Eugenia e literatura no Brasil: apropriação da ciência e do pensamento social dos eugenistas pelos escritores brasileiros de ficção científica (1922 a 1949)

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

A organização social da colônia de pescadores de Imperatriz zona 29 (CPIZ-29), estado do Maranhão

Nesta dissertação se analisa o processo histórico da formação social, política e econômicada da Colônia de Pescadores de Imperatriz Zona 29 (CPI Z-29), estado do Maranhão. Inicialmente, apresenta-se a fundamentação teórica concernente aos movimentos sociais de uma forma geral e em seguida especifica-se as origens e a capacidade organizacional dos pescadores sindicalizados haja vista que as colônias possuam status de sindicato. Em seguida, estuda-se como se deu a evolução do movimento dos pescadores no sul do Maranhão e, consequentemente, na região de Imperatriz, ou seja, na área que corresponde à jurisdição dessa Colônia Z-29,detendo-se nos avanços conquistados pela classe principalmente no que diz respeito às políticas públicas voltadas para esse movimento social. Na reconstituição dos acontecimentos históricos e econômicos, procedeu-se não só o estudo da CPI Z-29 que se solidificou no final da década dos anos de 1970, mais precisamente no ano de 1978, quando é fundada a entidade mencionada, mas também dos diversos ciclos de produção que a região de Imperatriz atravessou ao longo dos anos, procedeu-se também a um levantamento do modus vivendi dos pescadores seus costumes, crenças e práticas adotadas pela classe antes e depois de se associarem de forma legal a uma entidade que nascia visando a organização e fomentando um crescimento para uma classe importante porém esquecida. No estudo do processo pertinente ao periodo de sugimento do movimento e capacidade organizacional dos pescadores, analisou-se as mudanças verificadas na vida econômica, política, cultural, ambiental e social motivadas pelas transformações da estrutura organizacioanal da classe dos pescadores intensificadas, principalmente, a partir da implantação dos projetos sociais incentivados pelo Governo Federal. E, ao final, trata-se de visibilidade política dos pescadores, sua participação no processo decisório em nível municipal e os avanços conquistados pela CPI Z-29 desde a sua fundação.

Esquerda pós-moderna e emancipação social: uma resposta ao Fórum Social Mundial

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Conferências Municipais de Saúde: o movimento social organizado na construção de intervenções em saúde

Estudo exploratório que objetivou compreender o discurso das propostas aprovadas para intervenções em saúde nas Conferências de Saúde ocorridas em Curitiba-PR no período de 1997 a 2007. Os resultados demonstram que as intervenções em saúde aprovadas estiveram relacionadas aos índices epidemiológicos, financiamento do Sistema, reversão do modelo de assistência e participação do movimento social organizado. Para a ampliação da participação foram garantidas discussões ascendentes anteriores à plenária final, na qual se manteve um número de participantes quase constante. Nas considerações finais teve-se que não houve reflexão sobre os determinantes do processo saúde-doença; a tendência foi responsabilizar o indivíduo para promover mudanças na sua realidade e o modelo de ampliação da participação permite refletir sobre a representatividade dos movimentos sociais na decisão das políticas do setor.

The Making of a Shiite Bourgeoisie in Lebanon Political Mobilisation, Economic Resources and Formation of a Social Group

The thesis analyses the making of the Shiite middle- and upper/entrepreneurial-class in Lebanon from the 1960s till the present day. The trajectory explores the historical, political and social (internal and external) factors that brought a sub-proletariat to mobilise and become an entrepreneurial bourgeoisie in the span of less than three generations. This work proposes the main theoretical hypothesis to unpack and reveal the trajectory of a very recent social class that through education, diaspora, political and social mobilisation evolved in a few years into a very peculiar bourgeoisie: whereas Christian-Maronite middle class practically produced political formations and benefited from them and from Maronite’s state supremacy (National Pact, 1943) reinforcing the community’s status quo, Shiites built their own bourgeoisie from within, and mobilised their “cadres” (Boltanski) not just to benefit from their renovated presence at the state level, but to oppose to it. The general Social Movement Theory (SMT), as well as a vast amount of the literature on (middle) class formation are therefore largely contradicted, opening up new territories for discussion on how to build a bourgeoisie without the state’s support (Social Mobilisation Theory, Resource Mobilisation Theory) and if, eventually, the middle class always produces democratic movements (the emergence of a social group out of backwardness and isolation into near dominance of a political order). The middle/upper class described here is at once an economic class related to the control of multiple forms of capital, and produced by local, national, and transnational networks related to flows of services, money, and education, and a culturally constructed social location and identity structured by economic as well as other forms of capital in relation to other groups in Lebanon.

The Tea Party and Social Movements

The recent rise of the Tea Party movement has added a new dimension to our discussion of domestic politics. The main question is: what effect will the Tea Party have on the political landscape? The best way to answer this question is to place the Tea Party in historical and theoretical context, in order to discuss what type of social movement the Tea Party is and what impact it might have. To this end, I will define and discuss the two major literatures in socialmovement theory: Issue Evolution and Political Process theory. This theoretical framework will provide the basis for a more concrete definition of the Tea Party movement itself. I will attemptto define the Tea Party movement based on its demographics, goals and political successes and will discuss it within the context of this theoretical framework. In addition, I will discuss four landmark social movements within our country’s history through the lens of the theoretical framework. I have found that successful movements rely on a combination of internal organizations and networks and external political opportunities to achieve and maintain nationalrelevance. In the end, I will come to the conclusion that the Tea Party will not likely have a major lasting impact on the political arena. It lacks key parts of the internal structure that makes some movements, such as the Civil Rights movement, so influential. But in the short term it will succeed in pushing the Republican Party towards a more fiscally conservative position.

The emergence of the social determinants of health on the policy agenda in Britain: A case study, 1980--2003

Numerous theories have been advanced in the effort to explain how a given policy issue manages to take root in the public sphere and subsequently move forward on the public legislative agenda—or not. This study examined how the social determinants of health (SDOH) came to be part of the legislative policy agenda in Britain from 1980 to 2003. ^ The specific objectives of the research were: (1) to conduct a sociopolitical analysis grounded in alternative agenda-setting theories to identify the factors responsible for moving the social determinants health perspective onto the British policy agenda; and (2) to determine which of the theories and related dimensions best accounted for the emergence of this perspective. ^ A triangulated content and context analysis of British news articles, historical accounts, and research commentaries of the SDOH movement was conducted guided by relevant agenda-setting theories set within a social movement framework to chronicle the emergence of the SDOH as a significant policy issue in Britain. ^ The most influential social movement and agenda setting elements in the emergence of the SDOH in Britain were issue generation tactics, framing efforts, mobilizing structures, and political opportunities grounded in social movement and agenda setting theories. Policy content or the details of the policy had comparatively little impact on the successful emergence of the SDOH. Despite resistance by the government, from 1980 to 1996 interest groups created a political understanding of the SDOH utilizing a framing package encompassing notions of inequality, fairness, and justice. This frame transmitted a powerful idea connected to a core set of British values and beliefs. After 1996, a shift in political opportunities cemented the institutional arrangements needed to sustain an environment conducive to the development and implementation of SDOH policies and programs. ^ This research demonstrates that the U.S. emergence of the SDOH on the policy agenda will depend upon: (1) U.S. ideals and values regarding poverty, inequality, race, health, and health care that will determine issue framing; (2) political opportunities that will emerge—or not—to advance the SDOH policy agenda; and (3) the mobilizing structures that support or oppose the issue. ^

Religião e Movimento Social: as representações religiosas dos pentecostais do Assentamento Herbert de Souza, Moreno, Pernambuco

Objetiva esta pesquisa descrever e analisar as representações religiosas dos pentecostais do Assentamento Herbert de Souza, localizado no município de Moreno, no Estado de Pernambuco. Percebemos no decorrer da investigação que os assentados pentecostais, todos beneficiados pela ação do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), atualizam suas representações religiosas de acordo com a demanda de vida que os motivou quando da entrada deles nas terras que pertenceram ao Engenho Pinto. Foi constatado também que o lugar e o tempo no qual aconteceu a inserção de cada pentecostal fez com que eles desenvolvessem elaborações religiosas diferenciadas acerca do Movimento, da terra e do que concebem como prática religiosa. Assim eles tecem redes simbólicas de significado que dão ordem às suas concepções de mundo. Procuramos comparar as representações dos pentecostais que já residiam nas terras do Engenho antes da ocupação com as daqueles que vieram depois, já como militantes do MST, ou simplesmente beneficiados pelo processo de democratização da terra. Criamos três tipos idéias de pentecostais: os pré-ocupação, os pós-ocupação e os pró-ocupação. Consideramos, finalmente, que as representações são elaboradas num momento de crise, em que há um intercâmbio de saberes entre o que afirma o MST e o que sistematiza as doutrinas da igreja à qual os fieis estejam vinculados. A situação de contingência é fundamental para o surgimento de um processo de negociação entre as práticas doutrinárias pentecostais e as exigências do MST.(AU)

Religião e Movimento Social: as representações religiosas dos pentecostais do Assentamento Herbert de Souza, Moreno, Pernambuco

Objetiva esta pesquisa descrever e analisar as representações religiosas dos pentecostais do Assentamento Herbert de Souza, localizado no município de Moreno, no Estado de Pernambuco. Percebemos no decorrer da investigação que os assentados pentecostais, todos beneficiados pela ação do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), atualizam suas representações religiosas de acordo com a demanda de vida que os motivou quando da entrada deles nas terras que pertenceram ao Engenho Pinto. Foi constatado também que o lugar e o tempo no qual aconteceu a inserção de cada pentecostal fez com que eles desenvolvessem elaborações religiosas diferenciadas acerca do Movimento, da terra e do que concebem como prática religiosa. Assim eles tecem redes simbólicas de significado que dão ordem às suas concepções de mundo. Procuramos comparar as representações dos pentecostais que já residiam nas terras do Engenho antes da ocupação com as daqueles que vieram depois, já como militantes do MST, ou simplesmente beneficiados pelo processo de democratização da terra. Criamos três tipos idéias de pentecostais: os pré-ocupação, os pós-ocupação e os pró-ocupação. Consideramos, finalmente, que as representações são elaboradas num momento de crise, em que há um intercâmbio de saberes entre o que afirma o MST e o que sistematiza as doutrinas da igreja à qual os fieis estejam vinculados. A situação de contingência é fundamental para o surgimento de um processo de negociação entre as práticas doutrinárias pentecostais e as exigências do MST.(AU)

Religião e Movimento Social: as representações religiosas dos pentecostais do Assentamento Herbert de Souza, Moreno, Pernambuco

Objetiva esta pesquisa descrever e analisar as representações religiosas dos pentecostais do Assentamento Herbert de Souza, localizado no município de Moreno, no Estado de Pernambuco. Percebemos no decorrer da investigação que os assentados pentecostais, todos beneficiados pela ação do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), atualizam suas representações religiosas de acordo com a demanda de vida que os motivou quando da entrada deles nas terras que pertenceram ao Engenho Pinto. Foi constatado também que o lugar e o tempo no qual aconteceu a inserção de cada pentecostal fez com que eles desenvolvessem elaborações religiosas diferenciadas acerca do Movimento, da terra e do que concebem como prática religiosa. Assim eles tecem redes simbólicas de significado que dão ordem às suas concepções de mundo. Procuramos comparar as representações dos pentecostais que já residiam nas terras do Engenho antes da ocupação com as daqueles que vieram depois, já como militantes do MST, ou simplesmente beneficiados pelo processo de democratização da terra. Criamos três tipos idéias de pentecostais: os pré-ocupação, os pós-ocupação e os pró-ocupação. Consideramos, finalmente, que as representações são elaboradas num momento de crise, em que há um intercâmbio de saberes entre o que afirma o MST e o que sistematiza as doutrinas da igreja à qual os fieis estejam vinculados. A situação de contingência é fundamental para o surgimento de um processo de negociação entre as práticas doutrinárias pentecostais e as exigências do MST.(AU)

The campaign to save Croxteth comprehensive: an ethnographic study of a protest movement

This thesis is based on ethnographic research carried out on a Liverpool protest movement which occurred between November, 1980 and July,1983. The protest movement was waged by residents of the working class community of Croxteth Liverpool who wished to retain their state secondary school, Croxteth Comprehensive. The Liverpool City Council voted in favour of closing Croxteth Comprehensive in January, 1981 because of its declining roles. Residents began theIr campaign as soon as they became aware of intentions to close the school at the end of the previous year. The campaIgn itself went through a number of different phases, distinguishable accordIng to the groups of people involved, the strategy and tactics they employed, the ways in which they justified their campaign, and the goals they pursued. In July of 1982 the organisation which led the protest, the Croxteth Community Action Committee, took illegal possession of the school buildings and ran a pilot summer school project. In September of 1982 they opened the school doors for all secondary pupils on the council estate and began running classes, with the help of volunteer teachers. The school was run successfully in this way for the entire 1982/83 school year. By the end of this period the school was officially reinstated by a new Labour Party majorIty on the city council. This thesis presents a comprehensive account of the entire campaign, from its beginning to end. The campaign is analysed in a number of ways: by situating the closure itself in the economic and political conditions of Liverpool in the 1980s, by examining the relation of Croxteth Comprehensive to its community, by describing the conditions in which different groups of people contributed to the campaign and the changes it went through in its use of tactics, and through a close examination of the activities which took place inside the school during its year of occupation. A number of levels of analysis are used in the study. To explain the closure and the early forms of resistance which developed to oppose it, the structural location of the local government of Liverpool in the late 1970s and early 1980s is described. To explain the relationship of the school to its community, the formation of a group of activists and their leaders, and the resources available to the protestors for pursuing their aims, a single-group model of social action is used. To analyse the establishment of social routines and schooling practices within the school during its occupation, action-theoretica1 models are drawn upon., The chapters of literature review and concept analysis with which this thesis begins link these different levels theoretIcalIy through a model of actIon and its conditions. The theoretical framework employed is reviewed in the last chapter. It is one which could be used to study any social movement, and has applications to other social phenomena as well. Lastly various issues within the sociology of education are examined in light of the events which took place in Croxteth Comprehensive, especially the theory of community education.

Occupy! A global movement

This book is an urgent and compelling account of the Occupy movements: from the M15 movement in Spain, to the wave of Occupations flooding across cities in American, Europe and Australia, to the harsh reality of evictions as corporations and governments attempted to reassert exclusive control over public space. Across a vast range of international examples over twenty authors analyse, explain and helps us understand the movement. These movements were a novel and noisy intervention into the recent capitalist crisis in developed economies, developing an exceptionally broad identity through a call to arms addressed to 'the 99%', and emphasizing the importance of public space in the creation and maintenance of opposition. The novelties of these movements, along with their radical positioning and the urgency of their claims all demand analysis. This book investigates the crucial questions of how and why this form of action spread so rapidly and so widely, how the inclusive discourse of 'the 99%' matched up to the reality of the practice. It is vital to understand not just the choice of tactics and the vitality of protest camps in public spaces, but also how the myriad of challenges and problems were negotiated. This book was published as a special issue of Social Movement Studies.

"New" Social Movements: Alternative Modernities, (Trans)local Nationalisms, and Solidarity Economies

My dissertation is the first project on the Haitian Platform for Advocacy for an Alternative Development- PAPDA, a nation-building coalition founded by activists from varying sectors to coordinate one comprehensive nationalist movement against what they are calling an Occupation. My work not only provides information on this under-theorized popular movement but also situates it within the broader literature on the postcolonial nation-state as well as Latin American and Caribbean social movements. The dissertation analyzes the contentious relationship between local and global discourses and practices of citizenship. Furthermore, the research draws on transnational feminist theory to underline the scattered hegemonies that intersect to produce varied spaces and practices of sovereignty within the Haitian postcolonial nation-state. The dissertation highlights how race and class, gender and sexuality, education and language, and religion have been imagined and co-constituted by Haitian social movements in constructing ‘new’ collective identities that collapse the private and the public, the rural and the urban, the traditional and the modern. My project complements the scholarship on social movements and the postcolonial nation-state and pushes it forward by emphasizing its spatial dimensions. Moreover, the dissertation de-centers the state to underline the movement of capital, goods, resources, and populations that shape the postcolonial experience. I re-define the postcolonial nation-state as a network of local, regional, international, and transnational arrangements between different political agents, including social movement actors. To conduct this interdisciplinary research project, I employed ethnographic methods, discourse and textual analysis, as well as basic mapping and statistical descriptions in order to present a historically-rooted interpretation of individual and organizational negotiations for community-based autonomy and regional development.

The transition movement and food sovereignty: from local resilience to global engagement in food system transformation

The emergence of grassroots social movements variously preoccupied with a range of external threats, such as diminishing supplies of fossil energy or climate change, has led to increased interest in the production of local food. Drawing upon the notion of cognitive praxis, this article utilises transition as a trajectory guided by an overarching cosmology that brings together a broad social movement seeking a more resilient future. This ‘grand narrative’ is reinforced by ‘transition movement intellectuals’ who serve to shape an agenda of local preparedness in the face of uncertainty, rather than structural analysis of the global system. In this context, growing and producing food offers important multi-functional synergies by reconnecting people to place and its ecological endowments and serves to provide a vital element in civic mobilisation. Yet, local food could also become a means to build international solidarity in defence of food sovereignty and establish a global coalition opposed to the corporate agri-food agenda of biotechnologies, land grabbing and nutritional impoverishment.

Autonomy-Oriented Social Movements and the Politics of Affect

Abstract This dissertation explores damaging tendencies that exist within autonomy-oriented activism in the West. I examine how affect shapes the way that internal conflict is approached and internal strife is dealt with in radical communities. I adopt Sara Ahmed’s proposition “that our emotions are bound up with the securing of the social hierarchy” (Ahmed, 2004b: 4) and given that autonomy-oriented practices are committed to dismantling existing hierarchies, it follows that the less oppressive social configurations sought by autonomous social movements must have different emotional underpinnings. My thesis involves applying critical theory on affect and emotion in social movements to interview data gathered from activists both currently and historically involved in autonomy-oriented social movement communities in Kingston, Ontario. I ask whether anglophone, western-based, autonomy-oriented social movements reproduced understandings of affect/emotions/feelings that underwrite the social order they are working against? I also ask, “how are our emotions conditioned by capitalism?”. The research that I engage with provides responses to these questions by pointing out how the dominant discourse on emotions in the West encourages and informs certain modes of identity production that affect the diminishing and sad practices of autonomy-oriented communities and the (re)production of oppressive practices found in the dominant order. My work critically places this psychologizing view of emotions, and its damaging effects on resistance, within the context of neoliberal capitalism. I argue that the way we understand the politics of affect is an important dimension of radical struggle, and will inform and impact upon our individual and collective capacities to respond to, and refuse to reproduce relations of control and domination. I look for an understanding of “why” and to “what extent” these determinations exists, and look for hope in a politics of affect which supports an autonomy-oriented ethic.