108 resultados para Revenge


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Aeschylus and Euripides used tragic female characters to help fulfill the purpose of religious celebration and to achieve the motivation of public reaction. The playwrights, revising myths about tragic woman and redefining the Greek definition of appropriate femininity, supported or questioned the very customs which they changed. Originally composed as part of a religious festival for Dionysus, the god of wine, revelry and fertility, the tragedies of Aeschylus and Euripides were evaluated by Aristotle. He favored Aeschylus over Euripides, but it appears as if his stipulations for tragic characterization do not apply to Aeschylean and Euripidean women. Modem critics question both Aristotle's analysis in the Poetics as well as the tragedies which he evaluated. As part of the assessment of Aeschylus, the character of the Persian Queen, Atossa, appears as a conradiction the images that Greeks maintain of non-Greeks. The Persians is discussed in relation to modem criticisms and as on its function as a warning against radical changes in Athenian domestic life. The Oresteia, a trilogy, also charts the importance of an atypical woman in Aeschylean tragedy, and how this role, Clytaemnestra, represents an extreme example of the natural and necessary evolution of families, households and kingdoms. In contrast to Aeschylus' plea to retain nomoi (traditional custom and law), EUripides' tragedy, the Medea, demonstrates the importance of a family and a country to provide security, especially for women. Medea's abandonment by Jason and subsequent desperation drives her to commit murder in the hope of revenge. Ultimately, Euripides advocates changes in social convention away from the alienation of non-Greek, non-citizens, and females. Euripides is, unfortunately, tagged a misogynist by some in this tragedy and another example-the Hippolytus. Euripides' Phaedra becomes entangled in a scheme of divine vengeance and ultimately commits suicide in an attempt to avoid societal shame. Far from treatises of hate, Euripidean women take advantage of the little power they possess within a constrictive social system. While both Aeschylus and Euripides revise customary images and expectations of women in the context of religiously-motivated drama, one playwright intends to maintain civic order and the other intends to challenge the secular norm.

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Recent theorising has suggested that in non-Western collectivist contexts, the need for social harmony may play a greater role than empathy in motivating forgiveness, and that women may be more impacted than men by this cultural value. In this study, a sample of 233 Malaysian undergraduate students, 100 males and 133 females, recruited from four English-mediated universities completed the Interpersonal Reactivity Index (IRI) and the Transgression-Related Interpersonal Motivations Inventory-12 (TRIM-12) to assess dimensions of empathy and forgiveness. Women exhibited greater empathic concern than men, but not greater perspective-taking. Men were less forgiving in terms of revenge-seeking behaviour, but men and women did not differ in avoidance of transgressors. The relationships between empathic concern and both facets of forgiveness were similar for men and women, as was the relationship between empathic concern and avoidance. However, the relationship between perspective-taking and avoidance was stronger among men than women. We found little support for the prediction that in this collectivist cultural context, perspective-taking would play a greater role than empathic concern in forgiveness. Further research is recommended to explore empathy and forgiveness in non-Western populations, with a need to take into account cultural factors.

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Physical violence in Bangkok schools has been the subject of considerable public concern in recent years and yet relatively little is known about the nature of violence perpetrated by vocational college students. This study sought to understand the reasons for such violence through a series of semi-structured interviews with 32 male students. The analysis identified revenge from previous fights as a key motivation for violence. Students described a range of different responses to threats of violence, including renting safe accommodation and concealing weapons. These findings are discussed in relation to how an understanding of cross-cultural risk factors for violence is important for the development of effective prevention strategies.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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A comunicação a seguir resulta da pesquisa bibliográfica e de campo acerca das práticas de linchamento em Belém do Pará, neste aspecto a iniciativa primeira debruçou-se sobre a historiografia do ato, que forneceria suporte para posterior problematização do mesmo enquanto questão de cunho eminentemente social. Neste sentido, após todo o manancial de informações colhidas tanto dos livros como dos jornais populares, adentramos no campo minado dos linchamentos, ideamos nos lançar sem amarras no mundo das gentes, locais de onde advém as modalidades mais estarrecedoras do uso desenfreado da força bruta, visualizamos que os atores sociais neste universo elaboram suas próprias formas de enfrentamento do crime e ao mesmo tempo de manutenção de laços sociais comunitários e para tanto lançam mão tanto de artifícios legais como também cambam para a ilegalidade. A visualização de uma forma de sociabilidade gestada pelo medo e pela violência a que sempre foram submetidos corroboram para que as respostas a criminalidade violenta seja de igual modo utilizando-se da força bruta, a socialização entre os inúmeros indivíduos conhecidos ou não, vítimas ou mesmo expectadores de alguma forma de crime é capaz de impulsionar a decisão arbitrária de ceifar a vida de um criminoso contumaz ou eventual, o linchamento se ressignifica enquanto modalidade de vingança coletiva é assim uma forma avessa de aplicação popular da justiça, onde visualizamos a violência como último recurso ao alcance popular que fornece resposta imediata a uma transgressão perpetrada, o grau de pertencimento dos atores sociais autores destes crimes, as várias representações sociais envolvidas, a ausência de responsabilização de seus participantes, a crença de que reagiram a um acontecimento cruel. Assim, nossa intuição sociológica nos direcionou para a compreensão do mesmo tendo como ponto de partida os locais de onde os mesmos emanam e os atores sociais que fornecem aos linchamentos condições de existência e manutenção na atualidade.

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Esta pesquisa objetivou identificar e compreender as representações imaginárias sociais sobre relacionamento extraconjugal feminino, presentes no discurso de mulheres casadas que mantêm relacionamentos extraconjugais. A teoria de Cornelius Castoriadis deu suporte para a realização deste estudo. Foi utilizada a metodologia qualitativa e foram realizadas entrevistas semidirigidas para obtenção das informações junto as participantes. Foram entrevistadas 09 mulheres casadas, com idade entre 30 e 48 anos, da classe média urbana de Belém-PA, que disseram ter pelo menos uma relação extraconjugal. Os dados foram analisados por meio do Método de Explicitação do Discurso Subjacente (MEDS). A análise dos resultados demonstraram que as mulheres justificam suas traições devido à traição do marido, como uma vingança, ou pelo fato dos cônjuges não as satisfazerem afetiva e/ou sexualmente. Exploraram-se: os diversos significados que as entrevistadas atribuíram à infidelidade; o modo como essas mulheres vivenciam o sentimento de culpa gerado pelo conflito existente entre as regras sociais introjetadas e o desejo de viver uma relação extraconjugal. Dessa forma, a infidelidade conjugal remete a momentos de felicidade, vivências que fogem à rotina diária, propiciada pelos momentos de lazer. Conclui-se que a dimensão imaginária direciona a ação humana, assumindo um papel fundamental na materialização da infidelidade no que diz respeito ao desejo dessas mulheres de manter uma outra relação fora do casamento. Dessa forma, ressalto que somente o conhecimento das regras instituídas socialmente não são suficientes, apesar de imprescindíveis, para gerar ações e modos de pensar compatíveis com as normas e valores sociais.

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Pós-graduação em Estudos Literários - FCLAR

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[ES] Los inquisidores castigaron a Pablo de Olavide en 1776, pero fueron Grimaldi, ministro de Estado, y Carlos III los que le eligieron como castigo ejemplar para responder a la agitación política provocada por el conde de Aranda en su deseo de volver al poder. Como no podían tocar a un grande de España como Aranda, se vengaron en su protegido Olavide y lo llevaron a las cárceles secretas de la Inquisición. Todo se acordó con Su Majestad. [EN] Inquisitors punished Pablo de Olavide in 1776, but Grimaldi, Minister of State, Inquisitors punished Pablo de Olavide in 1776, but Grimaldi, Minister of State, and Charles III were the ones who chose his case as an exemplary punishment to respond to the political turmoil caused by the Count of Aranda after an attemp to return to power. As they could not punish a grandee of Spain such as Aranda, they took revenge on his protégé Olavide and took him to the secret prisons of the Inquisition. Everything was agreed with His Majesty.

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The sensitivity of crime rates to social, economic and political influences has long aroused the interest of sociologists who have attempted to explain what kind of relationships might be associated with variations in crime rates between different social groups at different times. The earliest views were put forward by Emil Durkheim, and while later writers have developed (R.K. Merton, L. Srole, A, K. Cohen, etc.) have developed some aspects of his ideas further, his basic ideas of the divorce of the individual from normative standards and the lack of social integration are still valid. Ms. Voicu-Minea looked at the theoretical background in detail but then limited it to a specific social group, the family, asking first why certain individual within vulnerable families and/or negative social influences commit offences while others do not. In modern times the family has undergone massive structural and functional changes. Its former economic function, which once endowed it with a great capacity for social inclusion, has generally vanished, while its formerly crucial role in children's education has been massively reduced. These changes, which are still not complete, can lead to dysfunction and in certain social contexts such as that in post-communist Romanian society, this risk of dysfunction is still greater as unfavourably social circumstances more easily affect such families. The number of cases of juvenile delinquency in Romania has increased sharply ever since the end of the communist system and in 1996 reached the level of 18,317 cases. The sample examined included 1012 juvenile delinquents aged between 14 and 18, taken from all areas of Bucharest. Over 80% of charges related to theft, with more serious offences being relatively rare. The children underwent a series of psychological tests, accompanied by a questionnaire relating to family situation. The results showed that juvenile delinquency in Romania is overwhelmingly male, with 91.8% of offences being committed by boys. Two thirds of the research group were under the age of 16 and only just over one third attended school, with over half having left school before the legal age. While the majority of subjects had a lower than average level of education, they did not always recognise this, with two thirds seeing their level of education as being as good as or better than average. Nearly half the children (43%) did not live with both natural parents and majority came from families with three or more children. This applied both to their original families and to the families in which they were living at the time of the survey. The overwhelming majority of families were living in or around Bucharest, but under one third originated from there. Almost 25% of parents were under-schooled and around one third were unqualified workers. At least 30% of families lived in inadequate accommodation and family incomes were generally low. Ms. Voicu-Minea does however point out that over half the minors from the sample saw their family income as satisfactory or even more than satisfactory. When factors such as bad relationships between parents, corporal punishment, alcohol consumption and criminal records of family members were taken into account, the picture was bleak, making it understandable why over 36% of subjects had run away from home at least once, and in many cases repeatedly and for longer periods. The overwhelming majority of offences (80.8%) were committed in groups of between 2 and 11 persons, usually "friends" but in about 10% of cases member's of the family. IQ tests put about 75% of the sample at slightly under average, the difference being too slight to account for the behaviour problems of the majority. Personality tests, however, showed a different picture. Over 70% of those tested manifested an acute need of tenderness and a similar number a high level of potential aggressiveness. Almost half of the minors expressed such feelings as intolerance or a desire for revenge, and Ms. Voicu-Minea found a clear weakness of the Self. Around half the sample expressed sentiments of abandonment, renunciation and solitude.

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Forgiveness is often assumed to be adaptive for psychological adjustment following interpersonal transgressions. Three hundred and forty seven individuals who had experienced a recent interpersonal transgression were surveyed on four occasions over the course of six weeks. Forgiveness was assessed with scales measuring interpersonal avoidance and revenge motivation and psychological adjustment was assessed with scales measuring depression and rumination. Latent growth curve analyses showed that intraindividual changes in forgiveness were positively correlated with changes in adjustment. Latent difference score analyses indicated that adjustment predicted subsequent change in forgiveness, but that forgiveness did not predict subsequent change in adjustment. The results suggest that adjustment facilitates forgiveness, but not that forgiveness facilitates adjustment.

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ContentsExpo displays talentsLow student turnout plagues runoff electionSeasonal disorder hits hard in winterSzopinski wins seat on Ames City CouncilCyclones seek revenge in Cy-Hawk seriesIowa State gets big win against Prairie View A&MNo justification for ignorance

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This article traces the networks in the Russian revolutionary underground from the 1860s untill 1917 and subsumes them under the term radical milieu. Though there existed ideological differences all Russian radicals shared a common identity as „anti-society“ against the tsarist regime. In the radical milieu with its own values the participants tried to create their own reality, where all members regardless of their social origin or sex were seen as equal. The radical milieu was backed by a sphere of sympathisers that constituted the main source of material support and the main recruiting field. But the radicals were very careful when selecting new members for their underground world. Applicants had to fulfil defined criteria. The radical milieu in Russia was in a permanent danger to be infiltrated by the secret police. This situation between fear and hope was the background where ideas of solidarity but also visions of violence and revenge against the “traitors” were ripening and then became realised.

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This article examines the issue of climate change in the context of ecocriticism. It analyzes some of the narrative forms employed in the mediation of climate change science, focusing on those used by mediators who are not themselves scientists in the transmission of scientific information to a nonspecialist readership or audience. It reviews four relevant works that combine the communication of scientific theories and facts with pedagogical and motivational impulses. These include David Guggenheimer’s documentary film An Inconvenient Truth, Fred Pearce’s book The Last Generation: How Nature Will Take Her Revenge for Climate Change and the climate change manuals The Live Earth Global Warming Survival Handbook and How to Save the Climate.

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by A. Goldfaden. Arr. for violin by Henry A. Russotta

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Für Klavier solo, ohne Gesang und ohne Text