The English of The Sleeping Lady: An exploration of the historical and current influences on the English of Kosrae

Kosrae, or ‘The Island of The Sleeping Lady’ as it is known to locals, is the most remote island of the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), located in the western Pacific. FSM is an independent sovereign nation consisting of four state in total: Pohnpei, Chuuk, Yap and Kosrae. First claimed by the Spanish, who were forced to cede FSM to Germany in 1899. In 1914, the Japanese took military possession of the region resulting in considerable economic, social and political change for the islands’ inhabitants. By 1947 after WWII, the islands formed part of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands commissioned by the UN and administered by the US. The FSM became an independent nation in 1986 while still retaining affiliation with the US under a ‘Compact of Free Association’ encouraging the officiating of English as a language of FSM, alongside local languages. Here I examine the presence and uses of English in Kosrae with reference to these socio-historical influences. First, I discuss the extralinguistic factors which have shaped the English that is currently found on Kosrae. Secondly, I assess the use of English in this community in light of Schneider’s (2007) ‘Dynamic Model’. Finally, an overview of the salient linguistic characteristics of Kosraean English, based on data collected in informal conversations on the island, will be presented. The overall objective is to present a socio-historical, political and linguistic description of a hitherto unexamined English emerging in a postcolonial environment. Schneider, E. (2007). Postcolonial Englishes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Research Interests: Global Englishes

Procesos políticos, crisis y tendencias regionales actuales en América Latina

América Latina es abordada como región y como parte de un sistema mundial, cuyas expresiones se entroncan con nuevas dinámicas hemisféricas, las cuales tienen en la hegemonía norteamericana a uno de sus principales ejes de articulación. En este encuadre, se estudian las características de los procesos políticos actuales, desde el punto de vista de las principales tensiones internas y externas a la región. Al hacerlo, se privilegia la categoría de democracia, no sólo como régimen, sino como cambio político de la sociedad y el Estado. La línea argumental reconoce el contexto del neoliberalismo en su fase de cuestionamiento generalizado, especialmente por sus resultados y, a la vez, una tendencia que se orienta hacia proyectos alternativos de desarrollo e integración.

La cohesión y la seguridad ciudadana : un enfoque global

El artículo revisa el concepto de cohesión social y la noción de seguridad, partiendo del análisis de los profundos desequilibrios y desigualdades sociales que el modelo económico dominante a escala global desde los años 1980 crea o intensifica en América Latina. Centrado en las transformaciones que generaron la pérdida de confianza en las instituciones, en el Estado, en el mercado del trabajo, en la educación, incluso en la religión y en la familia, sobre las cuales reposaba la solidaridad orgánica en el marco de la sociedad industrial capitalista, examina cinco indicadores de la existencia de problemas de inseguridad en relación con la cohesión social. Pone de relieve que el problema de la inseguridad se asocia con la ruptura o la fragilidad de los mecanismos de integración y de mediación social y sostiene la necesidad de reconstruir la cohesión social para alcanzar la seguridad ciudadana, destacando que este proceso se funda en una profunda modificación política, económica y social enfocada en la inclusión social, de la que son co-responsables el Estado y los ciudadanos como actores de su propio desarrollo.

Las antinomias de Althusser, o el recomienzo de la filosofía desde una posición materialista

El presente artículo se concentra en el análisis de una serie de tensiones teóricas, vinculadas al problema del cambio político, presentes en la última etapa (la del materialismo aleatorio o del encuentro de la década de 1980) de la producción del filósofo francés Louis Althusser. En el recorrido expositivo se guarda especial atención, sin embargo, a las posibles continuidades entre los planteos de los que emergen tales tensiones y problemas ya presentes en textos anteriores. Así se exponen, a partir de ciertos ejes problemáticos, la recurrencia y el desplazamiento de algunos nudos teóricos sobre los cuales Althusser parece reflexionar de forma casi obsesiva, presentándose -desde un momento muy temprano- una configuración de elementos que reaparecen posteriormente, aunque en un balance distinto

Las antinomias de Althusser, o el recomienzo de la filosofía desde una posición materialista

El presente artículo se concentra en el análisis de una serie de tensiones teóricas, vinculadas al problema del cambio político, presentes en la última etapa (la del materialismo aleatorio o del encuentro de la década de 1980) de la producción del filósofo francés Louis Althusser. En el recorrido expositivo se guarda especial atención, sin embargo, a las posibles continuidades entre los planteos de los que emergen tales tensiones y problemas ya presentes en textos anteriores. Así se exponen, a partir de ciertos ejes problemáticos, la recurrencia y el desplazamiento de algunos nudos teóricos sobre los cuales Althusser parece reflexionar de forma casi obsesiva, presentándose -desde un momento muy temprano- una configuración de elementos que reaparecen posteriormente, aunque en un balance distinto

Las antinomias de Althusser, o el recomienzo de la filosofía desde una posición materialista

El presente artículo se concentra en el análisis de una serie de tensiones teóricas, vinculadas al problema del cambio político, presentes en la última etapa (la del materialismo aleatorio o del encuentro de la década de 1980) de la producción del filósofo francés Louis Althusser. En el recorrido expositivo se guarda especial atención, sin embargo, a las posibles continuidades entre los planteos de los que emergen tales tensiones y problemas ya presentes en textos anteriores. Así se exponen, a partir de ciertos ejes problemáticos, la recurrencia y el desplazamiento de algunos nudos teóricos sobre los cuales Althusser parece reflexionar de forma casi obsesiva, presentándose -desde un momento muy temprano- una configuración de elementos que reaparecen posteriormente, aunque en un balance distinto

Features of Land Conflicts in Post Civil War Rwanda

Land conflicts in Rwanda have attracted particular attention because they have both environmental and political causes. This paper attempts to shed light on the nature of land conflicts in present-day Rwanda based on popular justice records and interviews collected in two rural areas. From the analyses of these data, two types of land confl ict can be distinguished. The first type consists of those among family members. Given that land is the most important asset for ordinary rural households, its inheritance often brings about conflicts between right-holders. Those of the second type are triggered by political change. Impacts of the two national-level violent conflicts in Rwanda, the “social revolution” just before independence and the civil war in the 1990s, are of tremendous significance in this context. The military victory of the former rebels in 1994 caused a massive return of Tutsi refugees, who were officially permitted to acquire land from the original inhabitants. Although no serious protestation against this policy has occurred thus far, it has produced various land conflicts. Dealing with potential grievances among original inhabitants is an important challenge for the present government.

Post-1988 civil-military relations in Myanmar

This paper explores the development of civil–military relations in Myanmar since 1988. After the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) took over the state by means of a coup d’état in 1988, the top generals ruled the country without recourse to significant formal political institutions such as a constitution, elections and parliament. A unique authoritarian regime, where political power was predominantly under the military’s influence, lasted for more than 20 years in the country. It seemed to many observers that the military regime was highly durable and that its dictator, General Than Shwe, had no intention of altering the highly repressive character of the political system. However, a new leader, President Thein Sein, who came to power in March 2011, has decided to implement some political and economic reforms that could undermine the Tatmadaw’s dominant role in politics and the economy. This paper examines the background to this sudden political change in Myanmar, focusing on the relationship between its dictator, the military and the state. This paper’s main argument is that Than Shwe has carefully prepared the transition of 2011 as a generational change in the Tatmadaw and in state leadership. The argument is also made that the challenges created by Thein Sein can be understood as a result of his redefinition of national security and balancing of security-centralism with state-led developmentalism.

トルコにおける2015年総選挙とエルドアン体制の政策変容

In Turkey, the political system in which Recep Tayyip Erdoğan plays the most important role – the "Erdoğan regime" – has been in place since November 2002. After Erdoğan’s party, the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), won the general elections and he became the prime minster, they were successful in maintaining the single-party administration over ten years. Even since becoming the president and devolving the premiership to Ahmet Davutoğlu in August 2014, Erdoğan has been at the center of the Turkish parliamentary system. However, in the Turkish general elections in June 2015, the AKP failed to get a majority of parliamentary seats for the first time, and the Erdoğan regime seemed to be faced with a crisis. The regime was able to regain the single-party administration in the early general elections in November 2015 by carrying out significant political change after their first electoral defeat. In this sense, for Turkey and the Erdoğan regime, the year 2015 was not only the year of the election, but also of political change. This paper analyzes these two general elections in 2015 and the changes of the political tendencies of the Erdoğan regime which have been observed since the general elections in June 2015 in particular. It also focuses on the changes in the strategies and the relationships among Turkish political actors including President Erdoğan, the AKP government, and the other major political parties.

Diseño de instrumentos para configurar una política industrial en España basada en los postulados de la economía evolutiva

La evidencia empírica aplicada a países de cierto tamaño y desarrollo económico, muestra que existe una relación directa y positiva entre la intensidad de la industria manufacturera, medida como porcentaje de su PIB, y ciertas variables económicas como, el crecimiento, el desempleo y la balanza exterior de bienes y servicios. En el caso de esta última, se verifica empíricamente, que los países con una proporción de actividad manufacturera inferior al 20%, tienen una marcada tendencia a presentar déficits crónicos de balanza de bienes y servicios, lo que conduce a persistentes déficits por cuenta corriente, al ser el primer déficit el principal componente del segundo. Esto trae consigo un continuado incremento del endeudamiento externo que no cesa, y que terminará en algún momento por desequilibrar el conjunto de la economía de los países con esos déficits crónicos. Las anteriores conclusiones, abren una vía de orientación de la política económica, que tiene como objetivo la promoción de la industria manufacturera de cada país. Y esto es un hecho ya en 2014. Países relevantes, como Alemania o Francia en la UE, incluso los EEUU y últimamente el Reino Unido, y por supuesto países del área asiática como Japón, Corea del Sur y China, llevan años promoviendo su industria manufacturera. Resulta significativo, que el debate ideológico sobre la bondad de la aplicación política industrial por parte de los gobiernos, frente a las teorías liberales de mantener a los poderes públicos lejos de ese tipo de actividades, haya dado paso a un modelo generalizado de corte más bien horizontal, donde los países casi sin excepciones apoyan el desarrollo de sus empresas con numerosos instrumentos, que van bastante más lejos de los habituales de I+D. Se valora por tanto, la industria manufacturera como algo vital para el equilibrio económico. Incluso la UE, defensora durante décadas de la no intervención de los diferentes Estados miembros en actividades de promoción industrial más allá del apoyo a las actividades de I+D, realiza un giro copernicano, que termina en 2012 proclamando que la industria manufacturera es vital para el equilibrio económico de la UE, que hay que promoverla, e incluso marca un objetivo, precisamente del 20%, como contribución manufacturera a su PIB. Es decir, se da por asumido que los servicios no son un sustituto indefinido de la industria y que por tanto tienen un límite, lo que se contrapone frontalmente contra la anterior creencia de que el aumento de la participación de los servicios en la economía, no solo era bueno, sino un síntoma de desarrollo. Esta premisa ya ha dejado de ser cierta para esos y otros países. En cambio, en España nada de esto sucede en las dos últimas décadas, sino que la industria manufacturera no recibe especial atención de los poderes públicos y se desliza en una pendiente de disminución de su contribución al PIB, que incluso se acelera con la crisis económica que comienza en 2007, hasta alcanzar cifras del orden del 12% del PIB en 2013. La política económica que se aplica es la de la deflación de costes, con los efectos consecuentes sobre los salarios y sobre la capacidad de la economía de generar riqueza. Se apuesta por un modelo de mano de obra barata, que recuerda al de los años 60. Como indicador relevante de esta situación, lo que exporta la industria manufacturera española, no ha ganado en contenido tecnológico en los últimos quince años. Esta situación se ve empeorada por un hecho significativo adicional, y es que casi el 40% de las ventas de la industria manufacturera española provienen de empresas de propiedad extranjera, con lo que eso supone por una parte de dependencia tecnológica del exterior como en el caso del automóvil, y de incertidumbre sobre su futuro, al estar basadas en el mantenimiento en el futuro de una mano de obra barata, que frenará que los españoles que trabajan en esas empresas, progresen económicamente. La propuesta de esta Tesis, es en cambio apostar por un modelo de crecimiento para España que tenga como uno de sus pilares el desarrollo de una industria manufacturera sólida y con cada vez mayor contenido tecnológico. Para ello, se propone un Plan de política industrial, donde se incluye la creación de actores impulsores de este plan, que deben ser del máximo nivel político. Si los diferentes gobiernos no entienden y asumen esta necesidad de apoyo a la industria a largo plazo e independiente de los cambios políticos, no será posible llevar a cabo este Plan. Para su puesta en marcha, se propone la creación o refuerzo de numerosos instrumentos de apoyo a la industria manufacturera de carácter fundamentalmente horizontal que van mucho más allá de los habituales del I+D, y que en varios casos, tienen una clara semejanza con otros existentes ya en otros países desarrollados desde hace años. La promoción de la industria manufacturera necesita nuevos instrumentos, como una financiación a largo plazo para las empresas, una promoción ordenada y eficaz de la actividad internacional de las empresas exportadoras, la mayoría de las cuales exportan productos manufacturados, una educación y formación profesional que esté alineada con estos objetivos, unos instrumentos que apoyen en especial el desarrollo la industria manufacturera, o la participación minoritaria pero significativa, del Estado en empresas españolas pertenecientes a sectores estratégicos entre otros. En resumen, esta Tesis propone una alternativa de política económica radicalmente diferente a la de dejar la industria manufacturera española a su suerte, y basar el futuro económico de España en una mano de obra barata. ABSTRACT The empirical evidence, applied to countries of certain size and economic development, shows that there exists a direct and positive relationship between industrial manufacturing activity, measured as a percentage of GDP, and certain economic variables, such as growth, unemployment and the foreign balance of trade. In the case of the latter, it is verified empirically that the countries with a percentage of manufacturing activity below 20% have a marked tendency for chronic deficits of the balance of trade, leading to persistent deficits in the current account, being that the former deficit is the main component of the latter. This brings about a continued increase in foreign debt that does not cease, and that will end at some point by disrupting the economy of the countries with these chronic deficits. The previous conclusions open the way to a new direction for economic policy, which promotes industrial manufacturing in each country. This is already a fact in 2014. Relevant countries, such as Germany or France in the EU, even the US and ultimately the UK, and of course countries of East Asia such as Japan, South Korea and China, have been promoting their industrial manufacturing for years. It becomes significant that the ideological debate about the goodwill of the application of industrial policy by governments, against liberal theories that maintain public powers far from these kinds of activities, has taken a step towards a horizontal-cut generalized model, where countries, with almost no exception, rely on various instruments to develop their companies that go much further than the usual R&D. Industrial manufacture is therefore valued as vital for economic stability. Even the EU, proponent for decades of non-intervention policy that goes beyond R&D, has gone full circle, ending in 2012 by proclaiming that industrial manufacture is vital for the economic stability of the EU, that it must be promoted. They even mark precisely 20% as an objective for manufacturing as a percentage of GDP. In other words, it is a given that services are not an indefinite substitute for industry, and that therefore it has a limit as such. This rejects the notion that the increase in services at the cost of manufacture is not only healthy, but is also a symptom of development. This premise is no longer true for these and other countries. On the other hand, none of this happens in Spain, where industrial manufacture receives no special attention from the public authorities, and it slides on a downward slope of percentage contribution to GDP, which accelerates the economic crisis that begins in 2007, until manufacture reaches values of around 12% of GDP in 2013. The economic policy applied is that of cost deflation, with consequential effects on wages and the capacity of the economy to generate wealth. A model is proposed for cheaper labor, akin to that of the 1960s. As a relevant indicator of this situation, manufacturing exports from Spain have not grown technologically in the last 15 years. The situation is made worse by another significant fact: almost 40% of sales of the manufacturing industry originate from companies of foreign origin, which supposes on one hand a technological dependence on foreign countries, such as in the case of the automotive industry, and on the other hand uncertainty in its future, being that they are based on maintaining cheap labor in the future, which will slow economic progress of Spaniards working in these companies. The proposition of this Thesis is to bet on a growth model for Spain that has as one of its pillars the development of a solid manufacturing industry, with increasing technological content. For this, an industrial policy plan is proposed, which includes the creation of driving agents for this plan, which must be of maximum political level. If the various governments don’t understand and assume this necessity for support of industry in the long term, independent of political change, this plan will not be accomplished. To start it, the creation or reinforcement of numerous instruments to promote the manufacturing activities are proposed, with a fundamentally horizontal nature that goes far beyond the usual R&D, and that, in several cases, have a clear similarity with others existing in other countries, having been developed for years. The promotion of the manufacturing industry needs new instruments, such as the long-term financing of companies, an orderly and efficient promotion of international activity of exporting companies, the most of which export manufactured goods, education and professional training which is in tune with these objectives, some instruments which support in particular the development of the manufacturing industry, or the minor yet significant participation of the State in Spanish companies belonging to strategic sectors, among others. In summary, this Thesis proposes an different alternative to the economic policy of leaving the manufacturing industry of Spain to its chances, and to base the economic future of Spain on a cheaper labor force.

Coaliciones promotoras y transparencia en México: el caso de las políticas de derecho de acceso a la información en la administración pública federal 2002-2014

Mexico is now one of the countries with better policies on transparency and access to public information, according to various indicators and academics. Just fifteen years ago, Mexico was a country that lacked legal instruments thereon, whereby the institutions were deeply opaque and citizens could not exercise this right of access to public information. The development of the right of access to public information, in both law and public policy, a milestone in the history of Mexico. It has been, therefore gestation, as its formulation and implementation. In Mexico there have existed diverse social movements that have promoted democratization and the defense of human rights. In the framework of these movements the fight registers for the right of access to the public information that one presents as a successful model of civic action and government intervention, without for it, not to know the challenges that his deepening has still and take root both in the company and in the political class in general. How was it achieved to construct a new institutional of transparency that was functional? How was it possible that the above mentioned change was achieved? These are questions that interests formulated to the political science and to the public administration for the analysis of the change and improvement of institutions. The study of the political change is relevant since the public policies precisely try to solve a problem, to transform a reality but not always the change is achieved, is not even realized of successful form. In a nascent democratic regime, it turns out important to know what factors can collaborate in the conformation of a public successful sustainable politics in the time. Even more, on having treated itself about a substantive politics that it gives content and viability itself to the democracy in a marked country historically and culturally for the opaqueness and the corruption...

El salto virtual del debate colectivo: potencialidades y limitaciones de las nuevas plataformas para la deliberación y la toma de decisiones ciudadanas

Las nuevas Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación han emergido en los últimos años como el principal cambio en la conformación de redes de acción colectiva y en la mutación de los canales que sustentan el debate público. En este ámbito, la reciente aparición de plataformas virtuales para la deliberación ha contribuido a transformar profundamente la naturaleza de la acción participativa, tanto en su concepción expresiva como instrumental. Dichas nuevas herramientas se caracterizan esencialmente por proporcionar un soporte que aúna la posibilidad del debate plural en torno a asuntos políticos y cambio social, y a la vez integra en él (en grados muy diversos como se comprobará) la toma de decisiones como fruto de la deliberación colectiva. Estas propiedades les dotan de una naturaleza que no es asimilable a aplicaciones virtuales de comunicación política netamente discursivas, y perfilan un objetivo expreso de simular las características propias de un ágora presencial, ofreciendo un incentivo participativo a través de su intento por solventar las limitaciones y condicionantes espacio-temporales o de amplitud poblacional propios de la interacción comunicativa tradicional. La integración del componente expresivo e instrumental de la participación ciudadana que abordan este tipo de plataformas y aplicaciones, plantea sin duda un reto en el ya amplio debate académico en torno al alcance real de Internet como esfera significativa para conformación de voluntad colectiva y cambio político, que hasta ahora quedaba escindido entre escépticos y partidarios. La propuesta se articula a partir de la exploración y análisis comparativo de las principales plataformas y aplicaciones virtuales en español para la deliberación y la toma de decisiones colectivas. A efectos de análisis se establecen criterios evaluativos combinando las propuestas dimensionales desarrolladas por Coleman y Gøtze (2001) y Dahlgren (2005) para cuestiones relativas a Internet, comunicación y deliberación política, con especial énfasis en el análisis diferencial de las capacidades estructurales e interactivas de cada una de las herramientas.

Algeria's Failed Transitions to a Sustainable Polity: Coming to yet another crossroads. MEDPRO Technical Report No. 8/October 2011

Algeria is so far the only country in North Africa not to have experienced sustained mass protests calling for political change. The government in Algiers has by no means remained indifferent to the groundbreaking events in neighbouring countries, but it is responding to this sweeping wave of change at its own pace. This paper argues that, despite its apparent stability, the Algerian polity suffers from underlying currents of instability that risk undermining the long-term sustainability of the state. It identifies the failure of the country’s political and economic transitions and its implications as the most serious challenge confronting the Algerian state today. Unless a) the process of democratic transition that was initiated in 1989 is refined and put back on track, leading to the advent and consolidation of the rule of law, popular enfranchisement and total civilian control of the military; and b) the efforts to diversify the economy away from hydrocarbons are intensified and made more coherent, Algeria will remain susceptible to future instability. This is all the more pertinent given that the country is heading towards a crossroads where the issue of generational transition will also become imperative for the current leadership to deal with.

U.S. Democracy Promotion from Bush to Obama. EUSpring Working Paper No. 1, April 2015

Throughout the twenty-first century the United States (U.S.) has attempted to balance its traditional national security interests, whilst also seeking to promote the long-term transformation of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) towards democracy based on liberal values. With the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks providing a catalyst for policy change, the U.S. has moved away from its twentieth-century policy of pursuing a regional status quo and instinctively balking at political change. Yet, the U.S. has not abandoned its reliance on autocratic regimes that cooperate on more immediate national security interests such as counter-terrorism, counter-proliferation, and the free-flow energy sources into the global market. Rather, U.S. democracy promotion in the MENA has become incremental by design and is characterized by its gradualist and often collaborative nature. U.S. foreign policy in the MENA is, therefore, depicted by a cautious evolutionary stance rather than supporting revolutionary shifts in power.

US Democracy Promotion from Bush to Obama. EUSpring Working Paper No. 1, 15 April 2015

Throughout the twenty-first century the United States (U.S.) has attempted to balance its traditional national security interests, whilst also seeking to promote the long-term transformation of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) towards democracy based on liberal values. With the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks providing a catalyst for policy change, the U.S. has moved away from its twentieth-century policy of pursuing a regional status quo and instinctively balking at political change. Yet, the U.S. has not abandoned its reliance on autocratic regimes that cooperate on more immediate national security interests such as counter-terrorism, counter-proliferation, and the free-flow energy sources into the global market. Rather, U.S. democracy promotion in the MENA has become incremental by design and is characterized by its gradualist and often-collaborative nature. U.S. foreign policy in the MENA is, therefore, depicted by a cautious evolutionary stance rather than supporting revolutionary shifts in power.