955 resultados para Stereoscopic television


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Eleven Pro-Am curators of Australian television history were interviewed about their practice. The data helps us to understand the relationship between professional and Pro-Am approaches to Australian television history. There is no simple binary – the lines are blurred – but there are some differences. Pro-Am curators of Australian television history are not paid for their work and present other motivations for practice – particularly being that ‘weird child’ who was obsessed with gathering information and objects related to television. They have freedom to curate only programs and genres that interest them, and they tend to collect merchandise as much as program texts themselves. And they have less interest in formally cataloguing their material than do professional curators of Australian television history.

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This chapter begins from the premise that, to date, television remains the dominant communications technology in the digital media sport environment. It argues that sports-related programming is often overlooked in favour of event coverage in the study of sports television. Analysis focuses on three areas - platform interaction, technological innovation, and content ecologies - and describes technological innovations arising from television coverage of sports, with a particular focus on online video, audience measurement, and 3D production and viewing.

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The ABC’s 50-year TV partnership with the BBC is at breaking point after a landmark deal between the British broadcaster and pay TV provider Foxtel was announced in April 2013. Under the new deal Foxtel will host a new BBC channel that will screen first-run, “fast-tracked” British programming, meaning ABC viewers will no longer have free-to-air access to popular shows such as Silent Witness and The Thick of It. The deal between Foxtel and the BBC’s commercial arm, BBC Worldwide, has major implications not only for the two partners, but also for the ABC and potentially for Australian screen content.

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Nick Herd begins his institutional history of Australian commercial television in the early 1890s, when an amateur inventor named Henry Sutton designed the ‘telephane’ with the intent of watching the Melbourne Cup in his home town of Ballarat. The ‘race that stops a nation’ was not broadcast live on television until 1960, but Sutton’s initiative indicates how closely sport and television were aligned in Australia even before the medium existed. The first licensed commercial stations to begin regular broadcasting went on air in Sydney and Melbourne shortly before the 1956 Melbourne Olympic Games, although Herd claims that this was ‘almost accidental’ rather than planned. (49) Only Melbourne viewers were able to see some events live, many via television sets in Ampol service stations following the company’s last minute sponsorship of coverage on Melbourne station GTV-9...

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A recent issue of Young People Now (November 1995) mentioned the new (UK) television soap opera Hollyoaks by Phil Redmond, which raises the issue of the role of ‘soap operas’ (hereafter referred to as soaps) in the daily lives of young people. The term ‘soap’ originates with the sponsorship of radio and television programmes by companies such as Proctor and Gamble who in America in 1932 used a daytime radio domestic comedy, The Puddle Family to advertise Oxydol, a washing powder. The first British television soap was The Grove Family (BBC 1954-7) was followed by Emergency Ward Ten (ATV 1957-67), Coronation Street (Granada Television 1960-present) and Eastenders (BBC 1985-present). Australian soaps are especially popular in Britain and of potential interest to those who work with young people, because they have a high proportion of youthful looking actors and actresses and frequently depict scenes involving young people and apparent ‘real’ teenage dilemmas. On one level it may be commendable that actors who are young(ish) somewhere between the ages of 14 and 25 play roles that are ostensibly about young people and their alleged problems. However, the casting of young, largely unknown, actors reflects more the political economy of soaps in their relative cheapness and dispensability, rather than any genuine attempt to create an oppositional text for, about and by young people (Paterson 1986).

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In this chapter we will describe the contemporary variety of practice-oriented training institutions in Australia. We will examine the different ways in which public and private providers are managing the challenges of digitization and convergence. We will consider the logics governing film education this mix of providers pulls into focus, and we will outline some of the challenges providers face in educating, (re)training, and preparing their graduates for life and work beyond the film school. These challenges highlight questions about the accountabilities and responsibilities of practice-oriented film education institutions. This chapter begins with an introductory section that outlines these logics and questions. It explores some of the tensions and dynamics within the spectrum of issues through which we can understand film schools. The chapter then goes on briefly to describe the multifaceted training landscape in Australia, before profiling the leading public provider, the Australian Film, Television and Radio School (AFTRS), as well as the other leading public providers the Victorian College of the Arts, and the Griffith Film School. It concludes with a short section on film education in primary and secondary schools as the education sector prepares for the implementation of a national curriculum in which ‘media arts’ has a new centrality.

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Community-based arts and media movements have been intsrumental in building population-wide creative capacity for cultural development, social participation and social transformation in many parts of the world. Digital storytelling is a form of media practice that was pioneered in the United States at the intersection of these movements. It is described here as a ‘co-creative’ media production method. This description aims to differentiate the approaches to collaborative content creation that are used in community cultural development (CCD) and community media movements from those valued in professional and consumer modes of media production. Yet, the products of co-creative practices, such as digital stories, do not circulate widely through existing media networks or through the newer social media networks that Australian CCD and community media movements anticipated by at least twenty years. The complex politics of story ownership are one of a number of factors that often render ‘publication’ a secondary consideration in the making of digital stories. The possibility of ‘downstream’ use and re-use of stories in other networks is not usually considered in initial planning and development processes. As landmark projects such as Capture Wales indicate, even where stories are made for broadcast outcomes, television can be a problematic window for exhibiting digital stories. Scepticism about the brave new world of reality television and user generated content also circulates in digital storytelling networks, especially when it comes to ethical concerns for managing the risks of harm associated with widespread distribution of digital stories to indiscriminate publics. This publication reports on a collaborative action research project that took a closer look at some of the constraints relating to the problems of re-purposing digital stories for television. It focussed on ‘best practice’ for managing the risks of harm to storytellers in the process of re-purposing digital stories for broadcast on community television.

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Facial expression recognition (FER) systems must ultimately work on real data in uncontrolled environments although most research studies have been conducted on lab-based data with posed or evoked facial expressions obtained in pre-set laboratory environments. It is very difficult to obtain data in real-world situations because privacy laws prevent unauthorized capture and use of video from events such as funerals, birthday parties, marriages etc. It is a challenge to acquire such data on a scale large enough for benchmarking algorithms. Although video obtained from TV or movies or postings on the World Wide Web may also contain ‘acted’ emotions and facial expressions, they may be more ‘realistic’ than lab-based data currently used by most researchers. Or is it? One way of testing this is to compare feature distributions and FER performance. This paper describes a database that has been collected from television broadcasts and the World Wide Web containing a range of environmental and facial variations expected in real conditions and uses it to answer this question. A fully automatic system that uses a fusion based approach for FER on such data is introduced for performance evaluation. Performance improvements arising from the fusion of point-based texture and geometry features, and the robustness to image scale variations are experimentally evaluated on this image and video dataset. Differences in FER performance between lab-based and realistic data, between different feature sets, and between different train-test data splits are investigated.

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This article examines two instances of media policy involving satellite transmission and Indigenous television: the introduction of the Viewer Access Satellite Television (VAST) platform in 2010 and the introduction of AUSSAT in the mid-1980s. The government’s failure to provide community and Indigenous broadcasters with an access regime at the time of AUSSAT resulted in Australia’s first and only Indigenous commercial television licensee, Imparja. Over a quarter of a century later, Imparja now forms part of the joint-venture company that runs VAST, a key component of Australia’s digital switchover planning. During the passage of the legislative amendments required to establish VAST, the issue of access resurfaced – this time in relation to Australia’s national and community Indigenous television channels. The article recounts the events leading up to the 2010 Bill, and examines the intended and unintended consequences of satellite policy in relation to Indigenous media, including equalisation and transparency of government funding programs.

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Twitter is a social media service that has managed very successfully to embed itself deeply in the daily lives of its users. Its short message length (140 characters), and one-way connections (‘following’ rather than ‘friending’), lead themselves effectively to random and regular updates on almost any form of personal or professional activity. Thus, it has found uses from the interpersonal (e.g. Boyd et al., 2010) through crisis communication (e.g. Bruns et al., 2012), to political debate (e.g. Burgess & Bruns, 2012). In such uses, Twitter does not necessarily replace existing media channels, such as broadcasting or online mainstream media, but often complements them, providing its users with alternative opportunities to contribute more actively to the wider media sphere. This is true especially where Twitter is used alongside television, as a simple backchannel to live programming or for more sophisticated uses. In this article, we outline four aspects and dimensions, of the way that the old medium of television intersects, and in some cases, interacts with the new medium of Twitter. Tweeting about the television has always been a social media form. It has also consistently provided key ‘talking points’ for western societies...

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This article reports on the public lecture given by Associate Professor Ron Jacobs from the State University of New York in June, 2011. The lecture titled 'What’s wrong with television: media narratives of economic crisis', was held at The University of Melbourne in association with Thesis Eleven’s ‘Festival of Ideas’. In his talk, Jacobs discussed the ways in which media narratives inform and shape social life and described how major economic, social and political events are represented and re-told in the making of news.

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Social media is playing an ever-increasing role in both viewers engagement with television and in the television industries evaluation of programming, in Australia – which is the focus of our study - and beyond. Twitter hashtags and viewer comments are increasingly incorporated into broadcasts, while Facebook fan pages provide a means of marketing upcoming shows and television personalities directly into the social media feed of millions of users. Additionally, bespoke applications such as FanGo and ZeeBox, which interact with the mainstream social networks, are increasingly being utilized by broadcasters for interactive elements of programming (c.f. Harrington, Highfield and Bruns, 2012). However, both the academic and industry study of these platforms has focused on the measure of content during the specific broadcast of the show, or a period surrounding it (e.g. 3 hours before until 3 am the next day, in the case of 2013 Nielsen SocialGuide reports). In this paper, we argue that this focus ignores a significant period for both television producers and advertisers; the lead-up to the program. If, as we argue elsewhere (Bruns, Woodford, Highfield & Prowd, forthcoming), users are persuaded to engage with content both by advertising of the Twitter hash-tag or Facebook page and by observing their network connections engaging with such content, the period before and between shows may have a significant impact on a viewers likelihood to watch a show. The significance of this period for broadcasters is clearly highlighted by the efforts they afford to advertising forthcoming shows through several channels, including television and social media, but also more widely. Biltereyst (2004, p.123) has argued that reality television generates controversy to receive media attention, and our previous small-scale work on reality shows during 2013 and 2014 supports the theory that promoting controversial behavior is likely to lead to increased viewing (Woodford & Prowd, 2014a). It remains unclear, however, to what extent this applies to other television genres. Similarly, while networks use of social media has been increasing, best practices remain unclear. Thus, by applying our telemetrics, that is social media metrics for television based on sabermetric approaches (Woodford, Prowd & Bruns, forthcoming; c.f. Woodford & Prowd, 2014b), to the period between shows, we are able to better understand the period when key viewing decisions may be made, to establish the significance of observing discussions within your network during the period between shows, and identify best practice examples of promoting a show using social media.

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Introduction- This study investigates the prevailing status of Nepalese media portrayal of natural disasters. It is contributing to the development of a disaster management model to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of news production throughout the continuum of prevention, preparedness, response and recovery (PPRR) phases of disaster management. Theoretical framework- Studies of media content often rely on framing as the theoretical underpinning of the study, as it describes how the press crafts the message. However there are additional theoretical perspectives that underline an understanding of the role of the media. This article outlines a conceptual understanding of the role of the media in modern society, the way that this conceptual understanding is used in the crafting of media messages and how those theoretical considerations are applied to the concepts that underpin effective disaster management. (R.M. Entman, 2003; Liu, 2007; Meng & Berger, 2008). Methodology- A qualitative descriptive design is used to analyse the disaster news of Nepal Television (NTV). However, this paper presents the preliminary findings of Nepal Television (a government owned Television station) using qualitative content analysis of 105 natural disaster related news scripts (June 2012-March 2013) based on the framing theory and PPRR cycle. Results- The preliminary results indicate that the media focus while framing natural disasters is dominated by human interest frame followed by responsibility frame. News about response phase was found to be most prominent in terms of PPRR cycle. Limited disaster reporting by NTV has impacted the national disaster management programs and strategies. The findings describe natural disasters are being reported within the limited understanding of the important principles of disaster management and PPRR cycle. Conclusion- This paper describes the current status of the coverage of natural disasters by Nepal Television to identify the frames used in the news content. It contributes to determining the characteristics of effective media reporting of natural disasters in the government owned media outlets, and also leads to including communities and agencies involved in disasters. It suggests the frames which are best suited for news making and how media responds to the different phases of the disaster cycle.