821 resultados para patriarchal relations of gender


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The expansion of transnational corporations is a fundamental part of contemporary globalising processes. Through their activities, transnational corporations also have impacts on national and cultural gender relations, thus highlighting that gender relations are indeed amenable, to some extent, to social change. Accordingly, large transnational corporations have many effects and implications for gender relations in society, as well as having their own gender relations within them, characteristically in the form of men’s far greater presence in management than women’s. A key aspect in the functioning of transnational corporations is thus the way they organise and restructure gender relations within their own activities. The research presented here on gender divisions and gender policies in largest Finnish multinational and national corporations is part of a longer-term examination of the relations of gender relations in transnational corporations. It sets out the results of a survey of the largest 100 Finnish corporations with regard to the following main kinds of question: · general information on the corporation’s size, sector and economic activities; · the gender composition of their employment, middle management, top management, and board; · their gender equality plans and related policies. The human resources manager or their equivalent or delegate of 62 corporations responded to the survey. The general analysis of the data obtained from the survey is presented in this research report. Special attention is given to relations between the gender divisions and the gender policies of corporations. Interpretations of the data and more general theoretical implications are discussed in the report, with special attention to theoretical ways forward.

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Bile acids are important steroid-derived molecules essential for fat absorption in the small intestine. They are produced in the liver and secreted into the bile. Bile acids are transported by bile flow to the small intestine, where they aid the digestion of lipids. Most bile acids are reabsorbed in the small intestine and return to the liver through the portal vein. The whole recycling process is referred to as the enterohepatic circulation, during which only a small amount of bile acids are removed from the body via faeces. The enterohepatic circulation of bile acids involves the delicate coordination of a number of bile acid transporters expressed in the liver and the small intestine. Organic anion transporting polypeptide 1B1 (OATP1B1), encoded by the solute carrier organic anion transporter family, member 1B1 (SLCO1B1) gene, mediates the sodium independent hepatocellular uptake of bile acids. Two common SNPs in the SLCO1B1 gene are well known to affect the transport activity of OATP1B1. Moreover, bile acid synthesis is an important elimination route for cholesterol. Cholesterol 7α-hydroxylase (CYP7A1) is the rate-limiting enzyme of bile acid production. The aim of this thesis was to investigate the effects of SLCO1B1 polymorphism on the fasting plasma levels of individual endogenous bile acids and a bile acid synthesis marker, and the pharmacokinetics of exogenously administered ursodeoxycholic acid (UDCA). Furthermore, the effects of CYP7A1 genetic polymorphism and gender on the fasting plasma concentrations of individual endogenous bile acids and the bile acid synthesis marker were evaluated. Firstly, a high performance liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry (HPLC-MS/MS) method for the determination of bile acids was developed (Study I). A retrospective study examined the effects of SLCO1B1 genetic polymorphism on the fasting plasma concentrations of individual bile acids and a bile acid synthesis marker in 65 healthy subjects (Study II). In another retrospective study with 143 healthy individuals, the effects of CYP7A1 genetic polymorphism and gender as well as SLCO1B1 polymorphism on the fasting plasma levels of individual bile acids and the bile acid synthesis marker were investigated (Study III). The effects of SLCO1B1 polymorphism on the pharmacokinetics of exogenously administered UDCA were evaluated in a prospective genotype panel study including 27 healthy volunteers (Study IV). A robust, sensitive and simple HPLC-MS/MS method was developed for the simultaneous determination of 16 individual bile acids in human plasma. The method validation parameters for all the analytes met the requirements of the FDA (Food and Drug Administration) bioanalytical guidelines. This HPLC-MS/MS method was applied in Studies II-IV. In Study II, the fasting plasma concentrations of several bile acids and the bile acid synthesis marker seemed to be affected by SLCO1B1 genetic polymorphism, but these findings were not replicated in Study III with a larger sample size. Moreover, SLCO1B1 polymorphism had no effect on the pharmacokinetic parameters of exogenously administered UDCA. Furthermore, no consistent association was observed between CYP7A1 genetic polymorphism and the fasting plasma concentrations of individual bile acids or the bile acid synthesis marker. In contrast, gender had a major effect on the fasting plasma concentrations of several bile acids and also total bile acids. In conclusion, gender, but not SLCO1B1 or CYP7A1 polymorphisms, has a major effect on the fasting plasma concentrations of individual bile acids. Moreover, the common genetic polymorphism of CYP7A1 is unlikely to influence the activity of CYP7A1 under normal physiological conditions. OATP1B1 does not play an important role in the in vivo disposition of exogenously administered UDCA.

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This dissertation inquires into the relationship between gender and biopolitics. Biopolitics, according to Michel Foucault, is the mode of politics that is situated and exercised at the level of life. The dissertation claims that gender is a technology of biopower specific to the optimisation of the sexual reproduction of human life, deployed through the scientific and governmental problematisation of declining fertility rates in the mid-twentieth century. Just as Michel Foucault claimed that sexuality became a scientific and political discourse in the nineteenth century, gender has also since emerged in these fields. In this dissertation, gender is treated as neither a representation of sex nor a cultural construct or category of identity. Rather, a genealogy of gender as an apparatus of biopower in conducted. It demonstrates how scientific and theoretical developments in the twentieth century marshalled gender into the sex/sexuality apparatus as a new technology of liberal biopower. Gender, I argue, has become necessary for the Western liberal order to recapture and re-optimise the life-producing functions of sex that reproduce the very object of biopolitics: life. The concept of the life function is introduced to analyse the life-producing violence of the sex/sexuality/gender apparatus. To do this, the thesis rereads the work of Michel Foucault through Gilles Deleuze for a deeper grasp of the material strategies of biopower and how it produces categories of difference and divides population according to them. The work of Judith Butler, in turn, is used as a foil against which to rearticulate the question of how to examine gender genealogically and biopolitically. The dissertation then executes a genealogy of gender, tracing the changing rationalities of sex/sexuality/gender from early feminist thought, through mid-twentieth century sexological, feminist, and demographic research, to current EU policy. According to this genealogy, in the mid-twentieth century demographers perceived that sexuality/sex, which Foucault observed as the life-producing biopolitical apparatus, was no longer sufficiently disciplining human bodies to reproduce. The life function was escaping the grasp of biopower. The analysis demonstrates how gender theory was taken up as a means of reterritorialising the life function: nature would be disciplined to reproduce by controlling culture. The crucial theoretical and genealogical argument of the thesis, that gender is a discourse with biopolitical foundations and a technology of biopower, radically challenges the premises of gender theory and feminist politics, as well as the emancipatory potential often granted to the gender concept. The project asks what gender means, what biopolitical function it performs, and what is at stake for feminist politics when it engages with it. In so doing, it identifies biopolitics and the problem of life as possibly the most urgent arena for feminist politics today.

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Revised: 2006-05.-- Published as an article in: Journal of Population Economics, 2007, vol. 18, issue 1, pp. 165-179.

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This paper presents new evidence on the role of gender segregation and pay structure in explaining gender wage differentials of full-time salaried workers in Spain. Data from the 1995 and 2002 Wage Structure Surveys reveal that raw gender wage gaps decreased from 0.24 to 0.14 over the seven-year period. Average differences in the base wage and wage complements decreased from 0.09 to 0.05 and from 0.59 to 0.40, respectively. However, the gender wage gap is still large after accounting for workers’ human capital, job and pay structure characteristics, and female segregation into low-paying industries, occupations, establishments, and occupations within establishments.

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The aim of this study is to analyze the gender segregation in undergraduate studies in the University from Basque Country (UPV/EHU). We use data from UPV/EHU for the period 2003-2013. We focus on the period from 2003 to 2013 to analyze the changes in the segregation over ten years. We analyze the tendencies of the men and the women inside undergraduate studies. Undergraduate studies are decomposed into five fields: Legal and social sciences, experimental sciences, engineering, arts and humanities, and health sciences. We draw segregation curves and compute the Gini segregation index within the Lorenz approach. Our results show that the gender segregation in undergraduate studies in the UPV/EHU has decreased from 2003 to 2013.

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The amphipod Gammarus lacustris, a regular representative of lacustrine communities, often plays a significant role in the transformation of matter and energy. The object of the present work was to clarify the quantitative side of the feeding of the amphipod under different conditions of habitation. Experimental works on determination of the rate of consumption of food and its dependence on body-weight were carried out in the summer periods 1975-1978 on three water-bodies of the Krasnoyarsk region, of different conditions of habitation for the amphipods.

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A formação da consciência na sociedade capitalista é atravessada por relações de alienação e pela ideologia dominante que dificultam o desenvolvimento da consciência revolucionária, desenvolvida na militância coletiva voltada para a transformação social. Na particularidade das mulheres, esse processo é mais difícil por estarem envolvidas em relações patriarcais de dominação, apropriação e exploração advindas, fundamentalmente, da divisão sexual do trabalho que, associadas a uma ideologia de uma suposta natureza feminina, as constitui como submissas, subservientes, passivas e apolíticas. Por isso, partimos da pergunta: como ocorre o processo de formação da consciência militante feminista em uma sociedade patriarcal e capitalista? O sentido geral desta tese é compreender a formação da consciência militante feminista e seus principais desdobramentos na luta de classes no Governo Lula. A delimitação do estudo no Governo Lula é motivada pela necessidade de compreensão do feminismo na contemporaneidade, mas, também, pela inquietação de analisar a capacidade de envolvimento político desse governo no campo dos movimentos feministas. A apreensão da lógica transformista que preside esse governo é fundamental para análise das lutas feministas, pois, se por um lado o Brasil presenciou a institucionalização de políticas sociais para as mulheres; por outro, muitos entraves ocorreram para a efetivação das mesmas, desde a falta de orçamento até a dificuldade da incorporação de uma perspectiva verdadeiramente feminista por parte do projeto de governo petista. A tese busca apreender a consciência militante feminista e a sua relação com a luta de classes no governo Lula, em uma perspectiva de totalidade, com o esforço de ir além da sua aparência fenomênica, mas, no seio das relações sociais de classe, raça e sexo inseridas na dinâmica dos projetos societários em disputa: o patriarcal-capitalista e o feminista-socialista. Realizamos uma pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo. Essa última foi desenvolvida por meio de entrevistas com 7 militantes orgânicas de cada um dos seguintes movimentos feministas: Articulação de Mulheres Brasileiras; Marcha Mundial de Mulheres e o Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas. Totalizamos, portanto, 21 entrevistas que articuladas à pesquisa documental de materiais produzidos por esses movimentos, bem como com a base teórica adquirida na pesquisa bibliográfica, obtivemos como principais conclusões: 1. O processo de formação da consciência militante feminista envolve como elementos indispensáveis às mulheres: (a) a apropriação de si e a ruptura com a naturalização do sexo; (b) o sair de casa; (c) a identificação na outra da sua condição de mulher; (d) a importância do grupo e da militância política em um movimento social; (e) a formação política associada às lutas concretas de reivindicação e de enfrentamento; 2. O feminismo contribui com a radicalização da democracia e com o tensionamento das relações de hierarquia presentes, inclusive, no interior de organizações de esquerda; 3. As políticas públicas para as mulheres no governo Lula, não corresponderam a uma perspectiva feminista, pois, não romperam com a responsabilização da mulher pela reprodução social antroponômica, tendo em vista o caráter familista das mesmas; 4. A autonomia política e financeira é o principal desafio para os movimentos feministas no Brasil.