835 resultados para Security Studies - Military
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A presente dissertao prope-se a abordar a agenda securitria da OTAN no sculo XXI. atravs da teoria da securitizao que so analisados os atos discursivos desta organizao, que so prticas centrais na elaborao da agenda securitria desta aliana militar. So ainda analisados os conceitos estratgicos de 1991, 1999 e 2010, luz da teoria da securitizao, como forma de clarificao das preocupaes securitrias da OTAN, permitindo assim contextualizar as medidas extraordinrias adoptadas para combater o risco associado a cada ameaa identificada.
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En el inters de alcanzar la estabilidad y promover el mantenimiento de la paz internacional, la diplomacia preventiva nace como un concepto generador de estrategias encaminadas a actuar antes, durante y despus del conflicto. El siguiente documento busca analizar el funcionamiento de los instrumentos de diplomacia preventiva empleados por las Naciones Unidas en la crisis de Kosovo de 1998 y 1999. Esta crisis surgida a raz del conflicto entre el gobierno serbio y un movimiento disidente, conocido como el Ejrcito de Liberacin Albano-Kosovar, que pretenda darle un perfil ms autnomo al territorio y a la poblacin albano-kosovar, revel una serie de debilidades estructurales que sigue enfrentando este mecanismo en la resolucin de conflictos tnicos al interior de los Estados.
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Con el inicio del periodo Post-Guerra Fra el Sistema Internacional comienza a experimentar un incremento en el fortalecimiento de su componente social; la Sociedad de Estados alcanza un mayor nivel de homogenizacin, el estado, unidad predominante de esta, comienzan atravesar una serie de transformaciones que obedecern a una serie de cambios y continuidades respecto al periodo anterior. Desde la perspectiva del Realismo Subalterno de las Relaciones Internacionales se destacan el proceso de construccin de estado e insercin al sistema como las variables que determinan el sentimiento de inseguridad experimentado por las elites estatales del Tercer Mundo; procesos que en el contexto de un nuevo y turbulento periodo en el sistema, tomara algunas caractersticas particulares que darn un sentido especifico al sentimiento de inseguridad y las acciones a travs de las cuales las elites buscan disminuirlo. La dimensin externa del sentimiento de inseguridad, el nuevo papel que toma la resistencia popular como factor determinante del sentimiento de inseguridad y de la cooperacin, as como del conflicto, entre los miembros de la Sociedad Internacional, la insercin como promotor de estrategias de construccin de Estado, son alguno de los temas puntuales, que desde la perspectiva subalterna, parecen salir a flote tras el anlisis del sistema en lo que se ha considerado como el periodo Post-Guerra Fra. En este sentido Yemen, se muestra como un caso adecuado no solo para poner a prueba las postulados de la teora subalterna, veinte aos despus de su obra ms prominente (The third world security Predicament), escrita por M. Ayoob, sino como un caso pertinente que permite acercarse ms a la comprensin del papel del Tercer Mundo al interior de la Sociedad Internacional de Estados.
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El inters de esta monografa es analizar la transformacin de relacin bilateral colombo estadounidense en materia de seguridad y defensa durante el periodo 2002 2014, y cmo dicha transformacin puede incidir en la formulacin de la poltica exterior colombiana. Se analizar la poltica exterior de lvaro Uribe Vlez y la del actual presidente Juan Manuel Santos. Esto se llevar a cabo bajo dos de las teoras de Relaciones Internacionales, el realismo subalterno y neoclsico, las cuales ayudarn a entender el porqu del cambio de la poltica exterior de colombiana.
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Esta investigacin busca analizar como se modificaron las relaciones entre India y Pakistn luego de los atentados de Mumbai 2008, a la luz de la cultura de anarqua hobbesiana. Para ello, se explicar como la estructura de anarqua ha sido un catalizador en la modificacin de la toma de decisiones de los Estados, sobretodo teniendo en cuenta la caracterstica de Pakistn como un Estado predador. Se demostrar si gracias a estos atentados la actuacin de India en el conflicto ha cambiado y percibe a su par como un ente violento y predispuesto a la agresin. Para ello se entrar a explicar el devenir histrico de la relacin, la intensidad del grupo perpetrador (Lashkar-e-Taiba) y las posiciones de ambos Estados frente a los atentados.
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This volume aims to 'bring the state back into terrorism studies' and fill the notable gap that currently exists in our understanding of the ways in which states employ terrorism as a political strategy of internal governance or foreign policy. Within this broader context, the volume has a number of specific aims. First, it aims to make the argument that state terrorism is a valid and analytically useful concept which can do much to illuminate our understanding of state repression and governance, and illustrate the varieties of actors, modalities, aims, forms, and outcomes of this form of contemporary political violence. Secondly, by discussing a rich and diverse set of empirical case studies of contemporary state terrorism this volume explores and tests theoretical notions, generates new questions and provides a resource for further research. Thirdly, it contributes to a critical-normative approach to the study of terrorism more broadly and challenges dominant approaches and perspectives which assume that states, particularly Western states, are primarily victims and not perpetrators of terrorism. Given the scarceness of current and past research on state terrorism, this volume will make a genuine contribution to the wider field, particularly in terms of ongoing efforts to generate more critical approaches to the study of political terrorism. This book will be of much interest to students of critical terrorism studies, critical security studies, terrorism and political violence and political theory in general.
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As the end of the Cold War approached in 1989, Caroline Thomas argued: It is important that the discipline [International Relations, IR] should address the issue of disease and more broadly, health, not simply to facilitate containment of disease transmission across international borders but also because central notions of justice, equity, efficiency and order are involved (1989:273).1 Ten years later, Craig Murphy echoed these sentiments. Murphy (2001: 352) proposed that IR had yet to grapple with the political consequences of growing inequality between the worlds rich and poor, and areas such as healthwhere these inequalities were most starkshould become the fields core business. How IRs theories and methods would approach these issues was less clear. Bettcher and Yach (1998) cautioned that IR would be unable to develop progressive research projects that explored global health diplomacy as a global public good without adopting new perspectives and methods. Others warned that the expansion of security studies into areas such as global health would weaken the intellectual coherency of the field (Walt 1991:213). Taking its cue from the recent Ng and Prah Ruger (2011) study, this paper returns to these concerns to briefly explore key trends and potential future concerns of research in IR on health...
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Tendo como pressuposto terico a regionalizao das questes de segurana internacional no ps Guerra Fria, esta dissertao objetiva realizar uma anlise comparativa da Poltica de Defesa de trs potncias regionais, quais sejam, frica do Sul, Brasil e ndia, identificando percepo de ameaa no mbito das suas polticas de defesa. Para faz-lo, fez-se necessrio ter em considerao as capacidades materiais (inspirado no neorrealismo e realismo neoclssico), e os aspectos relativos percepo de ameaas, numa dimenso ampliada dos estudos de segurana (inspirados pela Escola de Copenhague). Com isso em mente, este trabalho lida com a literatura sobre a segurana regional e as potncias regionais, a qual se baseia em vrios pressupostos tericos Neorrealistas, Realistas Neoclssicos e da Escola de Copenhague. A proposio heurstica que guia este trabalho , dado que a percepo de ameaa externa vem de uma leitura, feita pelo Estado, do seu contexto regional, um Estado com baixo nvel de ameaas externas tende a vincular de forma mais intensiva de segurana com o desenvolvimento. As fontes utilizadas so dados quantitativos (Composite Index of National Capabilities do projeto Correlates of War), que permitem avaliar a distribuio de capacidades materiais em trs regies (Amrica do Sul, frica do Sul, e no Sul da sia) e, principalmente, as polticas declaratrias de defesa, os documentos que carregam percepo dos Estados em relao segurana. Na comparao dos casos, dois aspectos so o foco para a anlise do discurso de segurana: as percepes de segurana sobre as suas regies, o nexo entre segurana e desenvolvimento.
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Williams, Mike, 'Words, Images, Enemies: Securitization and International Politics', International Studies Quarterly (2003) 47(4) pp.511-531 RAE2008
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This article seeks to provoke a deeper engagement of Critical Security Studies with security's relations to technology and weapons. It explores existing assumptions about these relations in mainstream arms control and disarmament theory, and the way such assumptions are deployed and distributed in the current settlement of arms control and disarmament practice. It then draws on recent social and philosophical discussions of materiality, particularly on the thought of Bruno Latour, to propose a different set of concepts for exploring the aims and limits of arms control and disarmament. These concepts emphasise the mediating roles of material things in social relations and they may offer a richer view of the object of arms control (weapons and violence) and of the practices of arms limitation and reduction; one that may ultimately gesture towards a different understanding of arms politics, and that may be used to explore the transformatory potentials of arms control and disarmament.
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The conflicts currently taking place around the world demand that the international intervention fits the intensity and extent of the threat. This is particularly important in post-conflict scenarios, leading to a greater participation of the Security Forces in those scenarios, in order to foster lasting peace, enforce the order and improve law enforcement services in those regions. The transition from armed conflict to peacekeeping may entail high risk situations and greater instability periods, so-called intermediate situations. Accordingly, in the face of persisting high volatility, a robust response is still required post-conflict. Therefore, it is appropriate to deploy Security Forces with military nature and status, the gendarmeries, which have training and response capabilities similar to Armed Forces in peacekeeping operations. Their double facet as police and military forces enables them to perform police duties in high risk and unsafe environments. In light of these features, the Portuguese gendarmerie, Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR), is able to carry out tasks in these scenarios, which it has been doing through individual operatives or larger units. This dissertation focuses on the use of Security Forces of military nature in peacekeeping missions, in particular the Portuguese GNR, relying mostly on the inductive approach and using literature research, document analysis, interviews and statistics. After a brief description of international peacekeeping missions, we describe the contribution of Security Forces of a military nature in such operations. Then we introduce and analyse the GNR, focusing on its deployment in different kinds of peacekeeping operations, from its first participation in 1995 until today. We also report some reactions to the performance of GNR. Finally, we discuss whether there is indeed a unique role for this type of forces in international peacekeeping missions.
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Ce mmoire a pour objectif danalyser la nature et lampleur des enjeux de scurit dans lArctique contemporain en utilisant les outils offerts par la thorie de la scurisation de lcole de Copenhague. Cinq secteurs de scurit militaire, politique, identitaire, environnemental et conomique et quatre variables la gographie, lidentit, lhistoire et la politique sont utilises pour examiner les perceptions de scurit, les scurisations et les comportements stratgiques du Canada et de la Norvge. La 1re hypothse avance dans ce mmoire est la suivante : depuis 2005, au Canada et en Norvge, nous sommes en train dassister une scurisation progressive des enjeux non militaires dans lArctique - politiques, identitaires, environnementaux et conomiques - et les effets entre ces secteurs de scurit ont dimportantes consquences sur le secteur militaire, notamment au niveau de la multiplication de projets tatiques pour la plupart essentiellement militaires, ainsi quau niveau dun dclenchement dune scurisation de leur intgrit territoriale ou du moins un accroissement de linscurit son gard. La 2e hypothse avance est la suivante : les nouvelles perceptions de scurit et les comportements stratgiques des tats de la rgion engendrent de linscurit lintrieur des socits ainsi quune dgradation de la confiance entre les acteurs tatiques. Cela a pour effet daugmenter la division politique dans lArctique et de ralentir toute construction rgionale. Nous concluons, sur la base de nos tudes de cas, quau Canada, la souverainet, la nordicit et lintgrit territoriale sont perues comme tant menaces. De plus, les scurisations dans lArctique semblent faire partie dun renouvellement stratgique global en matire de politique trangre et de dfense. En Norvge, la Russie est considre comme lacteur principal du High North et partir de 2008, la relation russo-norvgienne a subi une scurisation. Contrairement au Canada, la Norvge prfre le statu quo stratgique dans lArctique en privilgiant les trois lments traditionnels de sa politique de dfense et de scurit - la dissuasion par lOTAN, la gestion de la Russie par lassurance, et lamlioration des relations est-ouest.
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The design, reformulation, and final signing of Plan Colombia by the then US President, Bill Clinton, on the 13 July 2000 initiated in a new era of the US States involvement in supposedly sovereign-territorial issues of Colombian politics. The implementation of Plan Colombia there-on-after brought about a major realignment of political-military scales and terrains of conflict that have renewed discourses concerning the contemporary imperialist interests of key US-based but transnationally-projected social forces, leading to arguments that stress the invigorated geo-political dimension of present-day strategies of capitalist accumulation. With the election of lvaro Uribe Vlez as Colombian President in May 2002 and his pledge to strengthen the national military campaign aganist the regions longest-surviving insurgency guerrilla group, Las FARC-EP, as well as other guerrilla factions, combined with a new focus on establishing the State project of Democratic Security; the military realm of governance and attempts to ensure property security and expanding capitalist investment have attained precedence in Colombias national political domains. This working paper examines the interrelated nature of Plan Colombia -as a binational and indeed regional security strategy- and Uribes Democratic Security project as a means of showing the manner in which they have worked to pave the way for the implementation of a new total market regime of accumulation, based on large-scale agro-industrial investment which is accelerated through processes of accumulation via dispossession. As such, the political and social reconfigurations involved manifest the multifarious scales of governance that become intertwined in incorporating neoliberalism in specific regions of the world economy. Furthermore, the militarisation-securitisation of such policies also illustrate the explicit contradictions of neoliberalism in a peripheral context, where coercion seems to prevail, something which leads to a profound questioning of the extent to which neoliberalism can be thought of as a hegemonic politico-economic project.
