Open-pit block sequencing optimization: A mathematical model and solution technique

This study presents a comprehensive mathematical formulation model for a short-term open-pit mine block sequencing problem, which considers nearly all relevant technical aspects in open-pit mining. The proposed model aims to obtain the optimum extraction sequences of the original-size (smallest) blocks over short time intervals and in the presence of real-life constraints, including precedence relationship, machine capacity, grade requirements, processing demands and stockpile management. A hybrid branch-and-bound and simulated annealing algorithm is developed to solve the problem. Computational experiments show that the proposed methodology is a promising way to provide quantitative recommendations for mine planning and scheduling engineers.

Mitä miehen pitää olla? : Tutkielma Saarnaajan kirjan ja Sirakin kirjan mieskuvasta

Tässä tutkielmassa tutkitaan Saarnaajan kirjan ja Sirakin kirjan mieskuvaa. Tutkimuksessa nämä kirjat ajoitetaan 200-luvulle eKr. Ptolemaiosten valtakunnan aikaan ja etsitään vastausta siihen, millaiseen miehuuteen Juudean eliittiin kuuluneet viisaudenopettajat Saarnaaja ja Ben Sira opastivat virkauralle pyrkiviä niin ikään eliittiin lukeutuneita oppilaitaan. Metodina on tutkia lukijalähtöisesti tekstin sisältöä ja etsiä siinä piileviä ideologioita, tässä tapauksessa siis miehenä olemiseen liittyviä oletuksia, joista nämä tekstit eivät puhu suorasanaisesti vaan joita on tulkittava rivien välistä. Tavoitteeseen pääsemiseksi Saarnaajan kirjan ja Sirakin kirjan tekstiä peilataan antiikin ajan mieskäsitystä ja toisaalta Vanhan testamentin maskuliinista ihannetta vasten. Samalla pyritään myös vertailemaan Saarnaajan kirjan ja Sirakin kirjan yhtäläisyyksiä ja eroja. Lähteinä ovat Saarnaajan kirjan masoreettinen teksti sekä pääasiassa Sirakin kirjan hepreankieliset ja niiden puuttuessa kreikankieliset käsikirjoitukset. Tutkimuksessa todetaan, että antiikin ajan juutalaisen yhteisön suurin miehelle asettama odotus oli se, että miehen oli aina, kaikkialla ja kaikissa tilanteissa hallittava itsensä. Tämä tarkoitti sekä oman käytöksenä että omien tunteittensa hallitsemista mutta myös elämän olosuhteiden ja siihen liittyvien ihmisten hallitsemista. Elämän oli siis oltava järjestyksessä ollakseen kunniallista. Eliittiin kuuluva juutalaismies saattoi myös epäonnistua eikä silloin täyttänytkään miehelle asetettua mittaa. Yhteisön kunnioituksen menettänyt mies oli pahassa tilanteessa. Juuri tilanteessa, missä häpeä astuu miehen elämään, käy parhaiten selväksi Saarnaajan ja Ben Siran ajattelun perimmäinen ero. Ben Sira perustelee miesihannettaan kunnian ja häpeän käsitteillä. Saarnaajalle kunnian ja häpeän käsitteillä ei ole merkitystä. Todellinen ongelma on Saarnaajan mielestä kuolema. On parempi elää vaikka häpeässä kuin olla kuollut, ja vaikka viisaus tuokin miehelle menestystä, sen olennaisin tehtävä on pitää mies hengissä ja elossa vaikka elämä ei niin kovin kunniakasta olisikaan. Lisäksi tutkimuksessa päädytään toteamaan, että mieheen kohdistui paljon vaatimuksia mutta hänellä oli myös voimavaroja, jotka tukivat hänen suoritustaan. Toinen näistä tukevista elementeistä oli miespuolinen ystävä ja uskottu. Saarnaajasta ja Ben Sirasta muistetaan usein heidän hyvin negatiiviset toteamuksensa naisen pahuudesta. Silti kummankin teksteistä juuri nainen paljastuu yhdeksi miehen voimavaroista.

Role of Eda and Troy pathways in ectodermal organ development

Several organs of the embryo develop as appendages of the ectoderm, the outermost layer of the embryo. These organs include hair follicles, teeth and mammary glands, which all develop as a result of reciprocal tissue interactions between the surface epithelium and the underlying mesenchyme. Several signalling molecules regulate ectodermal organogenesis the most important ones being Wnts, fi broblast growth factors (Fgfs), transforming growth factor -βs (Tgf-βs) including bone morphogenetic proteins (Bmps), hedgehogs (Hhs), and tumour necrosis factors (Tnfs). This study focuses on ectodysplasin (EDA), a signalling molecule of the TNF superfamily. The effects of EDA are mediated by its receptor EDAR, an intracellular adapter protein EDARADD, and downstream activation of the transcription factor nuclear factor kappa-B (NF-кB). Mice deficient in Eda (Tabby mice), its receptor Edar (downless mice) or Edaradd (crinkled mice) show identical phenotypes characterised by defective ectodermal organ development. These mouse mutants serve as models for the human syndrome named hypohidrotic ectodermal dysplasia (HED) that is caused by mutations either in Eda, Edar or Edaradd. The purpose of this study was to characterize the ectodermal organ phenotype of transgenic mice overexpressing of Eda (K14-Eda mice), to study the role of Eda in ectodermal organogenesis using both in vivo and in vitro approaches, and to analyze the potential redundancy between the Eda pathway and other Tnf pathways. The results suggest that Eda plays a role during several stages of ectodermal organ development from initiation to differentiation. Eda signalling was shown to regulate the initiation of skin appendage development by promoting appendageal cell fate at the expense of epidermal cell fate. These effects of Eda were shown to be mediated, at least in part, through the transcriptional regulation of genes that antagonized Bmp signalling and stimulated Shh signalling. It was also shown that Eda/Edar signalling functions redundantly with Troy, which encodes a related TNF receptor, during hair development. This work has revealed several novel aspects of the function of the Eda pathway in hair and tooth development, and also suggests a previously unrecognized role for Eda in mammary gland development.

Genomic approach to organ-specific growth control

Growth is a fundamental aspect of life cycle of all organisms. Body size varies highly in most animal groups, such as mammals. Moreover, growth of a multicellular organism is not uniform enlargement of size, but different body parts and organs grow to their characteristic sizes at different times. Currently very little is known about the molecular mechanisms governing this organ-specific growth. The genome sequencing projects have provided complete genomic DNA sequences of several species over the past decade. The amount of genomic sequence information, including sequence variants within species, is constantly increasing. Based on the universal genetic code, we can make sense of this sequence information as far as it codes proteins. However, less is known about the molecular mechanisms that control expression of genes, and about the variations in gene expression that underlie many pathological states in humans. This is caused in part by lack of information about the second genetic code that consists of the binding specificities of transcription factors and the combinatorial code by which transcription factor binding sites are assembled to form tissue-specific and/or ligand-regulated enhancer elements. This thesis presents a high-throughput assay for identification of transcription factor binding specificities, which were then used to measure the DNA binding profiles of transcription factors involved in growth control. We developed ‘enhancer element locator’, a computational tool, which can be used to predict functional enhancer elements. A genome-wide prediction of human and mouse enhancer elements generated a large database of enhancer elements. This database can be used to identify target genes of signaling pathways, and to predict activated transcription factors based on changes in gene expression. Predictions validated in transgenic mouse embryos revealed the presence of multiple tissue-specific enhancers in mouse c- and N-Myc genes, which has implications to organ specific growth control and tumor type specificity of oncogenes. Furthermore, we were able to locate a variation in a single nucleotide, which carries a susceptibility to colorectal cancer, to an enhancer element and propose a mechanism by which this SNP might be involved in generation of colorectal cancer.

The incidence and outcome of severe sepsis in Finland : The Finnsepsis Study

Severe sepsis is associated with common occurrence, high costs of care and significant mortality. The incidence of severe sepsis has been reported to vary between 0.5/1000 and 3/1000 in different studies. The worldwide Severe Sepsis Campaign, guidelines and treatment protocols aim at decreasing severe sepsis associated high morbidity and mortality. Various mediators of inflammation, such as high mobility group box-1 protein (HMGB1) and vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF), have been tested for severity of illness and outcome in severe sepsis. Long-term survival with quality of life (QOL) assessment is important outcome after severe sepsis. The objective of this study was to evaluate the incidence, severity of organ dysfunction and outcome of severe sepsis in intensive care treated patients in Finland (study I)). HMGB1 and VEGF were studied in predicting severity of illness, development and type of organ dysfunction and hospital mortality (studies II and III). The long-term outcome and quality of life were assessed and quality-adjusted life years and cost per one QALY were estimated (study IV). A total of 470 patients with severe sepsis were included in the Finnsepsis Study. Patients were treated in 24 Finnish intensive care units in a 4-month period from 1 November 2004 to 28 February 2005. The incidence of severe sepsis was 0.38 /1,000 in the adult population (95% confidence interval 0.34-0.41). Septic shock (77%), severe oxygenation impairment (71.4%) and acute renal failure (23.2%) were the most common organ failures. The ICU, hospital, one-year and two-year mortalities were 15.5%, 28.3%, 40.9% and 44.9% respectively. HMGB1 and VEGF were elevated in patients with severe sepsis. VEGF concentrations were lower in non-survivors than in survivors, but HMGB1 levels did not differ between patients. Neither HMGB1 nor VEGF were predictive of hospital mortality. The QOL was measured median 17 months after severe sepsis and QOL was lower than in reference population. The mean QALY was 15.2 years for a surviving patient and the cost for one QALY was 2,139 . The study showed that the incidence of severe sepsis is lower in Finland than in other countries. The short-term outcome is comparable with that in other countries, but long-term outcome is poor. HMGB1 and VEGF are not useful in predicting mortality in severe sepsis. The mean QALY for a surviving patient is 15.2 and as the cost for one QALY is reasonably low, the intensive care is cost-effective in patients with severe sepsis.

Bone Health in Children and Adolescents with Juvenile Idiopathic Arthritis and Solid Organ Transplant

Osteoporosis is a skeletal disorder characterized by compromised bone strength that predisposes to increased fracture risk. Childhood and adolescence are critical periods for bone mass gain. Peak bone mass is mostly acquired by the age of 18 years and is an important determinant of adult bone health and lifetime risk for fractures. Medications, especially glucocorticoids (GCs), chronic inflammation, decreased physical activity, hormonal deficiencies, delayed puberty, and poor nutrition may predispose children and adolescents with a chronic disease to impaired bone health. In this work, we studied overall bone health, the incidence and prevalence of fractures in children and adolescents who were treated for juvenile idiopathic arthritis (JIA) or had undergone solid organ transplantation. The first study cohort included 62 patients diagnosed with JIA and treated with GCs. The epidemiology of fractures after transplantation was investigated in 196 patients and a more detailed analysis of bone health determinants was performed on 40 liver (LTx) and 106 renal (RTx) transplantation patients. Bone mineral density (BMD) and vertebral morphology were assessed by dual-energy x-ray absorptiometry. Standard radiographs were obtained to detect vertebral fractures and to determine bone age; BMD values were adjusted for skeletal maturity. Our study showed that median BMD values were subnormal in all patient cohorts. The values were highest in patients with JIA and lowest in patients with LTx. Age at transplantation influenced BMD values in LTx but not RTx patients; BMD values were higher in patients who had LTx before the age of two years. BMD was lowest during the immediate posttransplantation years and increased subnormally during puberty. Delayed skeletal maturation was common in all patient groups. The prevalence of vertebral fractures ranged from 10% to 19% in the cohorts. Most of the fractures were asymptomatic and diagnosed only at screening. Vertebral fractures were most common in LTx patients. Vitamin D deficiency was common in all patient groups, and only 3% of patients with JIA and 25% of transplantation patients were considered to have adequate serum vitamin D levels. The total cumulative weight-adjusted dose of GC was not associated with BMD values in JIA or LTx patients. The combination of female gender and age over 15 years, parathyroid hormone concentration over 100 ng/L, and cumulative weight-adjusted methylprednisolone dose over 150 mg/kg during the three preceding years were found to be important predictors for low lumbar spine BMD in RTx patients. Based on the high prevalence of osteoporosis in the study cohorts more efforts should be put to prevention and early diagnosis of osteoporosis in these pediatric patients.

Optimising the operational energy efficiency of an open-pit coal mine system

This thesis investigates factors that impact the energy efficiency of a mining operation. An innovative mathematical framework and solution approach are developed to model, solve and analyse an open-pit coal mine. A case study in South East Queensland is investigated to validate the approach and explore the opportunities for using it to aid long, medium and short term decision makers.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

"Miksi lehmät pitää tappaa?" : Etnografinen tutkimus 2000-luvun alun huumemarkkinoista Helsingissä

The present study focuses on the drug market in Helsinki in the early 2000s, mainly on the dealing in and use of amphetamines, cannabis and the pharmaceutical Subutex. The drug market is usually analysed into upper, middle and lower level markets. These levels are very different in terms of their operating practices, although there may be some mingling. The present study is mainly concerned with drug dealers and users in the lower and middle level markets. Operations also differ depending on whether the dealing involves just one drug or several. Dealing in and using Subutex is a very different business from dealing and using home grown cannabis, for instance: both the customers and the dealers are mostly quite different. The study material was mostly collected through ethnographical field work, including observations and interviews. Interviews with officials and minutes of pre-trial investigations concerning aggravated drug crimes are also included. The study discusses the roles of dealers on the various levels of the drug market in Helsinki and traces activities at various levels. Ethnographical methods are employed to observe day-to-day drug dealing and use and leisure pursuits in private homes and in public premises. The study takes note of the risks inherent in drug dealing and estimates what kind of drug dealers can last the longest on the market without the authorities intervening. At the same time, the study discusses how small groups on the middle and lower levels of the drug market avoid control measures undertaken by the authorities and how the authorities address these groups. Moreover, the study discusses what the drug market is like in prison from the perspective of a drug dealer sent to prison, what their everyday lives are like after release, and how much money dealers on various levels of the drug market make. The study demonstrates that drug dealing in Helsinki, whether we consider the very top or the very bottom of the pyramid, is a far from rational pursuit. The undertakings are not very systematic; they are more a reaction to intoxicant addiction( s) and other problems caused by other dealers, the dealers own actions and the actions of the police. The everyday lives of drug dealers are often chaos only alleviated by drug use in the company of buyers or alone. If a drug dealer uses drugs himself/herself, things become even more complicated and a vicious circle develops. At the same time, everyday life is certainly exciting, and a drug dealer often has a highly eventful if brief life. Drug dealing is a very masculine pursuit, and there is a sort of macho code governing it, although this does not nearly always work as it should. This macho code, typically for illegal activities, involves the threat of violence as a control measure. Hence the untranslatable slang expression Kill the cows : the Finnish word for calf has the slang meaning snitch or police informant . No more cows, no more calves. But informing on others to the authorities is a fact of life in the drug-dealing world. Contributing factors to being reported to the authorities are the dealer s own mistakes and the actions of other dealers and the police. A determined drug dealer will not be deterred from drug dealing by a prison sentence. However, following time in prison only few dealers manage to gain an income from drug dealing commensurate with its risks.