851 resultados para Police reports


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There is a limited amount of research in the area of missing persons, especially adults. The aim of this research is to expand on the understanding of missing people, by examining adults' behaviours while missing and determining if distinct behavioural themes exist. Based on previous literature it was hypothesised that three behavioural themes will be present; dysfunctional, escape, and unintentional. Thirty-six behaviours were coded from 362 missing person police reports and analysed using smallest space analysis (SSA). This produced a spatial representation of the behaviours, showing three distinct behavioural themes. Seventy percent of the adult missing person reports were classified under one dominant theme, 41% were ‘unintentional’, 18% were ‘dysfunctional’, and 11% were ‘escape’. The relationship between a missing person's dominant behavioural theme and their assigned risk level and demographic characteristics were also analysed. A significant association was found between the age, occupational status, whether they had any mental health issues, and the risk level assigned to the missing person; and their dominant behavioural theme. The findings are the first step in the development of a standardised checklist for a missing person investigation. This has implications on how practitioners prioritise missing adults, and interventions to prevent individuals from going missing. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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Introdução: no Brasil, a violência contra a mulher foi reconhecida somente com a Convenção Belém do Pará, em 1995. A partir daí, inúmeras medidas para prevenção e combate foram instituídas, entre elas a criação das Delegacias Especializadas de Atendimento às Mulheres (DEAM) e a Lei Maria da Penha. No entanto, muitas mulheres ainda são vitimadas, na maioria das vezes dentro do próprio lar. Objetivos: delinear o perfil das mulheres vítimas de violência; identificar as formas de violência registradas na DEAM da cidade do Rio Grande/RS; identificar os motivos que levam à prática da violência e descrever os atos violentos perpetrados, por parceiro íntimo, às mulheres que registraram ocorrência na DEAM. Metodologia: estudo documental, quanti e qualitativo, de natureza exploratória, descritiva e delineamento transversal. Fizeram parte do estudo todas as ocorrências cujas vítimas eram mulheres com 18 anos ou mais. O espaço temporal adotado estendeu-se de agosto de 2009, quando foi implantada a delegacia, a dezembro de 2011. Os dados foram coletados entre outubro de 2011 e março de 2012. Para a coleta, foi elaborado e aprovado, após testagem, um instrumento contendo informações acerca do agressor, da vítima, bem como do tipo de violência praticada. Os dados foram digitados em planilhas do tipo Excel. A análise quantitativa foi efetuada por meio de estatística descritiva e do software estatístico SPSS versão 17.0. Para o estudo qualitativo utilizou-se a análise de conteúdo. Esse projeto foi aprovado pelo Comitê de Ética em Pesquisa na Área da Saúde, da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande sob Parecer no 137/2011. Resultados: estão descritos em dois artigos. Analisaram-se 902 ocorrências policiais evidenciando-se que a maioria das vitimas eram mulheres brancas, jovens, com baixa escolaridade. Ainda foi possível identificar que o Centro da cidade ocupou a segunda posição como local de moradia das vítimas, desmitificando a idéia de que a violência predomina na periferia. A violência física prevaleceu nos registros notificados, seguida do descumprimento de ordem judicial. Além disso, encontrou-se a reincidência de denúncias, o que pode estar atrelado à morosidade judicial. Observou-se também, que existem diversos motivos desencadeadores da violência, no entanto todos eles apresentam como pano de fundo as questões associadas ao gênero. A simultaneidade da violência bem como a extensão aos filhos, família e sociedade retratam a gravidade do fenômeno e a necessidade de se rever a resolutividade das medidas protetivas e das penas atribuídas aos agressores. Conclusões: este estudo expôs, parcialmente, a situação da violência contra a mulher no município, pois se sabe que existem muitos casos velados que não chegam a ser notificados. Entretanto, evidenciou-se o predomínio da violência física cometida por parceiro íntimo repercutindo em graves consequências à vida das vítimas. Assim, julga-se ímpar a implementação de uma rede efetiva de apoio a essas mulheres bem como a atuação de equipe multidisciplinar capacitada, coesa e sensível ao problema, incluindo os profissionais da saúde, que precisam, ainda, estar ciente da obrigatoriedade da notificação compulsória, fundamental para a formulação de novas políticas públicas de combate e prevenção a esse fenômeno.

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For some time now, research has suggested lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) young people are ‘at-risk’ of victimisation and legally ‘risky’. Relatively few studies have examined how ‘risk factor’ research influences the everyday lives of LGBT young people. This paper reports how the experiences of police by 35 LGBT young people in Brisbane, Queensland reflected discourses about LGBT riskiness and how danger informed their interactions with police in public spaces. The participants specifically note how looking at-risk or looking risky affected their experiences of policing. The paper will conclude with recommendations for improved future policing practice.

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This chapter reports on a narrative project recording the experiences of LGBT former and current police officers in the Queensland Police Service (QPS), Australia. It begins by examining the historical and research contexts of LGBT police officers, followed by a discussion of the methodology employed for the project. The chapter then examines and analyzes key themes emerging from the data about coming out, macho police culture, and the double life syndrome often experienced by LGBT police officers. Finally, it suggests that further research might uncover a more widespread application of these findings.

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This paper will offer an examination of the Reports of the Royal Commission into the NSW Police Service (Interim Report February 1996; Interim Report: Immediate Measures November 1996; Final Report Vol I: Corruption; Final Report Vol II: Reform; Final Report Vol III: Appendices May 1997) excluding the Report on Paedophilia, August 1997. The examination will be confined essentially to one question: to what extent do the published Reports consider the part played by the judiciary, prosecutors and lawyers, in the construction of a form of criminal justice revealed by the Commission itself, to be disfigured by serious process corruption? The examination will be conducted by way of a chronological trawl through the Reports of the Commission in an attempt to identify all references to the role of the judiciary, prosecutors and lawyers. The adequacy of any such treatment will then be considered. In order to set the scene a brief and generalised overview of the Wood Commission will be offered together with the Commission's definition of process corruption.

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The over-representation of vulnerable populations within the criminal justice system, and the role of police in perpetuating this, has long been a topic of discussion in criminology. What is less discussed is the way in which non -criminal investigations by police, in areas like a death investigation, may perpetuate similar types of engagement with vulnerable populations. In Australia, as elsewhere, it is the police who are responsible for investigating both suspicious and violent deaths like homicide as well as non - suspicious, violent deaths like accidents and suicides. Police are also the agents tasked with investigating deaths which are neither violent nor suspicious but occur outside hospitals and other care facilities. This paper reports on how the police describe - or are described by others - their role in a non - suspicious death investigation, and the challenges that such investigations raise for police and policing.

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The over-representation of vulnerable populations within the criminal justice system, and the role of police in perpetuating this, has long been a topic of discussion in criminology. What is less discussed is the way in which non-criminal investigations by police, in areas like a death investigation, may similarly disadvantage and discriminate against vulnerable populations. In Australia, as elsewhere, it is police who are responsible for investigating both suspicious and violent deaths like homicide as well as non-suspicious, violent deaths like accidents and suicides. Police are also the agents tasked with investigating deaths which are neither violent nor suspicious but occur outside hospitals and other care facilities. This paper, part of a larger funded Australian research project focusing on the ways in which cultural and religious differences are dealt with during the death investigation process, reports on how police describe – or are described by others – during their role in a non-suspicious death investigation, and the challenges that such investigations raise for police and policing. The employment of police liaison officers is discussed as one response to the difficulty of policing cultural and religious difference with variable results.

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This essay seeks to contextualise the intelligence work of the Royal Irish Constabulary, particularly in the 1880s, in terms of the wider British and imperial practice and, as a corollary, to reflect upon aspects of the structure of the state apparatus and the state archive in Ireland since the Union. The author contrasts Irish and British police and bureaucratic work and suggests parallels between Ireland and other imperial locations, especially India. This paper also defines the narrowly political, indeed partisan, uses to which this intelligence was put, particularly during the Special Commission of 1888 on 'Parnellism and crime', when governmentheld police records were made available to counsel for The Times. By reflecting on the structure of the state apparatus and its use in this instance, the author aims to further the debate on the governance of nineteenth-century Ireland and to explore issues of colonial identity and practice. The line of argument proposed in this essay is prefigured in Margaret O'Callaghan, British high politics and a nationalist Ireland: criminality, land and the law under Forster and Balfour (Cork, 199

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Clinical-forensic examination of strangulation victims is an increasing part of the routine of many forensic pathology institutes. The cases examined between 2004 and 2008 at the Institute of Legal Medicine of the Hanover Medical School were retrospectively analysed. In total, the study material comprised 218 victims (175 females and 43 males). In 80.7 %, the clinical-forensic examination was performed within 24 hours after the incident. In the overwhelming number of cases, the alleged perpetrator was no stranger. 128 victims (58.7 %) had strangulation marks, 32 victims (14.7 %) ligature marks and 65 victims (29.8 %) nail marks. Four victims showed injuries of the laryngeal and pharyngeal structures (reddening, hematomas, swelling and in one case a fracture of the cricoid cartilage on both sides). Extensive petechiae were predominantly seen in the conjunctivae, the buccal mucosa and the skin of the face in cases where the victims suffered a loss of consciousness. 87 cases (39.9% were classified as potentially life-threatening and 30 cases (13.8 %) as acute life-threatening events. This classification is of legal relevance for the penalty. In addition, 60 victims experienced sexual violence. These results suggest that early clinical-forensic examination is crucial for documenting forensic evidence in support of police investigations and may deliver significant details relevant in court.

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Clinical forensic examinations of children suspected of having been sexually abused are increasingly part of the routine of medicolegal institutes. The findings collected from 2005 until 2007 at the Institute of Legal Medicine of the Hanover Medical School were analysed retrospectively. Altogether, 91 children (74 females, 17 males, mean age 8.7 years) were examined. In 87.9% of the cases, the examination had been ordered by the police. In 73.6%, the victim knew the suspected perpetrator well or he was a family member. 40.7% of the children were seen within 72 hours after the alleged abuse. 12.1% of the children had extragenital lesions. In 27% of the victims, marked anogenital injuries were found, which were characteristic of sexual abuse in 9%. In 18 cases (20.2%), swabs were taken for spermatozoa detection. 3 of 17 vaginal smears showed positive test results for sperm up to 21 hours after the incident. No spermatozoa could be detected in 4 anal and 2 oral swabs as well as in one swab taken from the skin of the victim's thigh. In summary, the evaluation shows that early clinical forensic examination of children suspected of having been sexually abused is crucial to document evidence that is highly significant for the investigation and court proceedings. Often suspected sexual child abuse cannot be proved by medical findings alone. Of course, the absence of anogenital injuries does nor rule out sexual abuse.

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Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques d’intervention des agents de réponse en intervention de crise (RIC), de leur partenaire fixe et des agents en attente de la formation du Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux. Les agents RIC sont des patrouilleurs de première ligne qui ont reçu une formation complète sur les principes d’intervention en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Ce modèle de réponse spécialisée est une solution proactive qui a pour but d’améliorer l’action policière en situation de crise et de veiller à une meilleure prise en charge de ces personnes par les ressources institutionnelles. La désinstitutionnalisation des soins et des services psychiatriques a eu pour effet une augmentation du nombre de personnes atteintes de troubles mentaux dans la communauté. Par conséquent, cet accroissement a engendré des rapports plus fréquents entre les services policiers et cette clientèle. Les interventions en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale sont particulières et complexes, de même qu’elles requièrent un niveau supérieur de compréhension des crises humaines. Les autorités policières ont admis que ces interventions représentent une part significative de leur travail et que la formation policière traditionnelle ne les prépare pas suffisamment pour intervenir adéquatement auprès de cette population. En réponse à ces considérations et dans l’objectif d’améliorer leur capacité d’agir, les forces policières se sont dotées de modèles de réponse policière spécialisée en intervention de crise. L’approche la plus répandue est l’équipe d’intervention de crise (« crisis intervention team » ou « CIT »), aussi appelée le modèle de Memphis. Il existe plusieurs variantes de ce modèle, mais les composantes principales, c’est-à-dire la formation avancée et la consolidation d’un partenariat avec le système de santé demeurent dans l’ensemble de ces structures. L’objectif de cette recherche consiste à sonder les perceptions des agents RIC, de leur partenaire fixe et des agents en attente de la formation afin de comprendre et de contraster leurs visions et leurs pratiques d’intervention en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Chaque groupe a apporté des précisions intéressantes. Nous avons conduit 12 entrevues qualitatives avec des policiers du SPVM. De façon générale, les participants rapportent que leurs pratiques d’intervention auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux sont davantage ancrées dans une perspective de relation d’aide. Ils mentionnent également que la communication, l’écoute et la confiance doivent être privilégiées avant tout autre stratégie dans les situations qui les permettent et que la force doit être employée seulement lorsqu’elle est nécessaire, c’est-à-dire lorsque leur sécurité ou celle d’autrui est en péril ou lorsque la communication n’est pas possible. Puis, ils admettent que le recours à l’expertise des intervenants en santé mentale permet une analyse plus approfondie de la situation et de l’état mental de la personne visée par l’intervention. D’autre part, en ce qui concerne les limites de la formation policière traditionnelle, les candidats ont soulevé qu’il y a un manque de connaissances en matière de santé mentale ainsi qu’une difficulté associée à l’évaluation de l’état de la personne et du besoin de transport ont été soulevés. Sur le plan des apprentissages, les agents RIC disent avoir une compréhension plus globale de la problématique de santé mentale, de meilleures habiletés communicationnelles, une analyse plus approfondie de la situation, de plus grandes connaissances juridiques, une compréhension du fonctionnement des services hospitaliers ainsi qu’une appréciation particulière pour le partage de savoirs et les principes d’endiguement. Ils font part également de l’importance des rapports pour documenter l’évolution de l’état mental d’une personne et ils ajoutent que la dimension temporelle joue un rôle clé dans la résolution définitive de la problématique. Au sujet des partenaires, ils évoquent des retombées similaires. Toutefois, à la suite de la formation, ils reconnaissent davantage l’importance de leur rôle dans la sécurité de leur partenaire et ils y accordent dorénavant une attention marquée lors de ces interventions. Enfin, les agents non formés formulent des attentes relatives au développement d’outils et de compétences, ce qui leur sera rendu dans la formation RIC. Globalement, les agents RIC et les partenaires interviewés ont modifié leurs pratiques pour les arrimer avec la philosophie des interventions en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Ils ont également davantage confiance en leurs capacités et habiletés d’intervention auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux grâce aux connaissances acquises dans la formation.

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Cette recherche porte sur les pratiques d’intervention des agents de réponse en intervention de crise (RIC), de leur partenaire fixe et des agents en attente de la formation du Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux. Les agents RIC sont des patrouilleurs de première ligne qui ont reçu une formation complète sur les principes d’intervention en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Ce modèle de réponse spécialisée est une solution proactive qui a pour but d’améliorer l’action policière en situation de crise et de veiller à une meilleure prise en charge de ces personnes par les ressources institutionnelles. La désinstitutionnalisation des soins et des services psychiatriques a eu pour effet une augmentation du nombre de personnes atteintes de troubles mentaux dans la communauté. Par conséquent, cet accroissement a engendré des rapports plus fréquents entre les services policiers et cette clientèle. Les interventions en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale sont particulières et complexes, de même qu’elles requièrent un niveau supérieur de compréhension des crises humaines. Les autorités policières ont admis que ces interventions représentent une part significative de leur travail et que la formation policière traditionnelle ne les prépare pas suffisamment pour intervenir adéquatement auprès de cette population. En réponse à ces considérations et dans l’objectif d’améliorer leur capacité d’agir, les forces policières se sont dotées de modèles de réponse policière spécialisée en intervention de crise. L’approche la plus répandue est l’équipe d’intervention de crise (« crisis intervention team » ou « CIT »), aussi appelée le modèle de Memphis. Il existe plusieurs variantes de ce modèle, mais les composantes principales, c’est-à-dire la formation avancée et la consolidation d’un partenariat avec le système de santé demeurent dans l’ensemble de ces structures. L’objectif de cette recherche consiste à sonder les perceptions des agents RIC, de leur partenaire fixe et des agents en attente de la formation afin de comprendre et de contraster leurs visions et leurs pratiques d’intervention en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Chaque groupe a apporté des précisions intéressantes. Nous avons conduit 12 entrevues qualitatives avec des policiers du SPVM. De façon générale, les participants rapportent que leurs pratiques d’intervention auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux sont davantage ancrées dans une perspective de relation d’aide. Ils mentionnent également que la communication, l’écoute et la confiance doivent être privilégiées avant tout autre stratégie dans les situations qui les permettent et que la force doit être employée seulement lorsqu’elle est nécessaire, c’est-à-dire lorsque leur sécurité ou celle d’autrui est en péril ou lorsque la communication n’est pas possible. Puis, ils admettent que le recours à l’expertise des intervenants en santé mentale permet une analyse plus approfondie de la situation et de l’état mental de la personne visée par l’intervention. D’autre part, en ce qui concerne les limites de la formation policière traditionnelle, les candidats ont soulevé qu’il y a un manque de connaissances en matière de santé mentale ainsi qu’une difficulté associée à l’évaluation de l’état de la personne et du besoin de transport ont été soulevés. Sur le plan des apprentissages, les agents RIC disent avoir une compréhension plus globale de la problématique de santé mentale, de meilleures habiletés communicationnelles, une analyse plus approfondie de la situation, de plus grandes connaissances juridiques, une compréhension du fonctionnement des services hospitaliers ainsi qu’une appréciation particulière pour le partage de savoirs et les principes d’endiguement. Ils font part également de l’importance des rapports pour documenter l’évolution de l’état mental d’une personne et ils ajoutent que la dimension temporelle joue un rôle clé dans la résolution définitive de la problématique. Au sujet des partenaires, ils évoquent des retombées similaires. Toutefois, à la suite de la formation, ils reconnaissent davantage l’importance de leur rôle dans la sécurité de leur partenaire et ils y accordent dorénavant une attention marquée lors de ces interventions. Enfin, les agents non formés formulent des attentes relatives au développement d’outils et de compétences, ce qui leur sera rendu dans la formation RIC. Globalement, les agents RIC et les partenaires interviewés ont modifié leurs pratiques pour les arrimer avec la philosophie des interventions en contexte de crise ou de santé mentale. Ils ont également davantage confiance en leurs capacités et habiletés d’intervention auprès des personnes en crise ou atteintes de troubles mentaux grâce aux connaissances acquises dans la formation.

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Latest issue consulted: 1908.