'Reform' of the British national health service after the election of a labour government: Understanding the policy development process

The policy development process leading to the Labour government's white paper of December 1997—The new NHS: Modern, Dependable—is the focus of this project and the public policy development literature is used to aid in the understanding of this process. Policy makers who had been involved in the development of the white paper were interviewed in order to acquire a thorough understanding of who was involved in this process and how they produced the white paper. A theoretical framework is used that sorts policy development models into those that focus on knowledge and experience, and those which focus on politics and influence. This framework is central to understanding the evidence gathered from the individuals and associations that participated in this policy development process. The main research question to be asked in this project is to what extent do either of these sets of policy development models aid in understanding and explicating the process by which the Labour government's policies were developed. The interview evidence, along with published evidence, show that a clear pattern of policy change emerged from this policy development process, and the Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence policy making models both assist in understanding this process. The early stages of the policy development process were characterized as hierarchical and iterative, yet also very collaborative among those participating, with knowledge and experience being quite prevalent. At every point in the process, however, informal networks of political influence were used and noted to be quite prevalent by all of the individuals interviewed. The later stages of the process then became increasingly noninclusive, with decisions made by a select group of internal and external policy makers. These policy making models became an important tool with which to understand the policy development process. This Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence dichotomy of policy development models could therefore be useful in analyzing other types of policy development. ^

Diversidad étnica e identidad en la llanura costera del istmo oaxaqueño

En este artículo se desarrollan una serie puntos para entender al istmo oaxaqueño como una zona de convergencia cultural diversa, múltiple y por lo tanto diferenciada tanto en el ámbito de la historia de los pueblos que en ella viven, como en el ámbito de la estructura económica que permite su reproducción no sólo como grupos étnicos, sino como comunidades. El autor plantea que las manifestaciones culturales de cada grupo se confunden, se entrelazan se influencian mutuamente y en una lógica asociada a la perdurabilidad de dichos procesos, terminan por imponerse. Para comprender las relaciones interétnicas no basta con dar cuenta de las características generales de estos grupos sino que es necesario actualizar la información que se ha obtenido de ellos, sobre todo ahora que nuevos procesos nacionales o internacionales están afectando de manera irreversible la composición y la estructura de estas culturas. Aspectos como la falta de vías de comercialización de productos agrícolas y pesqueros, la marginación sempiterna, la falta de empleo a escala regional, la migración, etc.. son entre otros, las aristas de una realidad que se revela en su irremediable avance frente a comunidades que ponen en funcionamiento estrategias de reproducción y de sobreviviencia para mantenerse como comunidad. Las manifestaciones de las relaciones interétnicas aquí se definen como asimétricas horizontales en virtud de una diferenciación entre etnias y las relaciones entre ellas, de tal forma que así como se ha analizado la relación grupos étnicos-sociedad nacional, en la que se constatan desigualdades flagrantes a nivel del acceso a la riqueza generada en el país, calidad de vida, educación, comunicación, y otras variables importantes, de la misma manera se constata que en los grupos étnicos hay unos que tienen una posición privilegiada en el acceso a vías de comunicación, redes comerciales e influencia política, entre otros aspectos, mientras que otros se encuentran excluidos de ellos, no sólo por su condición de indígenas, sino también como consecuencia de la dominación entre etnias que existe en la región. Finalmente, el autor enfatiza que en esta zona del estado de Oaxaca existe una gama considerable de recursos naturales cuya apropiación y explotación para beneficios económicos está en el centro de la discusión actual. En efecto, el sistema de lagunas del Golfo de Tehuantepec, las reservas de la biodiversidad como la selva de los Chimalapas, o la actividad ganadera agrícola en la zona mixe son, entre otras, no sólo zonas importantes de explotación económica, que han fortalecido a grupos de poder locales. También son espacios de control estratégico para el futuro desarrollo del país pues en el istmo oaxaqueño se ha ubicado una fuente importante de riqueza en agua, bosques, especies endémicas, etc... que puede tener un papel importante en la vida económica regional y nacional. La cuestión es saber qué dispositivos sociales o legales se han puesto en marcha para definir a los beneficiarios de esa riqueza natural.

Diversidad étnica e identidad en la llanura costera del istmo oaxaqueño

En este artículo se desarrollan una serie puntos para entender al istmo oaxaqueño como una zona de convergencia cultural diversa, múltiple y por lo tanto diferenciada tanto en el ámbito de la historia de los pueblos que en ella viven, como en el ámbito de la estructura económica que permite su reproducción no sólo como grupos étnicos, sino como comunidades. El autor plantea que las manifestaciones culturales de cada grupo se confunden, se entrelazan se influencian mutuamente y en una lógica asociada a la perdurabilidad de dichos procesos, terminan por imponerse. Para comprender las relaciones interétnicas no basta con dar cuenta de las características generales de estos grupos sino que es necesario actualizar la información que se ha obtenido de ellos, sobre todo ahora que nuevos procesos nacionales o internacionales están afectando de manera irreversible la composición y la estructura de estas culturas. Aspectos como la falta de vías de comercialización de productos agrícolas y pesqueros, la marginación sempiterna, la falta de empleo a escala regional, la migración, etc.. son entre otros, las aristas de una realidad que se revela en su irremediable avance frente a comunidades que ponen en funcionamiento estrategias de reproducción y de sobreviviencia para mantenerse como comunidad. Las manifestaciones de las relaciones interétnicas aquí se definen como asimétricas horizontales en virtud de una diferenciación entre etnias y las relaciones entre ellas, de tal forma que así como se ha analizado la relación grupos étnicos-sociedad nacional, en la que se constatan desigualdades flagrantes a nivel del acceso a la riqueza generada en el país, calidad de vida, educación, comunicación, y otras variables importantes, de la misma manera se constata que en los grupos étnicos hay unos que tienen una posición privilegiada en el acceso a vías de comunicación, redes comerciales e influencia política, entre otros aspectos, mientras que otros se encuentran excluidos de ellos, no sólo por su condición de indígenas, sino también como consecuencia de la dominación entre etnias que existe en la región. Finalmente, el autor enfatiza que en esta zona del estado de Oaxaca existe una gama considerable de recursos naturales cuya apropiación y explotación para beneficios económicos está en el centro de la discusión actual. En efecto, el sistema de lagunas del Golfo de Tehuantepec, las reservas de la biodiversidad como la selva de los Chimalapas, o la actividad ganadera agrícola en la zona mixe son, entre otras, no sólo zonas importantes de explotación económica, que han fortalecido a grupos de poder locales. También son espacios de control estratégico para el futuro desarrollo del país pues en el istmo oaxaqueño se ha ubicado una fuente importante de riqueza en agua, bosques, especies endémicas, etc... que puede tener un papel importante en la vida económica regional y nacional. La cuestión es saber qué dispositivos sociales o legales se han puesto en marcha para definir a los beneficiarios de esa riqueza natural.

Diversidad étnica e identidad en la llanura costera del istmo oaxaqueño

En este artículo se desarrollan una serie puntos para entender al istmo oaxaqueño como una zona de convergencia cultural diversa, múltiple y por lo tanto diferenciada tanto en el ámbito de la historia de los pueblos que en ella viven, como en el ámbito de la estructura económica que permite su reproducción no sólo como grupos étnicos, sino como comunidades. El autor plantea que las manifestaciones culturales de cada grupo se confunden, se entrelazan se influencian mutuamente y en una lógica asociada a la perdurabilidad de dichos procesos, terminan por imponerse. Para comprender las relaciones interétnicas no basta con dar cuenta de las características generales de estos grupos sino que es necesario actualizar la información que se ha obtenido de ellos, sobre todo ahora que nuevos procesos nacionales o internacionales están afectando de manera irreversible la composición y la estructura de estas culturas. Aspectos como la falta de vías de comercialización de productos agrícolas y pesqueros, la marginación sempiterna, la falta de empleo a escala regional, la migración, etc.. son entre otros, las aristas de una realidad que se revela en su irremediable avance frente a comunidades que ponen en funcionamiento estrategias de reproducción y de sobreviviencia para mantenerse como comunidad. Las manifestaciones de las relaciones interétnicas aquí se definen como asimétricas horizontales en virtud de una diferenciación entre etnias y las relaciones entre ellas, de tal forma que así como se ha analizado la relación grupos étnicos-sociedad nacional, en la que se constatan desigualdades flagrantes a nivel del acceso a la riqueza generada en el país, calidad de vida, educación, comunicación, y otras variables importantes, de la misma manera se constata que en los grupos étnicos hay unos que tienen una posición privilegiada en el acceso a vías de comunicación, redes comerciales e influencia política, entre otros aspectos, mientras que otros se encuentran excluidos de ellos, no sólo por su condición de indígenas, sino también como consecuencia de la dominación entre etnias que existe en la región. Finalmente, el autor enfatiza que en esta zona del estado de Oaxaca existe una gama considerable de recursos naturales cuya apropiación y explotación para beneficios económicos está en el centro de la discusión actual. En efecto, el sistema de lagunas del Golfo de Tehuantepec, las reservas de la biodiversidad como la selva de los Chimalapas, o la actividad ganadera agrícola en la zona mixe son, entre otras, no sólo zonas importantes de explotación económica, que han fortalecido a grupos de poder locales. También son espacios de control estratégico para el futuro desarrollo del país pues en el istmo oaxaqueño se ha ubicado una fuente importante de riqueza en agua, bosques, especies endémicas, etc... que puede tener un papel importante en la vida económica regional y nacional. La cuestión es saber qué dispositivos sociales o legales se han puesto en marcha para definir a los beneficiarios de esa riqueza natural.

Trudny "Sojusznik" Bialorus w polityce Rosji. Prace OSW 2008. = Difficult "ally." Belarus in Russia's foreign policy. OSW Study 28/2008

Belarus holds a special position in Russian policy due to its geopolitical, military and transit significance. Russia's influence and position in the entire Eastern European region largely depend on how strong Russian influence in Belarus is. The process of Russian-Belarusian integration began in 1994, when Alyaksandr Lukashenka came to power in Minsk. At the time, Russia's policy towards Belarus was based on twomain assumptions. Firstly, the Kremlin supported Lukashenka's authoritarian regime. This allowed Russia to keep Belarus within its orbit of political influence and prevent other states from getting involved, since an undemocratic Belarus could not count on closer contacts with the West. Secondly, Russia heavily subsidised Belarus with cheap energy resources (way below the market price) and allowed the duty-free access of Belarusian goods to its market. Thus Belarus became a kind of 'sponsored authoritarianism' with a specific economic model, owing its existence to Russia's economic and political support. At the same time, Moscow's key objective in its policy towards Belarus was to make Minsk accept the Russian conditions concerning integration, which would in fact lead to Belarus' incorporation by the Russian Federation. However, Belarus managed to maintain its sovereignty, while Alyaksandr Lukashenka bandied the term 'integration' about in order to maintain the preferential model of his state's relations with Russia. Russia's intention to alter the nature of these bilateral relations became evident when Vladimir Putin took power in 2000. However, Moscow faced Minsk's refusal to accept the Russian integration plan (which, among other measures, provided for the takeover of Belarusian economic assets by Russian companies). This forced Russia to use its main tool against Minsk: the supplies of cheap gas and oil that had been sustaining Belarus' archaic economy. The most serious crisis in Russian-Belarusian relations broke out at the beginning of 2007, following Moscow's decision to raise the energy resource prices. This decision marked the beginning of the application of market principles to settlements between Moscow and Minsk. The key question this study is meant to answer concerns the consequences of the aforementioned decision by Russia for future Russian-Belarusian relations. Are they at a turning point? What are Russia's policy objectives? What results can come from the process of moving mutual relations onto an economic footing? What policy will replace Russia's 'sponsoring of Belarusian authoritarianism', which it has been implementing since 1994? Finally, what further measures will Russia undertake towards Belarus? The current study consists of five chapters. The first chapter offers a brief presentation of Belarus' significance and position in Russian policy. The second analyses the development of Russian-Belarusian political relations, first of all the establishment of the Union State, Belarus' position in Russian domestic policy and Russia's influence on Belarusian policy. The third chapter presents bilateral economic relations, primarily energy issues. The fourth chapter describes the state and perspectives of military cooperation between the two states. The fifth chapter presents conclusions, where the author attempts to define the essence of the ongoing re-evaluation in Russian-Belarusian relations and to project their future model.

Big business in Belarus - its genesis, conditions and prospects. OSW Commentary No. 113, 2013-09-09

Over the past ten to twenty years, Belarus has seen a steep rise in the number of local dollar millionaires. This has somewhat undermined the myth of an egalitarian model of society promoted through the Belarusian state propaganda. There is a small group of businessmen among the top earners who, in exchange for their political loyalty and their consent to share profits with those in power, have enjoyed a number of privileges that allow them to safely conduct business in an environment typically hostile to private enterprise. The favourable conditions under which they are operating have enabled them not only to accumulate substantial capital, but also to invest it abroad. However, since such businesses are seen as providing a financial safety net for the regime, in 2011 and 2012 some of their directors received an EU travel ban, while their companies were subjected to economic sanctions by Brussels. At the same time, fearing that Belarus’s big business could become powerful enough to influence the country’s political scene (as has been the case in Russia and Ukraine), Alexander Lukashenka has actively prevented such players from becoming too independent. Consequently, Belarus has so far not developed its own elite class of oligarchs who would be able to actively influence government policy. The current informal agreement between the government in Minsk and big business has proved stable and is unlikely to change in the near future. Nonetheless, a reordering of state power giving Belarus’s big business significant political influence would be possible should Mr Lukashenka lose power in the next presidential election.

The Great Game around Turkmenistan. OSW Point of View, August 2008

The rise of a new leader of the state of Turkmenistan – President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, who became ruler of the central Asian state after the 21-year rule of Saparmurad Niyazov, the self-proclaimed Turkmenbashi, who died on December 21, 2006 – has initiated changes in Turkmenistan’s political life. The new president has broken with the previous policy of self-isolation, and has directed the country towards openness to the outside world. Opportunities have thereby arisen for competitors in the ‘Great Game’, to gain political influence in Turkmenistan and access to hitherto unexploited Turkmen deposits of gas and oil. A new stage in the Great Game, which has been played for influence in Central Asia and control of access to its energy resources for many years, can thus be said to have been launched, and Turkmenistan has become the main setting for it. The major actors involved are Russia, the United States, China and the European Union.

Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova and the Chinese economic expansion in Eastern Europe. OSW Commentary No. 79, 2012-05-28

The countries of Eastern European and China have been increasingly interested in deepening bilateral contacts over the past few years. In the case of Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova this has been caused by the bad economic situation which was in part caused by the consequences of the global economic crisis of 2008 and the desire to establish closer political relations with a country whose significance on the international arena is continually growing. Each of these countries has different expectations regarding the scale and the nature of co-operation with China. Chisinau wishes only to boost trade, whereas in Minsk and Kyiv, Beijing is also presented as a strategic partner whose investments may not only help the indebted economies recover but also strengthen the position of these countries in their dealings with the EU, and especially with Russia. Beijing sees co-operation with these countries in differently, and its offer is much more modest than Belarus and Ukraine are expecting. Eastern Europe is one of the last parts of the world with which China is activating its co-operation. This is not a priority region for Beijing. China wants to derive economic benefits and to diversify the markets on which it invests its financial surplus, and it does not intend to extend its political dialogue with Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova beyond the framework which determines its economic interests. The main reason for this is the nature of relations between Russia and China. Beijing sees its partnership with Moscow as more beneficial, and will not offer these countries support in their relations with Russia since in its opinion they belong to Russia’s sphere of influence. Minsk and Kyiv are pinning too much hope on their co-operation with Beijing, while China offers no real counterbalance to the Russian and EU influences in these countries. Nevertheless, it should be expected that China will capitalise on the beneficial political climate in Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova to reinforce its influence in a region whose location will facilitate its expansion to the EU and the Customs Union markets. In the medium term, Beijing may become a major economic player in Eastern Europe. In a decade’s time this may translate into political influence. Meanwhile, in the short term, China’s financial engagement in Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova will contribute to increasing the debts and deepening the foreign trade deficits of these countries.

The 'tribal areas' of the Caucasus: The North Caucasus - an enclave of 'alien civilisation' within the Russian Federation. OSW Study 34/2010

Militant Islam is currently the greatest threat to security and stability in the Russian part of the Caucasus. However, even though the armed Islamic underground is capable of organising terrorist attacks and carrying out actions of sabotage, it seems too weak to bring about any change in the Caucasus’s political status quo. Besides, militant Islam is merely a symptom (albeit the most radical and spectacular) of a much wider process, namely the widening civilisational gap between Russia and the North Caucasus, initiated by the collapse of the Soviet Union. The key elements of this process are as follows: the spontaneous re-Islamisation of social life and the dynamic growth of Islam's political influence; the de-Russification of the region; and the ongoing marginalisation of secular intellectuals. As a result, the North Caucasus, and principally Chechnya, Ingushetia and Dagestan, are turning into an enclave separated from the rest of the Russian Federation by a growing civilisational gap, and becoming increasingly different from the rest of Russia. This situation may recall the tribal areas of Pakistan inhabited by Pashtuns (FATA) along the Afghan border.

Oligarchs after the Maidan: the old system in a 'new' Ukraine. OSW Commentary No. 162, 2015-02-16

From the Introduction. There have been major changes in the balance of forces among the key Ukrainian oligarchs, representatives of big business with strong political influence, since the victory of the Maidan revolution. However, these changes have not undermined the oligarchic system per se. Over the past decade or so, the oligarchs have been key players in Ukrainian politics and economy, and they have retained this position until the present. One of the effects of the change of the government in Kyiv and the war in the Donbas was the elimination of the influence of ‘the family’ – the people from Viktor Yanukovych’s inner circle who formed the most expansive oligarchic group in Ukraine at the time of his presidency. The influence of Rinat Akhmetov, the country’s wealthiest man, has also weakened significantly; Akhmetov was one of the most influential people in Ukraine for more than ten years, partly owing to his close bonds with Yanukovych. Dmytro Firtash’s group has also lost a great deal of its influence since Firtash was arrested in Austria in March 2014.

An address, delivered in Utica, before the Sunday School Societies, on the fifty-first anniversary of American independence /

Cover title: Mr. Aikin's address on the political influence of Sabbath schools, July 4, 1827.

The monks of the West from St. Benedict to St. Bernard.

Original French edition published Paris, 1860-77, v. 5-6 being edited by Aure lien de Courson.

Reflections and comments, 1865-1895,

"The articles in this volume have appeared in the Nation during the last thirty years."

A CONSTRUÇÃO DISCURSIVA DA IMAGEM DA ORGANIZAÇÃO PÚBLICA EM UM CONTEXTO REGIONAL POLÍTICO: O caso da UFABC

Esta pesquisa aborda como se constrói a imagem de uma instituição por meio dos discursos elaborados pela organização e pela imprensa nacional e regional. Estuda também os elementos macros que podem influenciar esta construção, em especial quando a organização está instalada em um contexto regional com forte apelo político. Além disso, reflete sobre a responsabilidade social da imprensa na construção da imagem organizacional. Para isso, foi realizada uma discussão procurando alinhar a prática à teoria, perpassando por temas como comunicação pública, o discurso das organizações e a imprensa na construção da imagem, e também a análise de case específico, o da Universidade Federal do ABC. Realizou-se também uma Observação Participante, visto que a pesquisadora está inserida no objeto pesquisado. Esta pesquisa propõe uma contribuição, em especial, aos profissionais e pesquisadores da comunicação pública, ao avaliar em que grau pode ser percebida uma influência política na construção da imagem organizacional das instituições públicas. Foi realizada uma análise com o objetivo de observar como a Universidade, que em 2013 completou sete anos de atividades, está sendo percebida e trabalhada pela imprensa e como se deu a influência do contexto político nos discursos midiáticos. Esse levantamento foi elaborado por meio da análise de conteúdo do clipping impresso e online da instituição, para identificar tendências gerais de interesse da mídia por segmentos e temas. Nesta análise, foi possível verificar uma clara relação entre o número de matérias consideradas negativas e o número de matérias com citações políticas, com referência ao ex-presidente Lula ou ao PT. Os períodos em que a universidade foi abordada pela imprensa por questões como alto índice de evasão e atraso das obras, foram também os períodos em que houve um aumento significativo nas citações político-partidárias. Por fim, foi realizada a análise de discurso em reportagens e artigos selecionados, que confrontaram a imagem trabalhada institucionalmente com a repercutida nos meios de comunicação. Este trabalho possibilitou verificar que nos anos analisados, em especial no ano de 2010, o discurso da organização foi construído mais com o objetivo de reverter a imagem negativa da imprensa do que construir a sua própria imagem.

Scientists, trade unions and labour movement policies for science and technology, 1947-1964

This thesis describes the history of the scientific Left beginning with the period of its most extensive influence in the mid-1940s as a movement for the planning of science and ending with the Labour Party's programme of 1964 claiming to harness science and socialism. Its central theme is the external and internal pressures involved in the project to align left-wing politics, trade unions and social responsibility in science. The problematic aspects of this project are examined in the evolution of the Association of Scientific Workers and the World Federation of Scientific Workers as organisations committed to trade union and science policy objectives. This is presented also in the broader context of the Association's attempts to influence the Trade Union Congress's policies for science and technology in a more radical direction. The thesis argues that the shift in the balance of political forces in the labour movement, in the scientific community and in the state brought about by the Cold War was crucial in frustrating these endeavours. This led to alternative, but largely unsuccessful attempts, in the form of the Engels Society and subsequently Science for Peace to create the new expressions of the left-wing politics of science. However, the period 1956-1964 was characterised by intensive interest within the Labour Party in science and technology which reopened informal channels of political influence for the scientific Left. This was not matched by any radical renewal within the Association or the Trade Union Congress and thus took place on a narrower basis and lacked the democratic aspects of the earlier generation of socialist science policy.