957 resultados para Trade-unions
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Bibliographical footnotes.
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The introduction of a micro-electronic based technology to the workplace has had a far reaching and widespread effect on the numbers and content of jobs. The importance of the implications of new technology were recognised by the trade unions, leading to a plethora of advice and literature in the late 70s and early 80s, notably the TUC 'Technology and Employment ' report. However, studies into the union response have consistently found an overall lack of influence by unions in the introduction of technology. Whilst the advent of new technology has coincided with an industrial relations climate of unprecedented hostility to union activity in the post-war period, there are structural weaknesses in unions in coming to terms with the process of technological change. In particular was the identification of a lack of suitable technological expertise. Addressing itself to this perceived weakness of the union response, this thesis is the outcome of a collaborative project between a national union and an academic institution. The thesis is based on detailed case studies concerning technology bargaining in the Civil Service and the response of the Civil and Public Services Associations (CPSA), the union that represents lower grade white collar civil servants. It is demonstrated that the application of expertise to union negotiators is insufficient on its own to extend union influence and that for unions to effectively come to terms with technology and influence its development requires a re-assessment across all spheres of union activity. It is suggested that this has repercussions for not only the internal organisation and quality of union policy formation and the extent, form and nature of collective bargaining with employer representatives, but also in the relationship with consumer and interest groups outside the traditional collective bargaining forum. Three policy options are developed in the thesis with the 'adversarial' and 'co~operative' options representing the more traditional reactive and passive forms of involvement. These are contrasted with an 'independent participative' form of involvement which was a 'pro-active' policy option and utilised the expertise of the Author in the CPSA's response to technological change.
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The caste system in India and its exploitative nature has been well researched (Siddique 2011 Gupta 2000). However, the role of caste in Indian employment relations and in particular its role in the labor movement in India is yet to be fully explored. The primary aim of this paper is to examine the rise of caste- based trade unions in India over the past decade. Specifically, we aim to examine why the lower-caste workers (historically treated as untouchables, referred to as ‘Dalits’and officially designated as Scheduled Caste and Tribes) are leaving established trade unions to organize their own unions along caste lines? While fragmentation of trade unions is a well-known phenomenon both in India and in the Western World (Shyam Sundar 2015; Connolly et al. 2014), the rise of caste based trade unions is a relatively new phenomenon which is yet to be fully explored. Caste based trade unionism appears to be counter-intuitive when the conventional logic suggests that unions are class based collective institutions which represent the interest of the working classes (Ramaswamy 1976). The Indian trade union movement has historically been fragmented along political ideological lines ranging from moderate unions affiliated to the Congress Party to the militant unions affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. However, the rise of caste-based trade unions of the lower caste workers is a relatively new phenomenon. Our findings from surveys and interviews with mainstream unions and caste-based trade unions suggest that the caste-based trade unions are unique in at least three ways. First, these unions are breaking away from well-established radical and militant union federations such as those affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. Second, these unions are predominantly organized on caste identities and not occupational identities or political ideologies. Third in unionized workplaces, lower caste workers are forming their own separate unions along caste lines with membership restricted only to workers of their own caste instead of joining the mainstream unions where present. We examine these issues using the analytical framework of Paulo Freire (1970) – dialogics, praxis and cultural oppression and relate it with the insights from comparative politics which examine the role of actors & their interests within institutions (Peters 2011).
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This article examines union revitalization in Central and Eastern Europe, focusing on two countries: Hungary and Latvia. Trade unions have not only had to cope with a declining membership base, but have also had to respond to austerity programmes and government cuts in public sector employment. We argue that the inability of unions to provide a strong voice for alternative policies to the current neoliberal orthodoxy has been driven by a declining membership base, but also by weakened social dialogue mechanisms, limited industrial representation and an ageing membership profile, exacerbated by net outward migration in recent years. However, we find that unions in Latvia and Hungary have responded differently to these issues.
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The incentives and governance system of organizations are important in explaining how they behave in localized development processes. This article builds on the observation that the literature on territorial development does not generally address the action of social movements. At the same time, research on social movements rarely studies their effects on the territories ill which they act. This text is a contribution to fill this gap. It compares two social movement organizations: a trade union federation and a credit cooperative system operating throughout southern Brazil, Both organizations share common origins and social bases, yet their impacts oil territories have been quite different. The analysis focuses Oil the social ties that link trade unions and cooperatives to their territories to show that governance systems may explain the performance of each organization, especially with regard to their capacity for innovation. (c) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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In this article, the authors analyze the relationship between labor sociology and trade unionism in Brazil by focusing on its three key phases. Against the backdrop of successive political and economical scenarios, the authors go from the first generation of labor sociologists to the most recent period, trying to identify the transition points in this trajectory. This study develops the hypothesis that labor sociology in Brazil was first characterized by a search for affirmation and professionalization (1950-1960). Later, it developed a strong political-social engagement, and assumed a public character, by claiming particular social identities (1970-1980). Finally, it flowed toward policy sociology (1990-2000).
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Revista Lusófona de Ciências Sociais
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Dissertação de Mestrado, Ciências Económicas e Empresariais, 11 de Janeiro de 2016, Universidade dos Açores.
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The relationship between the changes of the global economy and individual working conditions formed the background of the first WORKS conference “The transformation of work in a global knowledge economy: towards a conceptual framework”, held in Chania, Greece from 21st – 22nd September, 2006 and attended by around 50 European researchers. Experts from academia and trade unions from all over the world were invited to give insights into their field of research, contributing to one of the main topics of the conference: (i) globalisation and organisational restructuring, (ii) workers’ organisation, the quality of working life and the gender dimension and (iii) global experiences and recommendations.
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O presente relatório possui o propósito de apresentar o estágio curricular desenvolvido na empresa “Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Felgueiras”, iniciado a 1 de maio de 2013, englobando horas de aprendizagem e consolidação de conhecimentos adquiridos no percurso académico. A realização do presente estágio está enquadrada no protocolo celebrado entre a “Santa Casa da Misericórdia de Felgueiras” e a Associação de Politécnicos do Norte, cumprindo desta forma o art.º 2 e 3 do Regulamento de Estágios Curriculares da Associação de Politécnicos do Norte (APNOR). A realização do estágio, bem como a realização deste relatório, é o produto final de meses de experiência laboral, pesquisa bibliográfica e de reflexão, de um ano curricular. Com a realização deste estágio e do relatório permitiu-me concluir acerca de como é elaborada a gestão hospitalar e a sua importância no contexto empresarial. A gestão contribui com o fornecimento de informações económicas nos diferentes usuários como: Gestores, Governo, Sindicato, Funcionários.
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We use results from the literature on the determinants of price-cost margins to derive an equation relating labor's share of national income to the inflation rate (as well as to the output gap, the unemployment rate and the capital stock per worker). The equation is tested with a panel of 15 OECD countries. We obtain a robust positive relationship between inflation and the labor share. Our results suggest that disinflation is not distributively neutral, provide empirical support for the distinct concern about price stability shown by trade unions and employers' organizations, and help explaining the negative impact of inflation on growth.
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Dins del desenvolupament de la tesi “Treballadores, conflictivitat laboral i moviment obrer durant el franquisme a l’àrea de Barcelona”, aquesta recerca ha tractat d'omplir un buit a les investigacions sobre l'actuació de les dones contra el franquisme, interrelacionant la seva participació en protestes laborals i al moviment obrer, especialment a Comissions Obreres (CCOO). Per portar a terme la investigació, s'ha consultat documentació procedent de les organitzacions antifranquistes, de la policia i del Sindicat Vertical franquista, a part d'entrevistes a dones que van participar a la conflictivitat laboral i al moviment obrer durant el franquisme. S'ha iniciat la redacció de la tesi doctoral, que es presentarà el 2008. A partir de les fonts estudiades s'ha pogut constatar la importància de la participació de les dones a les protestes laborals entre 1946 i 1956, amb un escàs paper de les organitzacions antifranquistes. Posteriorment, la presència de dones a les protestes laborals va disminuir. A més, inicialment van estar poc presents a les CCOO. A partir de 1969 el nombre de dones militants a CCOO va augmentar, al igual que la proporció de dones implicades a la conflictivitat laboral. No obstant això, van ser escasses les dones a les estructures organitzatives de CCOO i les reivindicacions pròpies de les treballadores rarament van estar presents a les plataformes reivindicatives durant el franquisme.
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Treball de recerca realitzat per una alumna d'ensenyament secundari i guardonat amb un Premi CIRIT per fomentar l'esperit científic del Jovent l'any 2009. El tema d’aquest treball de recerca és la premsa satírica a Catalunya durant la Segona República, centrat en l’anàlisi del setmanari 'El Be Negre’, i, a través d’aquesta publicació, l’objectiu és conèixer i veure com va tractar la premsa satírica determinats esdeveniments d’aquest període. La motivació de la recerca ve donada per l’interés en el periodisme i la història. El treball es divideix en dues grans parts; la primera d’aproximació al marc històric, i la segona, d’anàlisi de la revista. La primera part, consta d’un resum històric del període de la Segona República tan a nivell espanyol com català, d’un breu resum de les principals publicacions de l’època, tan diaris catalans com castellans i d’ideologies molt diverses, d’una breu història de la premsa satírica de Catalunya, des de mitjan segle XIX fins a la II República, i, finalment, una extensa documentació sobre el Be Negre (origen i influencies, redactors i ninotaires, seccions, funcionament, relació del setmanari amb diferents forces polítiques i sindicals). La segona part del treball, el cos central, es basa en l’anàlisi de la revista el Be Negre, a partir dels seus articles i acudits, que tracten alguns dels esdeveniments més rellevants de la Segona República.
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This article enquires into the causes of union growth and decline by analysing flows in and out of membership at the level of 70 Swiss union locals over 2006-2008. Gross flows in union membership are much larger than the resulting net changes: annual membership turnover of 10 per cent is a surprisingly constant feature across unions. Net changes in membership are primarily determined by inflows: successful and languishing union locals differ in their entry rates, whereas exit rates are similar. Variance in union locals' entry rates is not usefully explained by the labour market context, but by differences in union strategy.