An oration, delivered on the fourth day of July, 1839, before the citizens of Nashua, without distinction of party.

Mode of access: Internet.

Fourth European Conference on Infections in Leukaemia (ECIL-4): guidelines for diagnosis, prevention, and treatment of invasive fungal diseases in paediatric patients with cancer or allogeneic haemopoietic stem-cell transplantation.

Invasive opportunistic fungal diseases (IFDs) are important causes of morbidity and mortality in paediatric patients with cancer and those who have had an allogeneic haemopoietic stem-cell transplantation (HSCT). Apart from differences in underlying disorders and comorbidities relative to those of adults, IFDs in infants, children, and adolescents are unique with respect to their epidemiology, the usefulness of diagnostic methods, the pharmacology and dosing of antifungal agents, and the absence of interventional phase 3 clinical trials for guidance of evidence-based decisions. To better define the state of knowledge on IFDs in paediatric patients with cancer and allogeneic HSCT and to improve IFD diagnosis, prevention, and management, the Fourth European Conference on Infections in Leukaemia (ECIL-4) in 2011 convened a group that reviewed the scientific literature on IFDs and graded the available quality of evidence according to the Infectious Diseases Society of America grading system. The final considerations and recommendations of the group are summarised in this manuscript.

Proportionality and Party Success in Europe

This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles are about proportionality and party success in Europe, at European, national or district levels. Proportionality in this thesis denotes the proximity of seat shares parties receive compared to their respective vote shares, after the electoral system’s allocation process. This proportionality can be measured through numerous indices that illustrate either the overall proportionality of an electoral system or a particular election. The correspondence of a single party’s seat shares to its vote shares can also be measured. The overall proportionality is essential in three of the articles (1, 2 and 4), where the system’s performance is studied by means of plots. In article 3, minority party success is measured by advantage-ratios that reveal single party’s winnings or losses in the votes to seat allocation process. The first article asks how proportional are the European parliamentary (EP) electoral systems, how do they compare with results gained from earlier studies and how do the EP electoral systems treat different sized parties. The reasons for different outcomes are looked for in explanations given by traditional electoral studies i.e. electoral system variables. The countries studied (EU15) apply electoral systems that vary in many important aspects, even though a certain amount of uniformity has been aspired to for decades. Since the electoral systems of the EP elections closely resemble the national elections, the same kinds of profiles emerge as in the national elections. The electoral systems indeed treat the parties differentially and six different profile types can be found. The counting method seems to somewhat determine the profile group, but the strongest variables determining the shape of a countries’ profile appears to be the average district magnitude and number of seats allocated to each country. The second article also focuses on overall proportionality performance of an electoral system, but here the focus is on the impact of electoral system changes. I have developed a new method of visualizing some previously used indices and some new indices for this purpose. The aim is to draw a comparable picture of these electoral systems’ changes and their effects. The cases, which illustrate this method, are four elections systems, where a change has occurred in one of the system variables, while the rest remained unchanged. The studied cases include the French, Greek and British European parliamentary systems and the Swedish national parliamentary system. The changed variables are electoral type (plurality changed to PR in the UK), magnitude (France splitting the nationwide district into eight smaller districts), legal threshold (Greece introducing a three percent threshold) and counting method (d’Hondt was changed to modified Sainte-Laguë in Sweden). The radar plots from elections after and before the changes are drawn for all country cases. When quantifying the change, the change in the plots area that is created has also been calculated. Using these radar plots we can observe that the change in electoral system type, magnitude, and also to some extent legal threshold had an effect on overall proportionality and accessibility for small parties, while the change between the two highest averages counting method had none. The third article studies the success minority parties have had in nine electoral systems in European heterogeneous countries. This article aims to add more motivation as to why we should care how different sized parties are treated by the electoral systems. Since many of the parties that aspire to represent minorities in European countries are small, the possibilities for small parties are highlighted. The theory of consociational (or power-sharing) democracy suggests that, in heterogeneous societies, a proportional electoral system will provide the fairest treatment of minority parties. The OSCE Lund Recommendations propose a number of electoral system features, which would improve minority representation. In this article some party variables, namely the unity of the minority parties and the geographical concentration of the minorities were included among possible explanations. The conclusions are that the central points affecting minority success were indeed these non-electoral system variables rather than the electoral system itself. Moreover, the size of the party was a major factor governing success in all the systems investigated; large parties benefited in all the studied electoral systems. In the fourth article the proportionality profiles are again applied, but this time to district level results in Finnish parliamentary elections. The level of proportionality distortion is also studied by way of indices. The average magnitudes during the studied periodrange from 7.5 to 26.2 in the Finnish electoral districts and this opens up unequal opportunities for parties in different districts and affects the shape of the profiles. The intra-country case allows the focus to be placed on the effect of district magnitude, since all other electoral systems are kept constant in an intra-country study. The time span in the study is from 1962 to 2007, i.e. the time that the districts have largely been the same geographically. The plots and indices tell the same story, district magnitude and electoral alliances matter. The district magnitude is connected to the overall proportionality of the electoral districts according to both indices, and the profiles are, as expected, also closer to perfect proportionality in large districts. Alliances have helped some small parties to gain a much higher seat share than their respective vote share and these successes affect some of the profiles. The profiles also show a consistent pattern of benefits for the small parties who ally with the larger parties.

Proceedings of the Democratic Whig national convention, which assembled at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on the fourth of December, 1839, for the purpose of nominating candidates for president and vice president of the United States.

Signed by B. H. Martin, delegate from Arkansas.

An oration, delivered before the Republicans of Boston, on the fourth of July, 1823. ...

Pages [20]-27 contain: National anniversary. Celebration by the Republicans of Boston, Fourth of July, 1823.

An oration, delivered in the Independent, or Congregational Church, Charleston, before the State Rights & Free Trade Party, the State Society of Cincinnati, the Revolution Society, the '76 Association, and the State Volunteers, on the 4th of July, 1833, being the 57th anniversary of American Independence.

Mode of access: Internet.

Politics and protestant Lordship in North East Scotland during the reign of James VI: The life of George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal, 1554-1623

George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal is a case study of long-term, quietly successful and stable lordship through the reign of James VI. Marischal’s life provides a wholly underrepresented perspective on this era, where the study of rebellious and notorious characters has dominated. He is also a counter-example to the notion of a general crisis among the European nobility, at least in the Scottish context, as well as to the notion of a ‘conservative’ or ‘Catholic’ north east. In 1580 George inherited the richest earldom in Scotland, with a geographical extent stretching along the east coast from Caithness to East Lothian. His family came to be this wealthy as a long term consequence of the Battle of Flodden (1513) where a branch of the family, the Inverugie Keiths had been killed. The heiress of this branch was married to the third earl and this had concentrated a large number of lands, and consequently wealth, in the hands of the earls. This had, however, also significantly decreased the number of members and hence power of the Keith kindred. The third earl’s conversion to Protestantism in 1544 and later his adherence to the King’s Party during the Marian Civil War forced the Keiths into direct confrontation with their neighbours in the north east, the Gordons (led by the Earls of Huntly), a Catholic family and supporters of the Queen’s Party. Although this feud was settled for a time at the end of the war, the political turmoil caused by a succession of short-lived factional regimes in the early part of the personal reign of James VI (c.1578-1585) led the new (fourth) Earl Marischal into direct confrontation with the new (sixth) Earl of Huntly. Marischal was outclassed, outmanoeuvred and outgunned at both court and in the locality in this feud, suffering considerably. However, Huntly’s over-ambition in wider court politics meant that Marischal was able to join various coalitions against his rival, until Huntly was exiled in 1595. Marischal also came into conflict briefly with Chancellor John Maitland of Thirlestane as a consequence of Marischal’s diplomatic mission to Denmark in 1589-1590, but was again outmatched politically and briefly imprisoned. Both of these feuds reveal Marischal to be relatively cautious and reactionary, and both reveal the limitations of his power. Elsewhere, the study of Marischal’s activities in the centre of Scottish politics reveal him to be unambitious. He was ready to serve King James, the two men having a healthy working relationship, but Marischal showed no ambition as a courtier, to woo the king’s favour or patronage, instead delegating interaction with the monarch to his kinsmen. Likewise, in government, Marischal rarely attended any of the committees he was entitled to attend, such as the Privy Council, although he did keep a keen eye on the land market and the business conducted under the Great Seal. Although personally devout and a committed Protestant, the study of Marischal’s interaction with the national Kirk and the parishes of which he was patron reveal that he was at times a negligent patron and exercised his right of ministerial presentation as lordly, not godly patronage. The notion of a ‘conservative North East’ is, however, rejected. Where Marischal was politically weak at court and weak in terms of force in the locality, we see him pursuing sideways approaches to dealing with this. Thus he was keen to build up his general influence in the north and in particular with the burgh of Aberdeen (one result of this being the creation of Marischal College in 1593), pursued disputes through increasing use of legal methods rather than bloodfeud (thus exploiting his wealth and compensating for his relative lack of force) and developed a sophisticated system of maritime infrastructure, ultimately expressed through the creating of the burghs of Peterhead and Stonehaven. Although his close family caused him a number of problems over his lifetime, he was able to pass on a stable and enlarged lordship to his son in 1623.

Lepton sector of a fourth generation

In extensions of the standard model with a heavy fourth generation, one important question is what makes the fourth-generation lepton sector, particularly the neutrinos, so different from the lighter three generations. We study this question in the context of models of electroweak symmetry breaking in warped extra dimensions, where the flavor hierarchy is generated by choosing the localization of the zero-mode fermions in the extra dimension. In this setup the Higgs sector is localized near the infrared brane, whereas the Majorana mass term is localized at the ultraviolet brane. As a result, light neutrinos are almost entirely Majorana particles, whereas the fourth-generation neutrino is mostly a Dirac fermion. We show that it is possible to obtain heavy fourth-generation leptons in regions of parameter space where the light neutrino masses and mixings are compatible with observation. We study the impact of these bounds, as well as the ones from lepton flavor violation, on the phenomenology of these models.

Strongly coupled fourth generation at the LHC

We study extensions of the standard model with a strongly coupled fourth generation. This occurs in models where electroweak symmetry breaking is triggered by the condensation of at least some of the fourth-generation fermions. With focus on the phenomenology at the LHC, we study the pair production of fourth-generation down quarks, D(4). We consider the typical masses that could be associated with a strongly coupled fermion sector, in the range (300-600) GeV. We show that the production and successive decay of these heavy quarks into final states with same-sign dileptons, trileptons, and four leptons can be easily seen above background with relatively low luminosity. On the other hand, in order to confirm the presence of a new strong interaction responsible for fourth-generation condensation, we study its contribution to D(4) pair production, and the potential to separate it from standard QCD-induced heavy quark production. We show that this separation might require large amounts of data. This is true even if it is assumed that the new interaction is mediated by a massive colored vector boson, since its strong coupling to the fourth generation renders its width of the order of its mass. We conclude that, although this class of models can be falsified at early stages of the LHC running, its confirmation would require high integrated luminosities.

Logistics information systems adoption: an empirical investigation in Brazil

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to examine whether the level of logistics information systems (LIS) adoption in manufacturing companies is influenced by organizational profile variables, such as the company`s size, the nature of its operations and their subsectors. Design/methodology/approach - A review of the mainstream literature on US was carried out to identify the factors influencing the adoption of such information systems and also some research gaps. The empirical study`s strategy is based on a survey research in Brazilian manufacturing firms from the capital goods industry. Data collected were analyzed through Kruskall-Wallis and Mann Whitney`s non-parametric tests. Findings - The analysis indicates that characteristics such as the size of companies and the nature of their operations influence the levels of LIS adoption, whilst comparisons regarding the subsectors appeared to be of little influence. Originality/value - This is the first known study to examine the influence of organizational profiles such as size, nature of operations and subsector on the level of US adoption in manufacturing companies. Moreover, it is unique in portraying the Brazilian scenario on this topic and addressing the adoption of seven types of LIS in a single study.

Claude Jones addressing a Communist Party of Australia meeting in Brisbane, Australia

Claude Jones addressing a Communist Party of Australia meeting in Brisbane, Australia. Ted Bacon can be seen at the table.

Bernie Taft speaking at a Communist Party of Australia meeting, Brisbane, Australia

Bernie Taft speaking at a Communist Party of Australia meeting, Brisbane, Australia. Claude Jones can be seen at the table.

Members of the Australian Labor Party during Mayday procession in Brisbane, Australia 1969

Members of the Australian Labor Party during Mayday procession in Brisbane, Australia 1969.

Grammatical priming of visual word recognition in fourth-grade children

Previous work examining context effects in children has been limited to semantic context. The current research examined the effects of grammatical priming of word-naming in fourth-grade children. In Experiment 1, children named both inflected and uninflected noun and verb target words faster when they were preceded by grammatically constraining primes than when they were preceded by neutral primes. Experiment 1 used a long stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) interval of 750 msec. Experiment 2 replicated the grammatical priming effect at two SOA intervals (400 msec and 700 msec), suggesting that the grammatical priming effect does not reflect the operation of any gross strategic effects directly attributable to the long SOA interval employed in Experiment 1. Grammatical context appears to facilitate target word naming by constraining target word class. Further work is required to elucidate the loci of this effect.