Olympic games, mega-events, and civil societies:globalisation, environment, resistance

This volume explores sports mega-events, their social, political, and cultural characters, the value systems that they inscribe and draw on, the claims they make on us and the claims the organisers make for them, the spatial and ethical relationships they create, and the responses of civil societies to them. Our premise is that sports mega-events are not simply sporting or cultural phenomena. They are also political and economic events, characterised by the generation and projection of symbolic meanings – most obviously over the nature of statehood, economic power, and of collective cultural identity – and by social conflict, especially over land use, and over the extent and contours of public spending commitments. Because of their peculiar spatial and temporal organization, they raise questions about the relationships between global cultural and economic flows and particular local and national spaces. Because of their evolutionary characteristics, they ask us to consider not simply the time of the event but of the effects of the event on the long-term direction, implementation, and consequences of public policy.

Russia

Ruta Aidis, Julia Korosteleva and Tomasz Mickiewicz 1. Introduction to Russia Russia is the world’s largest country, a nuclear superpower with unsurpassed energy resources. It is also a country which finds itself at the crossroads of possible development paths. Market-oriented mechanisms have been introduced but Soviet era laws remain on the books. Corruption has become a way of life and freedom of the press has been gradually eliminated in the early 2000s. Within this backdrop, private entrepreneurship has emerged, albeit in a distorted way. As the heart of the Soviet empire, Russia had tremendous control of enormous amounts of natural resources and human capital. Yet, 20 years ago, in the late 1980s, it was a country where entrepreneurship was marginal, the economy was stagnant and the ruling communist hierarchy had no clear formula for solving the deepening crisis. Unfortunately the reforms characterizing Russia’s attempts at rebuilding statehood after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, first under Mikhail Gorbachev and then Boris Y’eltsin, were inconsistent and did not foster macroeconomic stabilization. However, since 2000, under Vladimir Putin’s leadership, macroeconomic stabilization as well as institutional stability has been achieved. In addition, an unprecedented increase in the price and demand for oil and gas resources has resulted in a rapid growth of Russia’s gross domestic product (GDP). Russia now has a large private sector, though not without its limitations. At first glance, ‘de jure’ regulations often seem reasonable, yet it is the selective and arbitrary manner by which they are...

The new institutionalism in the context of Kosovo's transition:regulatory institutions in contested states

This article explores the new institutionalist literature in political economy in the context of Kosovo's contested statehood, focusing on institutional arbitrage and legitimacy. This article considers both the consequences of institutions for actors' behaviour and the norms that shape this, as well as the factors determining the legitimacy of institutions. In doing so, it combines the new institutionalist theory with documentary and interview material collected during research on energy regulation in one contested state, Kosovo. Rather than singling out one particular variety of "new institutionalism", the article attempts to blend insights from historical (or "political"), rational choice, and sociological institutionalism. © 2014 © 2014 Taylor & Francis.

Basileîs en combate : Fundamentos de la autoridad en Homero

Los poemas homéricos muestran una sociedad en transición entre dos mundos, el del oîkos y el de la pólis, que comparten valores como la centralidad de lo bélico, pero que traducen esos valores en formas de liderazgo y patrones de conducta diferentes, en función de la creciente institucionalización que anuncia el surgimiento del Estado. El conflicto entre Aquiles y Agamenón puede leerse como reflejo de esa tensión, en la que la centralidad de lo bélico adopta dos formas diferentes y antagónicas. Aquiles, el mejor de los guerreros homéricos, representa valores anclados en una sociedad poco estratificada, en la que el líder es aquel que sobresale por sus características personales y cuyo lugar debe ser ratificado constantemente. Agamenón, en cambio, expresa una lógica que aparece con las transformaciones que surgen con el tránsito hacia una sociedad más estratificada: su liderazgo sigue siendo militar, pero su preeminencia sobre los otros basileîs no se basa ya en su destreza marcial, sino en su capacidad de reclutar una mayor capacidad de guerreros. El de la Ilíada es un mundo en el cual ambas lógicas están en tensión, y cuyo conflicto, en consecuencia, no puede saldarse sin matices en favor de ninguno de ellos.

Revisiting Politicide: State Annihilation in Israel/Palestine

State annihilation is a persistent concern in Israel/Palestine. While the specter of Israel’s destruction increasingly haunts Israeli public political debates, the actual materialization of Palestinian statehood seems to be permanently suspended, caught in an ever-protracted process of state-building. The current paper claims that to understand the unfolding of the discursive formations, as well as the spatial dimensions of conflict and control in Israel/Palestine, we should explicate the workings of the processes of politicide. Politicide, in this regard, denotes the eradication of the political existence of a group and sabotaging the turning of a community of people into a polity. This analysis suggests that the insistence that the State of Israel is under threat of extinction should be understood as a speech act, a performative reiteration, which allows for the securitization of Israeli rule in the occupied Palestinian territory, a securitization which then serves to rationalize the ongoing concrete politicide of the Palestinians. Elaborating on the concept of politicide, and diverging from defining it solely through the use of brute violence, this examination suggests that what is often overlooked in discussions of politicide are the seemingly more benign means of its implementation, the micro-power mechanisms of spatial control, prohibitions and regulations.

‘State failure’ and the extraterritorial use of force in self-defence against non-state actors

The thesis is first and foremost the examination of the notion and consequences of ‘state failure’ in international law. The disputes surrounding criteria for creation and recognition of states pertain to efforts to analyse legal and factual issues unravelling throughout the continuing existence of states, as best evidenced by the ‘state failure’ phenomenon. It is argued that although the ‘statehood’ of failed states remains uncontested, their sovereignty is increasingly considered to be dependent on the existence of effective governments. The second part of this thesis focuses on the examinations of the legal consequences of the continuing existence of failed states in the context of jus ad bellum. Since the creation of the United Nations the ability of states to resort to armed force without violating what might be considered as the single most important norm of international law, has been considerably limited. State failure and increasing importance of non-state actors has become a greatly topical issue within recent years in both scholarship and the popular imagination. There have been important legal developments within international law, which have provoked much academic, and in particular, legal commentary. On one level, the thesis contributes to this commentary. Despite the fact that the international community continues to perpetuate a notion of ‘statehood’ which allows the state-centric system of international law to exist, when dealing with practical and political realities of state failure, international law may no longer consider external sovereignty of states as an undeniable entitlement to statehood. Accordingly, the main research question of this thesis is whether the implicit and explicit invocation of the state failure provides sufficient legal basis for the intervention in self-defence against non-state actors in located in failed states. It has been argued that state failure has a profound impact, the extent of which is yet to be fully explored, on the modern landscape of peace and security.

Cultural Nationalism

Nationalism may involve the combination of culture and politics, but for many of its most prominent students, the former is subordinate to the latter. In this view, nationalist appeals to culture are a means to a political end; that is, the achievement of statehood. Hence, for Ernest Gellner (2006 [1983]: 124), culture is but an epiphenomenon, a ‘false-consciousness … hardly worth analyzing …’. For their part, Eric Hobsbawm and Terrence Ranger (1983) suggest that national traditions are ‘invented’ by elites concerned with the legitimization of state power. Similarly, John Breuilly (2006 [1982]: 11) defines national movements as ‘political movements … which seek to gain or exercise state power and justify their objectives in terms of nationalist doctrine’. A broadly similar characterization of nationalism can be found in the writings of many other esteemed scholars (Giddens, 1985; Laitin, 2007; Mann, 1995; Tilly, 1975). The privileging of politics over culture remains the dominant approach to understanding nationalism, but it is not without criticism. There is now a vast and rapidly growing body of literature insisting that the role of culture should be made more prominent. In opposition to the argument that nationalist appeals to culture are but an exercise in legitimation, this body of literature suggests that they can be ends unto themselves. This latter phenomenon, generally referred to as cultural nationalism, is the subject of this chapter. The chapter proceeds as follows. I begin with the definition and history of cultural nationalism before discussing several key themes in its study. To conclude, I briefly outline several lines of research that I believe hold particular potential for developing the field. In the light of the huge array of literature on cultural nationalism, the review is focused on seminal contributions.

Demokracja bezpośrednia a wprowadzenie praw wyborczych dla kobiet. Przykład Szwajcarii

Over the centuries, Switzerland has developed a unique and inimitable statehood that functions in peculiar geographical, social and political conditions, shaped by the tradition of exercising direct forms of power. It appears, however, that these tools of direct democracy can sometimes obstruct the changes of utmost significance for the development of modern statehood and democracy. This was the case of granting voting rights to women. Although many European and other states granted the rights to vote and stand for election to women in the 1920s and 1930s, Switzerland needed much longer to introduce this change: on the federal level, women’s suffrage was granted as late as in 1971, and the last to enjoy the right to partake in the political life of their canton were the women of Appenzell Innerrhoden, granted the right in 1990. The objective of this paper is to analyze the influence of the mechanisms of direct democracy on the introduction of voting rights for Swiss women.

Towards participatory political theology: democratic consolidation in Southeastern Europe and the role of Eastern Christianity in the process

This thesis defends the position that the Eastern Orthodoxy has the potential to develop, on the basis of its core concepts and doctrines, a new political theology that is participatory, personalist and universalist. This participatory political theology, as I name it, endorses modern democracy and the values of civic engagement. It enhances the process of democracy-building and consolidation in the SEE countries through cultivating the ethos of participation and concern with the common good among and the recognition of the dignity and freedom of the person. This political-theological model is developed while analyzing critically the traditional models of church-state relations (the symphonia model corresponding to the medieval empire and the Christian nation model corresponding to the nation-state) as being instrumentalized to serve the political goals of non-democratic regimes. The participatory political-theological model is seen as corresponding to the conditions of the constitutional democratic state. The research is justified by the fact the Eastern Orthodoxy has been a dominant religiouscultural force in the European South East for centuries, thus playing a significant role in the process of creation of the medieval and modern statehood of the SEE countries. The analysis employs comparative constitutional perspectives on democratic transition and consolidation in the SEE region with the theoretical approaches of political theology and Eastern Orthodox theology. The conceptual basis for the political-theological synthesis is found in the concept and doctrines of the Eastern Orthodoxy (theosis and synergy, ecclesia and Eucharist, conciliarity and catholicity, economy and eschatology) which emphasize the participatory, personalist and communal dimensions of the Orthodox faith and practice. The paradigms of revealing the political-theological potential of these concepts are the Eucharistic ecclesiology and the concept of divine-human communion as defining the body of Orthodox theology. The thesis argues that with its ethos of openness and engagement the participatory political theology presupposes political systems that are democratic, inclusive, and participatory, respecting the rights and the dignity of the person. The political theology developed here calls for a transformation and change of democratic systems towards better realization of their personalist and participatory commitments. In the context of the SEE countries the participatory political theology addresses the challenges posed by alternative authoritarian political theologies practiced in neighboring regions.

Integracja europejska w mikroperspektywie. Graniczne miasta blizniacze w Europie Zachodniej i Srodkowo-Wschodniej

The dynamization of integration processes in Europe has generated numerous research topics for political analysis. Border integration is an expression of the broader unification processes of certain structures. It is also a manifestation of the observation that people think globally, but function locally. The European integration perspective is therefore practically implemented in micro structures, exemplified by border twin towns. The objective of this paper is to revive the micro perspective as a useful approach in the investigation of integration processes. This perspective is applied in the field of border studies, which focus on research into the transformation of European borders resulting from integration processes, as well as on the transformations of the concepts of statehood, territoriality and sovereignty. It is assumed that these phenomena are definitely more observable at the outskirts of states than in their centers. Theoretical and empirical considerations are based on the example of border twin towns, as the European units of local government that integrate across borders. The main differences between the integration of towns in Western Europe and Central and Eastern Europe are also indicated in the analysis.

Estado Islámico: erosión de la estatalidad en Iraq y Siria y la aparición de una estatalidad paralela desde la proclamación del Califato hasta la caída de Kobane

El interés de este estudio de caso es analizar la naturaleza del Estado Islámico y su impacto en la estatalidad y soberanía de Iraq y Siria. Se estudia y explica cómo ha sido la evolución y expansión del Estado Islámico y el impacto que este proceso ha tenido sobre Iraq y Siria generando de esta manera la aparición de una estatalidad paralela a través de la construcción de un aparato institucional por parte del Estado Islámico, lo que contribuye al desarrollo de un “para-estado”. Siguiendo la línea argumentativa, finalmente se demuestra que en la evolución del Estado Islámico se logra crear una forma primitiva de Estado, adquiriendo poco a poco niveles de estatalidad, lo que lleva a que los Estados de Iraq y Siria pierdan atributos de estatalidad y de un Estado soberano.

Institucionalidad y control territorial en Colombia. Una aproximación al Urabá antioqueño desde la teoría de la cooptación del estado (1997-2007)

El interés de esta monografía es evaluar la relación entre el orden institucional del Estado colombiano y las lógicas del control territorial de los paramilitares sobre el Urabá antioqueño durante el periodo 1997-2007. Se analiza y explica cómo los grupos paramilitares aprovecharon el contexto de debilidad institucional del Urabá antioqueño para consolidar estructuras paraestatales que instrumentalizaron y cooptaron la institucionalidad del Estado con la pretensión de reproducir las condiciones necesarias para su sostenimiento. Así como las consecuencias sobre la Institucionalidad regional a causa de la consolidación de un control político de corte autoritario y clientelista, la obstaculización de la afirmación del monopolio de la violencia estatal, y la protección de un modelo económico particular sustentado en la violencia. Para ello, como parámetros generales se siguen las funciones estatales descritas por Charles Tilly, la descripción de los estados entre estados de Kinsgton y Spears y la teoría de la cooptación del Estado de Jorge Garay.

Soft Power del Vaticano en el reconocimiento de Palestina como Estado

Desde 1945, el inicio de la cuestión palestina, el país ha sufrido una serie de transformaciones e intervenciones en su soberanía y en legitimidad, las cuales siguen en discusión actualmente; y han dado como resultado el estudio del reconocimiento de Palestina como Estado. Es pertinente hacer un acercamiento a este tema desde la variable religiosa (Vaticano), teniendo en cuenta el gran número de lugares sagrados que hay en la región de Palestina y la variable religiosa del conflicto Palestino-israelí. Desde la mirada del Soft Power, concepto que ha venido tomando fuerza en la academia desde 1980, podemos acercarnos al objeto de estudio y dilucidar las injerencias de este actor. Mediante una aproximación cualitativa, que conlleva análisis del discurso, análisis histórico y análisis de política exterior, se logrará obtener el resultado esperado, que es entender de qué manera el Vaticano ejerce influencia (ideológica y cultural) en el Sistema Internacional, en el asunto del reconocimiento de Palestina como Estado.