973 resultados para Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)


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ENGLISH: The spawning of Pacific northern bluefin tuna, Thunnus thynnus, takes place only in the western Pacific Ocean (WPO), but substantial numbers of the juveniles migrate to the eastern Pacific Ocean (EPO), where they remain for several months, or longer, and the.n return to the WPO. Lengthfrequency and tagging data show that many bluefin arrive in the EPO as 1-and 2-year olds, and remain there for one or two fishing seasons before returning to the WPO. The proportion of the fish which make the west-to-east migration varies among years. The numbers of 1-, 2-, 3-, 4, and >4 –year olds in the catches of the EPO are estimated for most years of the 1952-1991 period. SPANISH: EI desove del atun aleta azul del norte del Pacifico, Thunnus thynnus, ocurre solamente en el Océano Pacifico occidental (WPO), pero números substanciales de los juveniles migran al Océano Pacifico oriental (OPO), donde permanecen unos meses, 0 mas, antes de regresar al WPO. Datos de marcado y frecuencia de talla indican que muchos aletas azules llegan al OPO a 1 o 2 anos de edad, y permanecen alIi una 0 dos temporadas de pesca antes de regresar al WPO. La proporcion de los peces que migra del oeste al este varia entre anos. Se estima el numero de peces de 1, 2, 3, 4, Y>4 anos de edad en las capturas del OPO para la mayoria de los anos del periodo de 1952-1991. (PDF contains 40 pages.)

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EXTRACT (SEE PDF FOR FULL ABSTRACT): Indices of the relative abundance of bluefin tuna in the western and eastern Pacific show decadal variation in the proportion of bluefin making trans-Pacific migrations out of the western Pacific.

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El objetivo de esta investigación diagnóstica es analizar los factores que han dificultado la incursión de Colombia en la Región de Asia Pacífico. Así pues, se buscó explicar cómo la falta de consenso para aumentar el número de países miembros en APEC, ha sido la principal razón que explica el retraso para alcanzar dicho objetivo. Así mismo, se hizo un análisis sobre los lineamientos de política exterior colombiana y la forma en que el diseño de la misma se encuentra influenciado por los intereses de la política exterior estadounidense. En tercer lugar, se analizó cómo el poco despliegue institucional colombiano en la región asiática ha conducido a un retroceso para profundizar las relaciones con Asia. Finalmente, se buscó verificar la forma en que Colombia podría aprovechar los mecanismos de integración regional alternos a APEC para incursionar en la región, por ejemplo la AP.

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The title ‘Frontiers of Social Research’ implies a pioneering spirit, embarking upon unchartered territories. However, the most fascinating and insightful moments of this book are those which explore age-old Japanese research techniques and the potential for new methodologies to look to the old. The key theme of the work is the role of the researcher and the researcher’s relationships with research participants, the research audience and with knowledge itself.

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Spanish Abstract: El presente trabajo analiza los posibles efectos que generaría en la regulación internacional de la inversión extranjera, el acuerdo de un capítulo de inversiones en el Acuerdo de Asociación Transpacífico (TPP), actualmente en negociaciones, sobre la base de la información disponible a la fecha. El artículo aborda cuatro aspectos que presentan especial importancia dada la divergencia de intereses entre algunos de los Estados negociadores: el ámbito de protección de la inversión extranjera; las normas sobre transparencia de los regímenes de inversión y sus disputas; la irrupción de entidades estatales como inversionistas extranjeros; y la solución de controversias a través del arbitraje inversionista-Estado. El autor concluye que en comparación a la actual fragmentación regulatoria de la que dan cuenta los acuerdos internacionales de inversión suscritos por los países negociadores del TPP, la incorporación de un capítulo de inversiones en ese Acuerdo es una oportunidad para avanzar en la convergencia de la regulación sobre inversión extranjera, tanto en materia de estándares sustantivos de protección de la inversión como en la mejora del arbitraje inversionista-Estado como mecanismo de solución de controversias.

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In the early part of 1899 the U.S.S. Nero was dispatched from San Francisco to survey a route for a telegraph cable between the United States, the Philippines Islands and Japan. Concurent with meteorological and oceanographic observations, closely spaced samples of bottom material were systematically sampled. They have been carefully accounted and described by James M. Flint in this volume. On the way, numerous submarine peaks were discovered. During this voyage U.S.S. Nero also took a sounding in the area of the Challenger Deep, recording a depth of 5269 fathoms (9636 m), the greatest depth recorded at that time. Carefull study of the deep-sea deposits have also revealed a number of manganese nodules and encrustations as well as micronodules.

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Juvenile loggerhead turtles (Caretta caretta) have recently been documented in the vicinity of Baja California and thousands of these animals have been captured in oceanic fisheries of the North Pacific. The presence of loggerhead turtles in the central and eastern North Pacific is a prominent enigma in marine turtle distribution because the nearest documented nesting concentrations for this species are in Australia and Japan, over 10,000 km from Baja California. To determine the origin of the Baja California feeding aggregate and North Pacific fishery mortalities, samples from nesting areas and pelagic feeding aggregates were compared with genetic markers derived from mtDNA control region sequences. Overall, 57 of 60 pelagic samples (95%) match haplotypes seen only in Japanese nesting areas, implicating Japan as the primary source of turtles in the North Pacific Current and around Baja California. Australian nesting colonies may contribute the remaining 5% of these pelagic feeding aggregates. Juvenile loggerhead turtles apparently traverse the entire Pacific Ocean, approximately one-third of the planet, in the course of developmental migrations, but mortality in high-seas fisheries raises concern over the future of this migratory population.

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Bibliography: p. 83-108.

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Leaked Trans-Pacific Partnership documents show the US is pushing for unprecedented penalties for those (like journalists) who expose trade secrets. Will Australia go along with the proposal?

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The secretive 2011 Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement – known in short by the catchy acronym ACTA – is a controversial trade pact designed to provide for stronger enforcement of intellectual property rights. The preamble to the treaty reads like pulp fiction – it raises moral panics about piracy, counterfeiting, organised crime, and border security. The agreement contains provisions on civil remedies and criminal offences; copyright law and trademark law; the regulation of the digital environment; and border measures. Memorably, Susan Sell called the international treaty a TRIPS Double-Plus Agreement, because its obligations far exceed those of the World Trade Organization's TRIPS Agreement 1994, and TRIPS-Plus Agreements, such as the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004. ACTA lacks the language of other international intellectual property agreements, which emphasise the need to balance the protection of intellectual property owners with the wider public interest in access to medicines, human development, and transfer of knowledge and technology. In Australia, there was much controversy both about the form and the substance of ACTA. While the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade was a partisan supporter of the agreement, a wide range of stakeholders were openly critical. After holding hearings and taking note of the position of the European Parliament and the controversy in the United States, the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties in the Australian Parliament recommended the deferral of ratification of ACTA. This was striking as representatives of all the main parties agreed on the recommendation. The committee was concerned about the lack of transparency, due process, public participation, and substantive analysis of the treaty. There were also reservations about the ambiguity of the treaty text, and its potential implications for the digital economy, innovation and competition, plain packaging of tobacco products, and access to essential medicines. The treaty has provoked much soul-searching as to whether the Trick or Treaty reforms on the international treaty-making process in Australia have been compromised or undermined. Although ACTA stalled in the Australian Parliament, the debate over it is yet to conclude. There have been concerns in Australia and elsewhere that ACTA will be revived as a ‘zombie agreement’. Indeed, in March 2013, the Canadian government introduced a bill to ensure compliance with ACTA. Will it be also resurrected in Australia? Has it already been revived? There are three possibilities. First, the Australian government passed enhanced remedies with respect to piracy, counterfeiting and border measures in a separate piece of legislation – the Intellectual Property Laws Amendment (Raising the Bar) Act 2012 (Cth). Second, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade remains supportive of ACTA. It is possible, after further analysis, that the next Australian Parliament – to be elected in September 2013 – will ratify the treaty. Third, Australia is involved in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. The government has argued that ACTA should be a template for the Intellectual Property Chapter in the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The United States Trade Representative would prefer a regime even stronger than ACTA. This chapter provides a portrait of the Australian debate over ACTA. It is the account of an interested participant in the policy proceedings. This chapter will first consider the deliberations and recommendations of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties on ACTA. Second, there was a concern that ACTA had failed to provide appropriate safeguards with respect to civil liberties, human rights, consumer protection and privacy laws. Third, there was a concern about the lack of balance in the treaty’s copyright measures; the definition of piracy is overbroad; the suite of civil remedies, criminal offences and border measures is excessive; and there is a lack of suitable protection for copyright exceptions, limitations and remedies. Fourth, there was a worry that the provisions on trademark law, intermediary liability and counterfeiting could have an adverse impact upon consumer interests, competition policy and innovation in the digital economy. Fifth, there was significant debate about the impact of ACTA on pharmaceutical drugs, access to essential medicines and health-care. Sixth, there was concern over the lobbying by tobacco industries for ACTA – particularly given Australia’s leadership on tobacco control and the plain packaging of tobacco products. Seventh, there were concerns about the operation of border measures in ACTA. Eighth, the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties was concerned about the jurisdiction of the ACTA Committee, and the treaty’s protean nature. Finally, the chapter raises fundamental issues about the relationship between the executive and the Australian Parliament with respect to treaty-making. There is a need to reconsider the efficacy of the Trick or Treaty reforms passed by the Australian Parliament in the 1990s.

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On the 5th December 2013, Australia and Korea announced that they had finalised a new free trade agreement. Is it a fair trade fairytale? Or is it a dirty deal done dirt cheap? It is hard to tell, because the respective governments have not yet published the text of the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA). There has been much debate in the Australian Parliament over the transparency of the trade agreement; the scope of market access provided under the deal; and the impact of the investment chapter, with an investor-state dispute settlement clause. KAFTA foreshadows the approach of the new Conservative Government in Australia to other trade deals – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

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Australia and South Korea have signed a new free trade agreement - the Korea-Australia Free Trade Agreement (KAFTA). Is it a fair trade fairytale? Or is it a dirty deal done dirt cheap? Or somewhere in between? It is hard to tell, given the initial secrecy of the negotiations, and the complexity of the texts of the agreement There has been much debate in Parliament over the transparency of the trade agreement; the scope of market access provided under the deal; the impact of the investment chapter, with its investor-state dispute settlement clause; the intellectual property chapter; the environment chapter; its impact upon public health; and the labor rights chapter. KAFTA provides an indication of the approach of the new Conservative Government in Australia to other trade deals – such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.