807 resultados para Tariff on tobacco.
Resumo:
Mode of access: Internet.
Resumo:
Page [84] is blank.
Resumo:
Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche.
Resumo:
Item 1038-A, 1038-B (MF).
Resumo:
"September 18, 1986"--pt. 2.
Resumo:
Background The tobacco industry has long sought affiliation with major sporting events, including the Olympic Games, for marketing, advertising and promotion purposes. Since 1988, each Olympic Games has adopted a tobacco-free policy. Limited study of the effectiveness of the smoke-free policy has been undertaken to date, with none examining the tobacco industry's involvement with the Olympics or use of the Olympic brand. Methods and Findings A comparison of the contents of Olympic tobacco-free policies from 1988 to 2014 was carried out by searching the websites of the IOC and host NOCs. The specific tobacco control measures adopted for each Games were compiled and compared with measures recommended by the WHO Tobacco Free Sports Initiative and Article 13 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). This was supported by semi-structured interviews of key informants involved with the adoption of tobacco-free policies for selected games. To understand the industry's interests in the Olympics, the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library (http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu) was systematically searched between June 2013 and August 2014. Company websites, secondary sources and media reports were also searched to triangulate the above data sources. This paper finds that, while most direct associations between tobacco and the Olympics have been prohibited since 1988, a variety of indirect associations undermine the Olympic tobacco-free policy. This is due to variation in the scope of tobacco-free policies, limited jurisdiction and continued efforts by the industry to be associated with Olympic ideals. Conclusions The paper concludes that, compatible with the IOC's commitment to promoting healthy lifestyles, a comprehensive tobacco-free policy with standardized and binding measures should be adopted by the International Olympic Committee and all national Olympic committees.
Resumo:
Introduction - The Dutch implementation of the black border provision in the 2001 European Union Tobacco Products Directive (TPD) is studied to examine the implications of tobacco industry involvement in the implementation phase of the policy process. Methods - A qualitative analysis was conducted of Dutch government documents obtained through Freedom of Information Act requests, triangulated with in-depth interviews with key informants and secondary data sources (publicly available government documents, scientific literature, and news articles). Results - Tobacco manufacturers’ associations were given the opportunity to set implementation specifications via a fast-track deal with the government. The offer of early implementation of the labelling section of the TPD was used as political leverage by the industry, and underpinned by threats of litigation and arguments highlighting the risks of additional public costs and the benefits to the government of expediency and speed. Ultimately, the government agreed to the industry's interpretation, against the advice of the European Commission. Conclusions - The findings highlight the policy risks associated with corporate actors’ ability to use interactions over technical product specifications to influence the implementation of health policy and illustrate the difficulties in limiting industry interference in accordance with Article 5.3 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). The implementation phase is particularly vulnerable to industry influence, where negotiation with industry actors may be unavoidable and the practical implications of relatively technical considerations are not always apparent to policymakers. During the implementation of the new TPD 2014/40/EU, government officials are advised to take a proactive role in stipulating technical specifications.
Resumo:
The tobacco industry's future depends on increasing tobacco use in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs), which face a growing burden of tobacco-related disease, yet have potential to prevent full-scale escalation of this epidemic. To drive up sales the industry markets its products heavily, deliberately targeting non-smokers and keeps prices low until smoking and local economies are sufficiently established to drive prices and profits up. The industry systematically flaunts existing tobacco control legislation and works aggressively to prevent future policies using its resource advantage to present highly misleading economic arguments, rebrand political activities as corporate social responsibility, and establish and use third parties to make its arguments more palatable. Increasingly it is using domestic litigation and international arbitration to bully LMICs from implementing effective policies and hijacking the problem of tobacco smuggling for policy gain, attempting to put itself in control of an illegal trade in which there is overwhelming historical evidence of its complicity. Progress will not be realised until tobacco industry interference is actively addressed as outlined in Article 5.3 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control. Exemplar LMICs show this action can be achieved and indicate that exposing tobacco industry misconduct is an essential first step.
Resumo:
BACKGROUND: The Framework Convention on Tobacco Control makes a number of recommendations aimed at restricting the marketing of tobacco products. Tobacco industry political activity has been identified as an obstacle to Parties' development and implementation of these provisions. This study systematically reviews the existing literature on tobacco industry efforts to influence marketing regulations and develops taxonomies of 1) industry strategies and tactics and 2) industry frames and arguments. METHODS: Searches were conducted between April-July 2011, and updated in March 2013. Articles were included if they made reference to tobacco industry efforts to influence marketing regulations; supported claims with verifiable evidence; were written in English; and concerned the period 1990-2013. 48 articles met the review criteria. Narrative synthesis was used to combine the evidence. RESULTS: 56% of articles focused on activity in North America, Europe or Australasia, the rest focusing on Asia (17%), South America, Africa or transnational activity. Six main political strategies and four main frames were identified. The tobacco industry frequently claims that the proposed policy will have negative unintended consequences, that there are legal barriers to regulation, and that the regulation is unnecessary because, for example, industry does not market to youth or adheres to a voluntary code. The industry primarily conveys these arguments through direct and indirect lobbying, the promotion of voluntary codes and alternative policies, and the formation of alliances with other industrial sectors. The majority of tactics and arguments were used in multiple jurisdictions. CONCLUSIONS: Tobacco industry political activity is far more diverse than suggested by existing taxonomies of corporate political activity. Tactics and arguments are repeated across jurisdictions, suggesting that the taxonomies of industry tactics and arguments developed in this paper are generalisable to multiple jurisdictions and can be used to predict industry activity.
Resumo:
Objectives: To investigate opposition to standardised tobacco packaging in the UK. To increase understanding of how transnational corporations are adapting to changes in their access to policymakers precipitated by Article 5.3 of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). Design: Case study web-based documentary analysis, using NVivo V.10. Examination of relationships between opponents of standardised packaging and transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) and of the volume, nature, transparency and timing of their activities. Setting: UK standardised packaging policy debate 2011-2013. Participants: Organisations selected on basis of opposition to, or facilitation thereof, standardised tobacco packaging in the UK; 422 associated documents. Results: Excluding tobacco manufacturing and packaging companies (n=12), 109 organisations were involved in opposing standardised packaging, 82 (75%) of which had a financial relationship with 1 or more TTC. These 82 organisations (43 actively opposing the measure, 39 facilitating opposition) were responsible for 60% of the 404 activities identified, including the majority of public communications and research production. TTCs were directly responsible for 28% of total activities, predominantly direct lobbying, but also financially underwrote third party research, communication, mass recruitment and lobbying. Active organisations rarely reported any financial relationship with TTCs when undertaking opposition activities. Conclusions: The multifaceted opposition to standardised packaging was primarily undertaken by third parties with financial relationships with major tobacco manufacturers. Low levels of transparency regarding these links created a misleading impression of diverse and widespread opposition. Countries should strengthen implementation of Article 5.3 of the FCTC by systematically requiring conflict of interest declarations from all organisations participating in political or media debates on tobacco control.
Resumo:
Cotton growing landscapes in Australia have been dominated by dual-toxin transgenic Bt varieties since 2004. The cotton crop has thus effectively become a sink for the main target pest, Helicoverpa armigera. Theory predicts that there should be strong selection on female moths to avoid laying on such plants. We assessed oviposition, collected from two cotton-growing regions, by female moths when given a choice of tobacco, cotton and cabbage. Earlier work in the 1980s and 1990s on populations from the same geographic locations indicated these hosts were on average ranked as high, mid and low preference plants, respectively, and that host rankings had a heritable component. In the present study, we found no change in the relative ranking of hosts by females, with most eggs being laid on tobacco, then cotton and least on cabbage. As in earlier work, some females laid most eggs on cotton and aspects of oviposition behaviour had a heritable component. Certainly, cotton is not avoided as a host, and the implications of these finding for managing resistance to Bt cotton are discussed.
Resumo:
The empirical analysis employs individual level data from the Australian Health Survey combined with retrospective data on tobacco price matched to the age at which the individual started and quit smoking. Split-population hazard models are estimated for both starting and quitting smoking. The analysis suggests price plays a significant role in the decision to start smoking but not in the decision to quit. Further sensitivity analysis of different age groups and an alternative data source, questions the robustness of the significant role of price in the smoking initiation decision. From a policy perspective, the results indicate that increases in tobacco taxation can be an important instrument in reducing the incidence of smoking, but should be combined with other mechanisms such as mandating smoke-free environments and antismoking education. Our results strongly support the targeting of antismoking campaigns towards teenagers.
Resumo:
The secretive 2011 Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement – known in short by the catchy acronym ACTA – is a controversial trade pact designed to provide for stronger enforcement of intellectual property rights. The preamble to the treaty reads like pulp fiction – it raises moral panics about piracy, counterfeiting, organised crime, and border security. The agreement contains provisions on civil remedies and criminal offences; copyright law and trademark law; the regulation of the digital environment; and border measures. Memorably, Susan Sell called the international treaty a TRIPS Double-Plus Agreement, because its obligations far exceed those of the World Trade Organization's TRIPS Agreement 1994, and TRIPS-Plus Agreements, such as the Australia-United States Free Trade Agreement 2004. ACTA lacks the language of other international intellectual property agreements, which emphasise the need to balance the protection of intellectual property owners with the wider public interest in access to medicines, human development, and transfer of knowledge and technology. In Australia, there was much controversy both about the form and the substance of ACTA. While the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade was a partisan supporter of the agreement, a wide range of stakeholders were openly critical. After holding hearings and taking note of the position of the European Parliament and the controversy in the United States, the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties in the Australian Parliament recommended the deferral of ratification of ACTA. This was striking as representatives of all the main parties agreed on the recommendation. The committee was concerned about the lack of transparency, due process, public participation, and substantive analysis of the treaty. There were also reservations about the ambiguity of the treaty text, and its potential implications for the digital economy, innovation and competition, plain packaging of tobacco products, and access to essential medicines. The treaty has provoked much soul-searching as to whether the Trick or Treaty reforms on the international treaty-making process in Australia have been compromised or undermined. Although ACTA stalled in the Australian Parliament, the debate over it is yet to conclude. There have been concerns in Australia and elsewhere that ACTA will be revived as a ‘zombie agreement’. Indeed, in March 2013, the Canadian government introduced a bill to ensure compliance with ACTA. Will it be also resurrected in Australia? Has it already been revived? There are three possibilities. First, the Australian government passed enhanced remedies with respect to piracy, counterfeiting and border measures in a separate piece of legislation – the Intellectual Property Laws Amendment (Raising the Bar) Act 2012 (Cth). Second, the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade remains supportive of ACTA. It is possible, after further analysis, that the next Australian Parliament – to be elected in September 2013 – will ratify the treaty. Third, Australia is involved in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. The government has argued that ACTA should be a template for the Intellectual Property Chapter in the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The United States Trade Representative would prefer a regime even stronger than ACTA. This chapter provides a portrait of the Australian debate over ACTA. It is the account of an interested participant in the policy proceedings. This chapter will first consider the deliberations and recommendations of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties on ACTA. Second, there was a concern that ACTA had failed to provide appropriate safeguards with respect to civil liberties, human rights, consumer protection and privacy laws. Third, there was a concern about the lack of balance in the treaty’s copyright measures; the definition of piracy is overbroad; the suite of civil remedies, criminal offences and border measures is excessive; and there is a lack of suitable protection for copyright exceptions, limitations and remedies. Fourth, there was a worry that the provisions on trademark law, intermediary liability and counterfeiting could have an adverse impact upon consumer interests, competition policy and innovation in the digital economy. Fifth, there was significant debate about the impact of ACTA on pharmaceutical drugs, access to essential medicines and health-care. Sixth, there was concern over the lobbying by tobacco industries for ACTA – particularly given Australia’s leadership on tobacco control and the plain packaging of tobacco products. Seventh, there were concerns about the operation of border measures in ACTA. Eighth, the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties was concerned about the jurisdiction of the ACTA Committee, and the treaty’s protean nature. Finally, the chapter raises fundamental issues about the relationship between the executive and the Australian Parliament with respect to treaty-making. There is a need to reconsider the efficacy of the Trick or Treaty reforms passed by the Australian Parliament in the 1990s.
Resumo:
Esta tese inclui dois artigos que têm por objetivo apresentar um panorama das tendências e heterogeneidades do tabagismo nas capitais brasileiras e, assim, oferecer subsídios ao planejamento e avaliação de medidas de controle do tabaco no País. Utilizaram-se os dados da Pesquisa Nacional sobre Saúde e Nutrição (PNSN), e do Inquérito Domiciliar Sobre Comportamentos de Risco e Morbidade Referida de Doenças e Agravos Não Transmissíveis (InqDANT). No primeiro artigo estimou-se a diferença na prevalência de tabagismo em 14 capitais brasileiras entre pessoas de 15 anos ou mais em 1989 (PNSN) e 2002/2003 (InqDANT) relacionando as mudanças observadas às principais medidas de controle do tabaco desenvolvidas no período. O estudo mostrou que o percentual de fumantes diminuiu de 30,2% para 19,4% no período. Entre homens, a prevalência passou de 37,5% para 23,2% (1,1% /ano) e entre mulheres, de 24,3% para 16,5% (0,6% /ano). A avaliação cronológica sugere que as principais medidas de impacto refletidas no decréscimo observado foram a lei que obriga que haja advertências sobre os malefícios do tabagismo nas embalagens e propagandas de cigarros, a restrição e proibição da propaganda de produtos do tabaco e as intervenções relacionadas à proteção ao tabagismo passivo. O declínio da prevalência observado no estudo foi um dos maiores do mundo. No segundo artigo, fez-se uma descrição da situação do tabagismo no Brasil considerando heterogeneidades regionais e de subgrupos populacionais a partir de uma amostra de 24.681 indivíduos de 15 anos ou mais residentes em 16 capitais brasileiras incluídas no InqDANT. A prevalência de tabagismo no gênero masculino variou de 17,0% a 28,2% e no feminino, de 10% a 22,9%. Entre mulheres, menores prevalências foram observadas nas regiões Norte, Nordeste e Centro-Oeste. Este padrão não se repetiu entre homens. Independentemente de gênero, maiores percentuais de fumantes foram encontrados entre pessoas de menor escolaridade e faixa etária 40-49 anos. A cessação média entre homens e mulheres foi de 50%. Os dados indicaram que as políticas públicas de controle do tabaco têm sido efetivas particularmente na indução à cessação de fumar. Contudo, a elevada prevalência em jovens mostrou a importância de reforço a medidas que contenham a iniciação. As heterogeneidades observadas mostraram a necessidade de ações específicas por região. Além dos dois estudos referidos, esta Tese também descreveu novas pesquisas sobre tabagismo utilizando-se dados do InqDANT. Subsequentemente, com base na discussão prévia, delineou-se uma proposta sumária das principais linhas de investigação a serem desenvolvidas no Brasil a fim de subsidiar o Programa Nacional de Controle do Tabagismo e a implantação da Convenção Quadro Para o Controle do Tabaco.
Resumo:
青蒿素是存在于中药青蒿(Artemisia annua L.)中的一种含有过氧桥的倍半萜内酯化合物,是中国科学家研发出的当今最有潜力的抗疟药剂,较传统抗疟药很少或无毒副作用,因此青蒿素的生产备受人们关注。目前,青蒿素的生产主要以植物提取为主,但由于青蒿植株中青蒿素的含量很低(约占干重的0.01%~0.8%),从而导致青蒿素价格昂贵,使许多贫困地区的疟疾患者无法得到医治,故提高青蒿植株中青蒿素的含量或扩大青蒿素的来源,降低生产青蒿素的成本具有重要的意义。 本论文基于扩大青蒿素的来源和提高青蒿植株中青蒿素含量的目的,开展了以下两方面的工作: 一、紫穗槐二烯在烟草中组合生物合成的研究 紫穗槐二烯合酶(amorpha-4,11-diene synthase,ADS)是青蒿素生物合成的关键酶之一,为了能在烟草中合成青蒿素的前体,本研究将青蒿的紫穗槐二烯合酶基因置于CaMV 35S启动子控制下,通过根癌农杆菌介导转入烟草(Nicotiana tobacum L.),并获得了转ADS基因烟草植株。经PCR及Southern杂交分析表明,ADS基因已经整合到转基因烟草基因组中;RT-PCR及对转基因烟草中ADS酶活性和产物中紫穗槐二烯和植物甾醇的测定分析,进一步证明整合的ADS基因在转录、翻译水平上均已经表达。上述结果表明,利用基因工程将青蒿素生物合成途径的关键酶基因导入植物,转基因植物中能够合成青蒿素的前体,这一研究结果为利用转基因植物生产青蒿素或其前体奠定了基础。 二、青蒿鲨烯合酶双链干涉基因对烟草的遗传转化研究 鲨烯合酶(squalene synthase, SQS)是甾醇类生物合成分支途径的关键酶之一,利用RNA干扰技术(RNA interference,RNAi)抑制目标基因表达的技术已日趋成熟。本文根据植物中hpRNA(hairpin RNA)的原理,在与烟草SQS同源性高达80%的青蒿ASQS序列的5/端保守区选择622 bp作为构建RNAi的序列,借助中间克隆载体,经过三次亚克隆,最后形成含ASQS-RNAi表达盒的双元表达载体pART27-ASQS,并转入农杆菌EHA105。采用农杆菌介导的烟草叶盘转化法,共获得了12棵转基因植株。转基因植株经过PCR和PCR-Southern blotting 检测,证实外源ASQS基因已经导入烟草中,并已经成功整合到烟草基因组中;通过RT-PCR分析说明,转基因烟草中SQS基因的表达已被成功抑制,部分转基因植株中内源SQS的干扰效果高达90%以上。对SQS的直接产物鲨烯和最终产物植物甾醇的检测显示,转基因烟草的植物甾醇和鲨烯的含量明显低于对照。本实验的结果为下一步将此RNA干扰载体导入青蒿,抑制青蒿中ASQS基因的表达,从而提高青蒿素的含量提供了可能。