884 resultados para Transnational Social Movement, Transnational Dinamics


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Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Depuis les années cinquante la sociologie a été concernée par le phénomène des mouvements sociaux. Diverses théories ont essayé de les expliquer. Du collective behaviour à la mobilisation des ressources, par l`entremise de processus politiques, et de la perspective de framing jusqu'à la théorie des nouveaux mouvements sociaux, la sociologie a trouvé certains moyens pour expliquer ces phénomènes. Bien que toutes ces perspectives couvrent et saisissent des facettes importantes des angles de l'action collective, ils le font de manière disparate, en regardant un côté et en omettant l'autre. Les différences entre les points de vue proviennent, d'une part, d'un changement dans les contextes sociaux, historiques et scientifiques, et d'autre part du fait que les différentes approches ne posent pas les mêmes questions, même si certaines questions se chevauchent. Poser des questions différentes amène à considérer des aspects différents. En conséquence, ce n'est pas seulement une question de donner une réponse différente à la même question, mais aussi une question de regarder le même objet d'étude, à partir d'un angle différent. Cette situation réside à la base de la première partie de ma thèse principale: le champ de la théorie des mouvements sociaux n'est pas suffisant, ni suffisamment intégré pour expliquer l'action collective et nous avons besoin d'une théorie plus complète afin d'obtenir une meilleure compréhension des mouvements et la façon dont ils remplissent leur rôle de précurseurs de changement dans la société. Par conséquent, je considère que nous avons besoin d'une théorie qui est en mesure d'examiner tous les aspects des mouvements en même temps et, en outre, est capable de regarder au-delà de la forme de l'objet dâétude afin de se concentrer sur l'objet lui-même. Cela m'amène à la deuxième partie de l'argument, qui est l'affirmation selon laquelle la théorie générale des systèmes telle que formulée par Niklas Luhmann peut contribuer à une meilleure compréhension de l'action collective. Il s'agit d'une théorie intégrale qui peut compléter le domaine de la théorie de l`action collective en nous fournissant les outils nécessaires pour rechercher dynamiquement les mouvements sociaux et de les comprendre dans le contexte social en perpétuel changement. Une analyse du mouvement environnementaliste sera utilisé pour montrer comment les outils fournis par cette théorie nous permettent de mieux comprendre non seulement les mouvements sociaux, mais également le contexte dans lequel ils fonctionnent, comment ils remplissent leur rôle, comment ils évoluent et comment ils changent aussi la société.

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Social Movements are decentralising in the modern world. Web 2.0 has driven latency structures in social movements, and made activism more personal than ever before, but it has also introduced the concept of slacktivism. Micro-Macro relationships are becoming important theoretical frameworks for Social Movement research on the Web - has the Global Justice Movement of 1999 become Global Justice Networks in 2013?

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La presente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar la incidencia de los principales elementos teóricos de la estructura de oportunidad política en la creación y desarrollo del movimiento social promotor del Plebiscito Nacional de Chile de 1988. De igual forma, pretende identificar aquellos factores que permiten analizar el proceso de acción colectiva durante la Dictadura. A su vez, se tratará de plasmar la importancia de la organización estratégica como eje articulador para la consecución de alianzas con el fin de satisfacer los objetivos de las movilizaciones.

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This paper describes womenâs roles in the processes of territory construction and the Colombian Caribbean coast regionalization. First, we present women participation in the adaptation of the fi rst inhabitants, through their contribution to creating the most important cultures that emerged in that region, such as Tairona and Sinu. This paper also considers native womenâs resistance actions against Spanish invasion; women participation in African, native, mestizo, zambo, and criollo freeing fi ghts against colonialism and in the consolidation of the Republic; along with their contribution to building the social fabric that consolidated the social life of new born towns and cities; which transformed women into family group integrators, new generation socializing forces, and sponsorsof the family structure performance. The second line of argument addressed in this article refers to women involvement in the regionalization of the Colombian Caribbean, by establishing and concluding that, although regionalization has happened, the recognition of its practical and strategic interests has not been guaranteed to allow changes in the social, economic, and political position. The reason is that, even though such interests were expressed insome forums held to reach an agreement on the vision and the requirements of the region, the social movement has not had any access to decision making, though this has not prevented its gaining strength in the last decades. 

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El presente Estudio de Caso, tiene como propósito de hacer un estudio sobre el papel articulador de la Marcha Patriótica y el Congreso de los Pueblos, teniendo en cuenta las distintas acciones colectivas que han desarrollado desde sus orígenes en la búsqueda de la paz. Dichas acciones han tenido cobertura nacional y que por ende, están jugando un rol muy importante en la movilización social por la paz en Colombia. En este sentido se hace necesario identificar a partir de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y las conceptualizaciones sobre la paz el carácter de estos actores, sus acciones y las perspectivas y limitaciones para consolidarse como referentes políticos en la lucha por la paz.

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La presente investigación tiene como objetivo realizar una aproximación interpretativa a la Marcha Patriótica [MP] a través de tres ejes, a saber, Partido Político, Movimiento Político y Movimiento Social. Para desarrollarlo, se realizó una caracterización del contexto con el interés de identificar las situaciones contributivas a la génesis de la MP. En este contexto, se logró establecer que la situación más importante y determinante fueron los diálogos de paz de La Habana entre el gobierno de Colombia y la guerrilla de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia. Posteriormente, se realizó la descripción de los tres ejes de interpretación y la definición de cómo serían entendidos para efectos del estudio de caso. Finalmente, se procedió con una caracterización de la MP a través de los ejes y se concluyó con una explicación amplia que dio como resultado la incorporación de nuevos elementos de análisis. Lo anterior, permitió explicar a la MP a partir de sus sectores, sus reivindicaciones, su accionar, los movimientos que la componen y los actores con los que se relaciona.

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La presente monografía tiene como objetivo reivindicar la imagen política y social de las mujeres que hicieron parte del proceso de obtención del sufragio femenino en Colombia durante el periodo 1930-1957. El reconocimiento del movimiento social en pro del sufragio y su participación (directa e indirecta) desde la esfera pública y privada en el contexto social estructurado permitió reconocerlas como actor político. El anterior resultado demostrará cuan determinante fueron las mujeres del movimiento en el tema del voto femenino y otros derechos civiles y políticos obtenidos para las mujeres colombianas. Así mismo desde las fuentes primarias, se propone el replanteamiento del concepto de actor político teniendo en cuenta las restricciones que supone el mismo.

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This article examines the politics of place in relation to legal mobilization by the anti-nuclear movement. It examines two case examples - citizens' weapons inspections and civil disobedience strategies - which have involved the movement drawing upon the law in particular spatial contexts. The article begins by examining a number of factors which have been employed in recent social movement literature to explain strategy choice, including ideology, resources, political and legal opportunity, and framing. It then proceeds to argue that the issues of scale, space, and place play an important role in relation to framing by the movement in the two case examples. Both can be seen to involve scalar reframing, with the movement attempting to resist localizing tendencies and to replace them with a global frame. Both also involve an attempt to reframe the issue of nuclear weapons away from the contested frame of the past (unilateral disarmament) towards the more universal and widely accepted frame of international law.

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The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

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The present study is about the professional exercise of the Social Worker in ONGs associated with the ABONG in Natal city, state of Rio Grande do Norte, referring to the work conditions, claims and professional responses in front of the capital restructuration circumstances. The group of socio-historical transformations, as a result of the after-1970 dynamic capitalism, conducts a process of new configurations in the relationship between State and society that directly affect the social question nowadays, destroying social rights historically conquered for the workers. In this context, the ONGs assume a strategical social function of the social question, contributing with the change of responsibilities with the social from the State to the third sector. This social movement causes changes to the Social Work since this is one of the professions that act on the immediate expressions of the social question. After a qualitative research based on a theoricalmethodological critical and dialectical perspective, it was possible to discover some contradictions, details and tendencies of the professional exercise of the Social Worker in ONGs. Summarizing, the results of the research show that: a) it was detected a tendency of precarization, instability, insecurity, no-articulation, no-profissionalization of the professionals in the work conditions; b) demands are associated with a moment of the capital re-ordering, where new professional exigencies and responsibilities are related with capital necessities in the period of structural crisis; c) limits and contradictions are present in a professional daily work mainly in function of the characteristics of gestation and functioning of the ONGs; d) the professionals that were interviewed show significant difficulties in a articulation between the professional daily work in organizations and the totality of the social processes, limiting the capability of doing critics to the requisitions imposed by the capital

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Comparison of the histories of three leading peasant organizations in the Pontal do Paranapanema region of Brazil-the Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) from 1945 to 1964, the Confederacao Nacional de Trabalhadores na Agricultura (CONTAG) from 1964 to 1984, and the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST) from 1984 to 2004-suggests that continuity is as important as change in understanding Brazilian peasant movements. The MST has been considered a "new social movement" in that it has eschewed partisan politics, incorporated families as members rather than just male heads of household, had a national scope and a participatory decision-making structure, and been attuned to the international struggle over globalization. Placing it in historical perspective makes it clear, however, that this is not the first time that militants have organized around the concept of peasants as a political identity; that while the representation of peasants in the leadership of contemporary rural labor organizations may be greater than in the past, earlier peasant leaders also struggled on behalf of their class; that earlier peasant organizations had, if not a national presence, a substantial presence in the agricultural states of the time; and that attempts at international organization to unite peasant struggles around the globe are not entirely new. This is not to deny the innovative features of contemporary movements but to suggest that the investigation of past achievements will contribute to a fuller appreciation of these movements' conditions and prospects.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)