference of the other terms. For the last decade available (2002–2011), EFF was 8.3 ± 0.4 PgC yr−1, ELUC 1.0 ± 0.5 PgC yr−1, GATM 4.3 ± 0.1 PgC yr−1, SOCEAN 2.5 ± 0.5 PgC yr−1, and SLAND 2.6 ± 0.8 PgC yr−1. For year 2011 alone, EFF was 9.5 ± 0.5 PgC yr−1, 3.0 percent above 2010, reflecting a continued trend in these emissions; ELUC was 0.9 ± 0.5 PgC yr−1, approximately constant throughout the decade; GATM was 3.6 ± 0.2 PgC yr−1, SOCEAN was 2.7 ± 0.5 PgC yr−1, and SLAND was 4.1 ± 0.9 PgC yr−1. GATM was low in 2011 compared to the 2002–2011 average because of a high uptake by the land probably in response to natural climate variability associated to La Niña conditions in the Pacific Ocean. The global atmospheric CO2 concentration reached 391.31 ± 0.13 ppm at the end of year 2011. We estimate that EFF will have increased by 2.6% (1.9–3.5%) in 2012 based on projections of gross world product and recent changes in the carbon intensity of the economy. All uncertainties are reported as ±1 sigma (68% confidence assuming Gaussian error distributions that the real value lies within the given interval), reflecting the current capacity to characterise the annual estimates of each component of the global carbon budget. This paper is intended to provide a baseline to keep track of annual carbon budgets in the future.

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Accurate assessment of anthropogenic carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions and their redistribution among the atmosphere, ocean, and terrestrial biosphere is important to better understand the global carbon cycle, support the climate policy process, and project future climate change. Present-day analysis requires the combination of a range of data, algorithms, statistics and model estimates and their interpretation by a broad scientific community. Here we describe datasets and a methodology developed by the global carbon cycle science community to quantify all major components of the global carbon budget, including their uncertainties. We discuss changes compared to previous estimates, consistency within and among components, and methodology and data limitations. Based on energy statistics, we estimate that the global emissions of CO2 from fossil fuel combustion and cement production were 9.5 ± 0.5 PgC yr−1 in 2011, 3.0 percent above 2010 levels. We project these emissions will increase by 2.6% (1.9–3.5%) in 2012 based on projections of Gross World Product and recent changes in the carbon intensity of the economy. Global net CO2 emissions from Land-Use Change, including deforestation, are more difficult to update annually because of data availability, but combined evidence from land cover change data, fire activity in regions undergoing deforestation and models suggests those net emissions were 0.9 ± 0.5 PgC yr−1 in 2011. The global atmospheric CO2 concentration is measured directly and reached 391.38 ± 0.13 ppm at the end of year 2011, increasing 1.70 ± 0.09 ppm yr−1 or 3.6 ± 0.2 PgC yr−1 in 2011. Estimates from four ocean models suggest that the ocean CO2 sink was 2.6 ± 0.5 PgC yr−1 in 2011, implying a global residual terrestrial CO2 sink of 4.1 ± 0.9 PgC yr−1. All uncertainties are reported as ±1 sigma (68% confidence assuming Gaussian error distributions that the real value lies within the given interval), reflecting the current capacity to characterise the annual estimates of each component of the global carbon budget. This paper is intended to provide a baseline to keep track of annual carbon budgets in the future.

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Community health workers (CHWs) are volunteers or paid members of communities that perform outreach, patient assistance, health education, and assist in navigation of healthcare system amongst other duties. The utilization of CHWs in hospital and community setting provides health benefits to their communities while reducing cost to the overall healthcare system. ^ The general population of Texas lacks adequate access to primary care. An important indicator of such a crisis is excessive usage of emergency department services in Texas, especially by the large minority population within the state. Also, unmanaged chronic diseases have been shown to be correlated with the excessive usage of emergency services. According to a recent survey of 25 Houston metropolitan area hospitals, almost 54% of the ER visits could have been resolved in primary care settings. A Galveston based study also indicated that the ER usage was higher amongst African-Americans and Latinos. Meanwhile, 28.5% of the total ER visits were made by Latinos from the surrounding areas (Begley et al., 2007). There is substantial evidence present which indicates enormous cost-savings that CHWs have produced in Texas and nationwide through reduction in unnecessary ER visits along with better management of chronic diseases (Fedder et al, 2003). ^ This paper provides an analysis regarding the need and importance for sustainable and stable sources of funding for Community health workers (CHWs) in Texas utilizing Kingdon's model of Agenda Setting as framework. The policy analysis is also aimed at reporting on the policy process and actions taken by Children at Risk to address this critical issue. Children at Risk, a Houston based advocacy organization, has created a legislative proposal that calls on the Texas Health and Human Commission to apply for a Medicaid §§1115 waiver to provide sustainable sources of funding for CHWs, Rep. John Zerwas sponsored HB 2244 bill and it was filed on March 3, 2011. The bill would affect the use of CHWs in Texas in two ways: 1) through the establishment and operation of a program designed to train and educate CHWs 2) by creating a statewide training and certification advisory committee. The advisory committee is required in the bill to submit recommendations for providing sustainable funding and employment for CHWs. The HB 2244 failed to move out of the House Public Health committee. However, HB2244 was amended into HB 2610 introduced by Representative Guillen. The House Bill 2610 is geared towards establishing a community-based navigator program in order to assist individuals applying for public assistance through the Internet. The House Bill 2610 was signed by the Governor and will be effective September 1, 2011.^