940 resultados para Official Development Assistance


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Las relaciones de cooperación Sur-Sur revoluciona las lógicas tradicionales que dieron base al régimen de la cooperación internacional expedido desde la OCDE. La diferencia entre los donantes llamados “DAC” y los socios “No-DAC” en referencia a los Estados miembros del Comité de Asistencia al Desarrollo establece dos lógicas de cooperación internacional que se contraponen en sus dinámicas pero comparten un objetivo: el desarrollo. Estos dos tipos de relaciones de cooperación se diferencian en cuatro aspectos: calidad de los actores implicados, dirección de la relación, tipo de intercambio y presencia o ausencia del Principio de Condicionalidad. A diferencia de las relaciones de cooperación Norte-Sur donde se establece una relación unidireccional entre el donante y el receptor, canal utilizado para el flujo crediticio y financiero (bien sea a través de créditos o de subvenciones), las relaciones de cooperación Sur-Sur establecen una relación bidireccional. Esta bidireccionalidad hace que la cooperación internacional se convierta en una herramienta de poder relativo para aquellos actores que carecían de peso en el sistema internacional. La carta fundamental de los Estados con economías emergentes será darle voz a aquellos que no la han tenido. A través de relaciones que se catalogan como asociaciones estratégicas, entre sujetos con un similar nivel de desarrollo, el Principio de Condicionalidad como rector de la relación de cooperación, desaparece. Asi, la formación del Grupo de Tareas para la Cooperación Sur-Sur adscrito al DAC es una muestra del cambio estructural del régimen de la cooperación internacional, y más aún, de las dinámicas tradicionales del sistema internacional.

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El interés de esta monografía es analizar el crecimiento económico de Corea del Sur y sus posibilidades de alterar el equilibrio en la región de Asia-Pacífico. A partir de los conceptos de poder duro y equilibrio de poder propuestos por Joseph Nye y Ernst Haas, se examinan los principales hitos del proceso de desarrollo nacional y se determina en qué sentido el incremento del poder duro nacional le permite a este país posicionarse como una potencia regional en ascenso. Así mismo, se evalúan los procesos de liderazgo regional de China y Japón que impiden a Corea del Sur alterar sustancialmente el equilibrio de poder en esta región del mundo.

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El presente caso de estudio tiene como objetivo explicar el rol de la cooperación internacional para el desarrollo en Tanzania, Mozambique, Nigeria para la consolidación del liderazgo político internacional de Japón. El interés de realizar esta investigación es la ampliación del conocimiento sobre el uso del poder blando, para alcanzar los objetivos de política exterior japonesa. Por eso, se llevara a cabo una revisión bibliográfica para el análisis de documentos oficiales y artículos académicos para la consolidación de información. A partir de ello, se pretende demostrar que la cooperación al desarrollo es una herramienta de política exterior japonesa para consolidarse como líder, en la medida en que el uso de herramientas propias de la cooperación y el presupuesto destinada a la ejecución de éstas tienen incidencia en los votos de estos Estados africanos para las iniciativas japonesas en las Naciones Unidas.

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Spanish version available

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Life expectancy at birth is the average number of years that a group of people born in the same year should live. The estimate for those born in 2010 is 80.2 years for Italy. On the other side of the chart are a number of countries in sub Saharan Africa. Haiti is in last place: children born in this country in 2010 have a life expectancy by an average of even 30 years, fifty in less than peers born in Italy. From a bioethical point of view, the first question that arises is: Is it right? Is it right that there is such inequality in health? The answer is simple: it is not right. But if we ask ourselves what are the best solution to remedy this situation, the answers become more than one. The differences in life expectancy depends on many factors, including no doubt the effectiveness of health systems. The scope of this work is precisely that of justice in health care and how the different general concepts related to it can be applied in health care settings with very limited financial and human resources. The first chapter describes the main inequalities in global health. The second discusses the main theories of justice. In the next chapter we reason on official development assistance and health cooperation. In the fourth we analyze the contribution of theories of justice through such issues as equity in health, the right of access to health services and right to health. In the fifth chapter the aim is to reason about global justice, the role of health in this context and how the official development assistance in health can contribute.

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オリンピックを見ていてふと我に返ることがあった。自分はなぜ日本人選手ばかり応援しているのだろうか、と。自分の中にはそれほど強い国粋主義が眠っているのだろうか。しかし、日本人を応援するのは私ばかりではないように思える。サッカーのワールドカップやオリンピックとなると日本の多くの人々が日本チームや日本人選手を応援する。それは日本人の関心や嗜好が内向きになっていることを示しているのだろうか。(以下略)

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Independent Myanmar and Japan had long held the strongest ties among Asian countries, and they were often known as having "special relations" or a "historically friendly relationship." Such relations were guaranteed by the sentiments and experiences of the leaders of both countries. Among others, Ne Win, former strongman throughout the socialist period (1962-1988), was educated and trained by the Japanese army officers of the Minami Kikan, leading to the birth of the Burma Independence Army (BIA). Huge official development assistance provided by the Japanese government also cemented this special relationship. However, the birth of the present military government (SLORC/SPDC) in 1988 drastically changed this favorable relationship between the two countries. When the military seized power in a coup, Japan was believed to be the only country that possessed sufficient meaningful influence on Myanmar to encourage a move toward national reconciliation between the junta and the opposition party led by Aung San Suu Kyi. In reality, Japan failed to exert such an influence due to its sour relations with the military government and reduced influence in the new international and regional political landscape. What is worse, Japan seems to be losing its say on Myanmar issues in the international political arena, as it has been wavering in limbo between the sanctionist forces, such as the United States and the European Union, and engagement forces, such as China and ASEAN.

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This article seeks to investigate the relative contributions of foreign direct investment, official development assistance and migrant remittances to economic growth in developing countries. We use a systems methodology to account for the inherent endogeneities in these relationships. In addition, we also examine the importance of institutions, not only for growth directly, but for the interactions between institutions and the other sources of growth. It is, we believe, the first article to consider each of these variables together. We find that all sources of foreign capital have a positive and significant impact on growth when institutions are taken into account. © 2013 European Association of Development Research and Training Institutes.

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The dissertation documented the degree of Turkey's involvement in the promotion of democracy in the Arab Middle East (ME). Initially, I investigated why and under what conditions Turkey promotes democracy in the ME, and then I explained strategies through which Turkey promotes democracy in the region. I applied the neo-classical realist theoretical framework and a mixed methodology in the research, and I provided evidence from two sources: face-to-face interviews with the Turkish and foreign officials and common citizens, and the statistical data from institutions, such as the OECD, Turkish Statistical Institute, and World Bank.^ My research indicates that Turkey promotes democracy through seven channels. These channels are official development assistance (ODA), mentoring, demonstrative effect, normative pressure, conditionality, military power, enlargement, and civil society organizations. Turkey promotes democracy in the ME for three substantial reasons: first, to advance its security and economic interests; second, to improve the political, social, and economic conditions of people living in the region; and third, to create long-term regional stability, crucial for cooperation in economic and security realms.^ I attempted to engage in debates with two distinct, but interrelated fields of comparative politics and international relations. My most important contribution to the field is that I documented Turkey's case of democracy promotion regarding the degree of Turkey's involvement in this endeavor, its strategies, specificities, and effectiveness in the region. I also contribute to the field as I explained the difference between democracy promotion policies of a regional power, such as Turkey, and global powers, such as the US. I further engaged in discussions that illuminate some aspects of the interplay between the identity and strategic interests in states' foreign policy decisions.^

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Cette thèse analyse les pratiques d’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes au sein des organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) maliennes qui ont reçu du financement canadien. En effet, l’aide publique au développement a subi des transformations majeures depuis les années 1950. L’une de ces transformations a été le rôle important joué par les ONG dans les années 1990, à la suite de l’adoption des politiques d’ajustements structurels et de la fin de la monopolisation par l’État en ce qui a trait à l’aide publique pour les projets de développement. Entre autres, les ONG ont été sollicitées pour promouvoir les politiques d’égalité entre hommes et femmes. L’importance des ONG dans l’aide publique au développement a créé des relations de dépendances vis-à-vis des bailleurs de fonds qui imposent des conditionnalités. Nos résultats ont montré que les bailleurs de fonds exigent l’égalité entre les sexes en ce qui concerne les bénéficiaires des programmes, mais, paradoxalement, ne l’exigent pas à l’intérieur des ONG et dans leurs ressources humaines. En analysant la composition du personnel de huit ONG maliennes, nos résultats montrent que 34 % du personnel sont des femmes alors que 66 % sont des hommes, ce qui démontre un déséquilibre assez important en matière de parité. Cependant, une analyse plus fine nous indique que les pratiques d’égalité entre femmes et hommes dans les structures et dans la gestion des ressources humaines diffèrent d’une ONG à une autre. Ces pratiques dépendent beaucoup de la volonté et des valeurs des gestionnaires. Notre recherche a fait ressortir plusieurs explications de cette disparité au niveau de l’emploi des femmes. Les raisons souvent mentionnées étaient : 1) la nécessité d’avoir du personnel compétent, 2) la conciliation famille-travail, 3) le contexte socioculturel, 4) l’interprétation de la religion musulmane en matière d’égalité. En effet, nos résultats ont démontré que sous l’influence des bailleurs de fonds les ONG se sont professionnalisées, que l’impact de la professionnalisation a été différent selon le genre et que celle-ci s’est faite aux dépens des femmes. Ainsi, certains gestionnaires, quel que soit leur sexe, préfèrent recruter plus d’hommes parce qu’ils les jugent plus compétents.Nos résultats confirment la théorie du plafond de verre qui met en exergue le fait que les femmes ont de la difficulté à accéder à des postes de responsabilité. Nos résultats ont aussi démontré qu’au Mali, le contexte socioculturel et la religion jouent un grand rôle dans les relations sociales et surtout en ce qui concerne la place des femmes au sein de la société.

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A discussão sobre a questão da efectividade da ajuda externa já dura há décadas. Se por um lado estão estudos que consideram que a ajuda externa tem um impacto positivo no crescimento económico, por outro estão aqueles que concluíram que os fluxos de ajuda apenas contribuem para aumentar a corrupção, a pobreza e perpetuar maus governos. Este trabalho de investigação discute a questão da efectividade das ajudas externas no caso concreto de Cabo Verde. O país passou recentemente a beneficiar de um novo programa de ajudas externas, o Millennium Challenge Account, pelo que é pertinente perceber se os fluxos de ajudas externas, em geral, e do programa MCA, em particular, têm dado resultados positivos para o país. Para a análise empírica, foram analisados os relatórios anuais do Banco de Cabo Verde e outras fontes complementares, e os dados usados são referentes a 23 anos. A conclusão da análise econométrica sugere que a ajuda externa se tem repercutido de forma positiva no crescimento económico de Cabo Verde, apesar da variável Assistência Oficial ao Desenvolvimento não ter apresentado significância estatística. Os fluxos privados são contudo fortemente positivos e significativos. O impacto do programa MCA também se revelou positivo para o crescimento económico do país, reforçando a ideia de que quando a ajuda é direccionada para sectores que dinamizam o crescimento da economia, o seu impacto no mesmo é positivo. ABSTRACT; The debate about the question of foreign aid effectiveness goes back decades. While on one side, there are researchers that conclude that foreign aid have a positive impact on economic growth, on the other side, there are those who conclude that the flows of aid only contribute to promote corruption, poverty and perpetuate bad governments. This work investigates the question of foreign aid effectiveness in the economic growth rates of Cape Verde. Since Cape Verde became recently a beneficiary of the new program of foreign aid, the Millennium Challenge Account, it would be interesting to understand if the flows of foreign aid and the MCA have given positive results in the case of Cape Verde. To reach these goals, the annual reports of the Central Bank of Cape Verde, together with other sources, have been analysed and the data refers to 23 years. The results of the econometric analyses suggest that foreign aid has had a positive impact on economic growth in Cape Verde. Even though the Official Development Assistance did not present statistically significant coefficient, the Private Flows seem to be largely positive and significant. The impact of the MCA program also revealed a positive impact on the economic growth of the Cape Verdean's islands, and it reinforces the idea that when the flow of aid is directed at those sectors that promote economic growth, its impact on the economy is largely positive and significant.

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Cette thèse analyse les pratiques d’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes au sein des organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) maliennes qui ont reçu du financement canadien. En effet, l’aide publique au développement a subi des transformations majeures depuis les années 1950. L’une de ces transformations a été le rôle important joué par les ONG dans les années 1990, à la suite de l’adoption des politiques d’ajustements structurels et de la fin de la monopolisation par l’État en ce qui a trait à l’aide publique pour les projets de développement. Entre autres, les ONG ont été sollicitées pour promouvoir les politiques d’égalité entre hommes et femmes. L’importance des ONG dans l’aide publique au développement a créé des relations de dépendances vis-à-vis des bailleurs de fonds qui imposent des conditionnalités. Nos résultats ont montré que les bailleurs de fonds exigent l’égalité entre les sexes en ce qui concerne les bénéficiaires des programmes, mais, paradoxalement, ne l’exigent pas à l’intérieur des ONG et dans leurs ressources humaines. En analysant la composition du personnel de huit ONG maliennes, nos résultats montrent que 34 % du personnel sont des femmes alors que 66 % sont des hommes, ce qui démontre un déséquilibre assez important en matière de parité. Cependant, une analyse plus fine nous indique que les pratiques d’égalité entre femmes et hommes dans les structures et dans la gestion des ressources humaines diffèrent d’une ONG à une autre. Ces pratiques dépendent beaucoup de la volonté et des valeurs des gestionnaires. Notre recherche a fait ressortir plusieurs explications de cette disparité au niveau de l’emploi des femmes. Les raisons souvent mentionnées étaient : 1) la nécessité d’avoir du personnel compétent, 2) la conciliation famille-travail, 3) le contexte socioculturel, 4) l’interprétation de la religion musulmane en matière d’égalité. En effet, nos résultats ont démontré que sous l’influence des bailleurs de fonds les ONG se sont professionnalisées, que l’impact de la professionnalisation a été différent selon le genre et que celle-ci s’est faite aux dépens des femmes. Ainsi, certains gestionnaires, quel que soit leur sexe, préfèrent recruter plus d’hommes parce qu’ils les jugent plus compétents.Nos résultats confirment la théorie du plafond de verre qui met en exergue le fait que les femmes ont de la difficulté à accéder à des postes de responsabilité. Nos résultats ont aussi démontré qu’au Mali, le contexte socioculturel et la religion jouent un grand rôle dans les relations sociales et surtout en ce qui concerne la place des femmes au sein de la société.

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The World Bank's legal and judicial reforms programs have expanded considerably since it began to address the issue of governance in the early 1990s. Initially the Bank focused on legal reforms for inducing private investment. Currently, its legal assistance extends to include the criminal justice sector. Such activities cannot be directly construed from its Articles of Agreement. This paper will discuss how the Bank interpreted its Articles in order to ligitimize its expanding activities. The Bank has manoeuvred itself into the criminal justice sector by skillfully changing its concept of development without deviating from its mandate. The change can be described as an 'evolution' which has allowed the Bank to identify any area as target for its development assistance.

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The past decade has witnessed an increasing concerns over the effectiveness of project-based development assistance and the promotion of sector-wide approaches (SWAps) to health as a means to increase donor collaboration, consolidate local management of resources and undertake the policy and systems reform necessary to achieve a greater impact on health issues. The concept has gained the support of both the World Bank and the World Health Organisation, as well as key bilateral donors, and dominates current initiatives in development assistance for health. This paper examines the proposal of SWAps as rhetoric, and seeks to understand how that rhetoric functions, despite the variable application of its constituent elements and the range of contexts in which it operates. (C) 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.