Analecta alexandrina : sive, Commentationes de Euphorione Chalcidensi, Rhiano Cretensi, Alexandro Aetolo, Parthenio Nicaeno /

Mode of access: Internet.

Het Noorden en het Oosten; reisherinneringen.

Mode of access: Internet.

Ioannis Cinnami Epitome rerum ab Ioanne et Alexio Comnenis gestarum /

Includes index.

A sketch of the laws relating to slavery in the several states of the United States of America /

Mode of access: Internet.

The ancient laws of Cambria : containing the institutional triads of Dyvnwal Moelmud, the laws of Howel the Good, triadical commentaries, code of education, and the hunting laws of Wales : to which are added the historical triads of Britain /

Includes bibliographical references.

A compendious history of the northern part of the province of New Brunswick, and of the district of Gaspe, in Lower Canada...

Mode of access: Internet.

Menandri et Philemonis reliquiae /

Text in Greek, notes in Latin.

Inventaire-sommaire des Archives départementales antérieures à 1790, Sarthe.

Catalogs of articles G 906-1494 and H 1976-2199 published by the Archives in its Répertoire numérique des suppléments aux séries G & H.

The genesis of 'the new geography and the new imperialism : 1870-1918', or 'how I came to Jamaica and joined the UWI Geography Department

In this article, Brian Hudson relates how he came to write the paper published in the journal Antipode, for which he gained recognition as a radical geographer in the late 1970's. It is a tale of a journey in which the loves of his life, geography, history, travel and his wife of over 40 years, came together through living in a number of different places: the United Kingdom, Ghana, Hong Kong, and Jamaica. After leaving UWI, Brian and his family settled in Brisbane, Australia where he taught at Queensland University of Technology until his retirement.

Luonto, tiede ja teknologia : Kansanvalistuksen Suomi-kuva 1870-1920

Nature, science and technology. The image of Finland through popular enlightenment texts 1870-1920 This doctoral thesis looks at how Finnish popular enlightenment texts published between 1870 and 1920 took part in the process of forming a genuine Finnish national identity. The same process was occurring in other Nordic countries at the time and the process in Finland was in many ways influenced by them, particularly Sweden. In Finland the political realities under Russian rule especially during the Russification years, and the fact that its history was considered to be short compared to other European countries, made this nation-building process unique. The undertaking was led by members of the national elite, influential in the cultural, academic as well as political arenas, who were keen to support the foundation of a modern Finnish identity. The political realities and national philosophy of history necessitated a search for elements of identity in nature and the Finnish landscape, which were considered to have special national importance: Finland was very much determined as a political entity on the basis of its geography and nature. Nature was also used as means of taking a cultural or political view in terms of, for example, geographical facts such as the nation s borders or the country s geographical connections to Western Europe. In the building of a proper national identity the concept of nature was not, however, static, but was more or less affected by political and economic progress in society. This meant that nature, or the image of the national landscape, was no longer seen only as a visual image of the national identity, but also as a source of science, technology and a prosperous future. The role of technology in this process was very much connected to the ability to harness natural resources to serve national interests. The major change in this respect had occurred by the early 20th century, when indisputable scientific progress altered the relationship between nature and technology. Concerning technology, the thesis is mainly interested in the large and at the time modern technological manifestations, such as railways, factories and industrial areas in Finland. Despite the fact that the symbiosis between national nature and international but successfully localized technology was in Finnish popular enlightenment literature depicted mostly as a national success story, concerns began to arise already in last years of the 19th century. It was argued that the emerging technology would eventually destroy Finland s natural environment, and therefore the basis of its national identity. The question was not how to preserve nature through natural science, but more how to conserve such natural resources and images that were considered to be the basis of national identity and thus of the national history. National parks, isolated from technology, and distant enough so as to have no economic value, were considered the solution to the problem. Methodologically the thesis belongs to the genre of science and technology studies, and offers new viewpoints with regard to both the study of Finnish popular enlightenment literature and the national development process as a whole.

En sjukdom af högst elakt släckte : Återfallsfebern på Sveaborg och i Karlskrona 1788-1790

Sommaren 1788 drabbades den svenska flottan av en svårartad febersjukdom. Febern, som senare definierats som febris recurrens el. återfallsfeber, hade sitt ursprung i den ryska flottan. Besättningen ombord skeppet Vladislav, krigsbytet från slaget vid Hogland, bar på ett stort antal smittade klädlöss. Efter flottans ankomst till Sveaborg spred sig sjukdomen snabbt bland manskapet, men även bland fästningens garnison. Förhållandena inom militären, både inom lantarmén och framför allt inom flottan, var gynnsamma för epidemiers spridning. De trånga utrymmena, den ensidiga kosten, det undermåliga dricksvattnet, den bristande hygienen: allt gynnade uppkomsten och spridningen av olika epidemier. Manskapets försämrade allmäntillstånd gjorde, att sjukdomarna blev mera förödande än vad de i andra förhållanden skulle ha varit. Bristen på manskap och material under Gustav III:s ryska krig var enormt, bl.a. var bristen på medicinsk personal och -utrustning skriande. Då flottan och armén drabbades av en epidemi av katastrofala dimensioner stod myndigheterna hjälplösa. Epidemin visaqr tydligt hur illa förberett hela kriget var och hur misskött flottans sjukvård var. På Sveaborg var förhållandena fruktansvärda. Halva garnisonen uppges ha avlidit, och det låg travar av lik överallt. Kaserner m.fl. byggnader adapterades till provisoriska lasarett och det rådde brist på allt. De medicinska myndigheterna representerades av den till fästningen skickade andra fältläkaren, som tillsammans med läkarna på fästningen gjorde sitt bästa i enlighet med tidens vårdmetoder. Då den svenska örlogsflottan i november seglat över tilll Karlskrona spred sig epidemin i staden. Sjukdomen grasserade också bland de civila. Då sjukdomens orsak och utbredningssätt var okända, kunde man varken hindra epidemin från att spridas eller genomföra adekvata vårdmetoder. Tvärtom, med de hemförlovade båtsmännen spred sig sjukdomen även till de övriga delarna av riket. Under 1789 var flottan p.g.a. de många sjukdomsfallen närmast operationsoduglig. Under vårvintern och våren 1790 avtog epidemin. Epidemin var ett svårt medicinskt problem. För att utreda situationen i Karlskrona skickade den tillförordnade regeringen, utredningskommissionen och Collegium medicum sina egna representanter till staden. De olika läkarnas sjukdomssyner grundade sig främst på tron om sjukdomars uppkomst genom miasma och förbättrandet av luftkvaliteten sågs som en väsentlig vårdform. I arbetet jämförs de olika myndigheternas och några av de på platsen varande läkarnas syn på sjukdomens art, dess orsaker och ursprung. De flesta härleder sjukdomen till den ryska flottan, och nämner någon form av smitta. Som främsta sjukdomsorsak nämns dock miasma och de rekommenderade vårdformerna representerade den humoralpatologiska synen. Förste amiralitetsläkaren Arvid Faxe representerar dock en annan åsikt, i det att han enbart tror på sjukdomens överföring via smitta. Epidemin var också ett politiskt problem. Epidemin var en lokal angelägenhet ända till dess att flottans operationer hämmades av manskapsbristen, varefter den blev ett ärende på högsta nivå. Kungen ingrep sommaren 1789 genom att grunda en kommision med rätt vidsträckta befogenheter. I Karlskrona verkar de militära myndigheterna och läkarna ha misstrott och skuldsatt varandra för katastrofen, och förhållandet mellan de till staden sända utredarna och militärerna var likaså inflammerat. Genom källorna återspeglas rivalitet, avund och inbördes konkurrens. Personalbristen var svår, och den skyldiga söktes utanför den egna kretsen. Den danskfödde apotekaren med sina påstott otjänliga mediciner blev en ypperlig syndabock. Örlogsflottan beräknas i sjukdomar ha förlorat omkring 10.000 man i döda, huvudsakligen i Karlskrona (civila inberäknade). Armén och Skärgårdsflottan uppges likadeles ha mist omkring 10.000 man, medan antalet i strid stupade armésoldater endast var ca 1500. Sammanlagt antas alltså ca 20.000 människor ha mist livet; både i återfallsfeber, men även i andra, samtidigt grasserande farsoter. I denna siffra är inte de övriga delarna av riket inberäknade. Epidemin i fråga kan alltså på goda grunder anses vara det svenska 1700-talets största medicinska katastrof.

Genetic population structure of red snappers (Lutjanus malabaricus Bloch & Schneider, 1801 and Lutjanus erythropterus Bloch, 1790) in central and eastern Indonesia and northern Australia

The genetic population structure of red snapper Lutjanus malabaricus and Lutjanus erythropterus in eastern Indonesia and northern Australia was investigated by allozyme electrophoresis and sequence variation in the control region of mtDNA. Samples were collected from eight sites in Indonesia and four sites in northern Australia for both species. A total of 13 allozyme loci were scored. More variable loci were observed in L. malabaricus than in L. erythropterus. Sequence variation in the control region (left domain) of the mitochondrial genome was assessed by RFLP and direct sequencing. MtDNA haplotype diversity was high (L. erythropterus, 0.95 and L. malabaricus, 0.97), as was intraspecific sequence divergence, (L. erythropterus, 0.0-12.5% and L. malabaricus, 0.0-9.5%). The pattern of mtDNA haplotype frequencies grouped both species into two broad fisheries stocks with a genetic boundary either between Kupang and Sape (L. malabaricus) or between Kupang and Australian Timor Sea (L. erythropertus). The allozyme analyses revealed similar boundaries for L. erythropterus. Seven allozymes stocks compared to two mtDNA stocks of L. malabaricus including Ambon, which was not sampled with mtDNA, however, were reported. Possible reasons for differences in discrimination between the methods include: i) increased power of multiple allozyme loci over the single mtDNA locus, ii) insufficient gene sampling in the mtDNA control region and iii) relative evolutionary dynamics of nuclear (allozyme loci) and mitochondrial DNA in these taxa. Allozyme and haplotype data did not distinguish separate stocks among the four Australian locations nor the central Indonesian (Bali and Sape locations) for both L. malabaricus and L. erythropterus.