Turning around the poorest neighbourhoods: learning the lessons from twenty years of neighbourhood-based regeneration strategies in England

In the past two decades governments in Britain have launched a series of initiatives designed to reduce the disparities between areas of affluence and deprivation. These initiatives were funded by central government and were delivered through a series of partnership boards operating at the neighbourhood level in areas with high levels of deprivation. Drawing on similar approaches in the US War on Poverty, the engagement of residents in the planning and delivery of projects was a major priority. This chapter draws on the national evaluations of three of these programmes in England: the Single Regeneration Budget, the New Deal for Communities and the Neighbourhood Management Pathfinders. The chapter begins by identifying the common characteristics of these programmes, known as area-based initiatives because they targeted areas of concentrated deprivation with a population of about 10,000 people each. It then goes on to discuss the three national programmes and summarises the main findings in relation to how far key indicators changed for the better. The final section sets out the ways in which policy objectives changed in 2010 after the election of a coalition government. This produced a shift to what was called the ‘Big Society’ where the rhetoric favoured a transfer of power away from central government towards the local, neighbourhood, level. This approach favoured self-help and a call to volunteering rather than channelling resources to the areas in greatest need. The chapter closes by reviewing the relatively modest achievements of this centralist, big-state approach to distressed neighbourhoods of 1990–2010.

La discrimination en milieu de travail et le devoir juridique de représentation syndicale : une analyse socio-juridique

Ce mémoire est une analyse socio-juridique de la discrimination en milieu de travail et de son impact sur le devoir juridique de représentation syndicale, ou plus précisément, sur la responsabilité syndicale en contexte de diversité. Partant d’une première approche sociométrique du phénomène, suivie d’une deuxième davantage socio-juridique, le constat est à l’effet que la discrimination en milieu de travail a des répercussions jusque dans les milieux syndiqués,où les flux d’immigration semblent, à plusieurs égards, bousculer l’ordre établi. La revue de littérature permet de dégager deux grands axes de recherche : un premier concernant les forums : dans l’état actuel du droit, ce sont les Tribunaux des droits de la personne qui élaborent les normes applicables au devoir juridique de représentation syndicale dans les cas allégués de discrimination au travail, les Commissions des relations de travail s’adaptant mais lentement, sinon avec réticence, à la nouvelle donne ; le deuxième concernant spécifiquement la partie syndicale : cette dernière pondère l’effet des normes applicables en matière de discrimination au travail tant en fonction de ses propres intérêts stratégiques, que de l’attente des membres, que des préjugés et stéréotypes présents dans le milieu de travail. L’analyse globale porte sur 689 décisions en provenance de quatre Commissions des relations de travail — Québec, Fédéral, Ontario et Colombie-Britannique — et ainsi que des quatre Tribunaux des droits de la personne correspondants, sur une période de dix ans, allant du 1er janvier 2000 au 31 décembre 2009. Quant aux forums, la conclusion est à l’effet qu’au cours de la période étudiée, aucune institution n’a de préséance sur l’autre en ce qui a trait aux motifs illicites de discrimination. Les deux se complétent sans presque se chevaucher, et chacune à leur manière, contribuent fortement à faire progresser les droits de la personne. Par contre, les Commissions des relations de travail ont préséance quant au harcèlement, tandis que les Tribunaux des droits de la personne sont prépondérants face aux mesures d’accommodement. Quant à la partie syndicale, si elle a toujours agi, pour des raisons historiques, en fonction de ses intérêts stratégiques, de l’attente des membres, et des préjugés et stéréotypes présents sur les lieux de travail. Mais, ce qui change au fil du temps, c’est tout ce qui entoure le devoir juridique de représentation syndicale, c’est-à-dire tout le climat général d’application, ainsi que tout le contexte d’analyse et d’évaluation des situations. Quel est donc l’impact de la discrimination en milieu de travail sur le devoir juridique de représentation syndicale ? Dans la mesure où le contexte d’analyse et d’évaluation des situations est la lecture que font les agents, du climat général d’application, et des changements qu’ils y apportent en fonction de leurs propres intérêts stratégiques, du point de vue syndical, cet impact est triple : d’abord, devant chaque cas d’espèce, (1) l’acteur syndical doit désormais jongler avec beaucoup plus de facteurs qu’auparavant ; deuxièmement, (2) envers les salariés de l’unité de négociation, la marge de manoeuvre est beaucoup plus restreinte en contexte de lutte contre la discrimination ; enfin, et c’est le point le plus important, (3) l’économie générale des droits de la personne a pour effet d’introduire une hiérarchie dans les normes applicables, ce qui oblige l’acteur syndical à s’adapter, de façon constante, à un climat général d’application sans cesse changeant, auquel tous les agents contribuent, y compris lui-même.

Itinerario de la jurisprudencia colombiana de control constitucional como mecanismo de protección de Derechos Humanos

Este texto describe las conclusiones del estudio de la jurisprudencia colombiana de control constitucional sobre derechos humanos del período 1886-2005. Fue realizada por el Grupo de Investigación en Derechos Humanos con el apoyo de investigadores externos. El estudio evidencia las diferencias cualitativas y cuantitativas de la producción de la Corte Suprema de Justicia y de la Corte Constitucional, y esboza las líneas jurisprudenciales más importantes de cada corporación. Está dirigida a docentes, investigadores, estudiantes, funcionarios públicos y litigantes interesados en derecho constitucional y derechos humanos. La investigación se divide en dos partes. La primera incluye la descripción metodológica de la investigación, un análisis del camino hacia una cultura del precedente constitucional, la contextualización de los derechos que se abordó, la evolución del control judicial constitucional, los guardianes de la Constitución y un análisis de la producción jurisprudencial constitucional; se reseñan las premisas teóricas, informaciones historias, jurídicas e ideológicas, y la producción cuantitativa de la Corte Suprema y la Corte Constitucional.

Preguntas a la desigualdad. Ensayos sobre análisis de clase, socialismo y marxismo

Este texto comienza con un ensayo autobiográfico que explora los retos y beneficios de lo que implica ser un académico marxista en este tiempo. A este ensayo le sigue una discusión sobre varios temas del análisis de clase, con particular énfasis en dos temas: las clases y la desigualdad, y la relación entre clase y poder. La segunda sección aborda el tema del socialismo como posible futuro del capitalismo. Su autor procura clarificar el estatus conceptual del socialismo y discute las razones por las que ciertas reformas, tales como los subsidios básicos universales, en últimas no podrían realizarse por completo sin la introducción de alguna forma de socialismo. Preguntas a la desigualdad concluye con un examen del problema general del marxismo, en tanto que tradición radical de la teoría social. Allí se discuten tres temas en particular: los principios fundamentales del marxismo analítico como estrategia para reconstruir el marxismo como teoría social científica; la relación entre el marxismo y el feminismo como teorías sociales emancipadoras y las perspectivas del marxismo tras el colapso de los regímenes comunistas.

Social politics in a transoceanic world in the early Cold War years

This article argues that those termed 'liberals' in the United States had the opportunity in the late 1940's to use overseas case studies to reshape the ramshackle political agenda of the New Deal along more specifically social democratic lines, but hat they found it impossible to match interest in the wider world with a concrete programme to overcome tension between left-wing politics and the emerging anti-totalitarianism of the Cold War. The American right, by contrast, conducted a highly organised publicity drive to provide new meaning for their anti-statist ideology in a post-New Deal, post-isolationist United States by using perceived failures of welfare states overseas as domestic propaganda. The examples of Labour Britain after 1945 and Labour New Zealand both provided important case studies for American liberals and conservatives, but in the Cold War it was the American right who would benefit most from an ideologically driven repackaging of overseas social policy for an American audience.

Structure-Activity Relationship for Quaternary Ammonium Compounds Hybridized with Poly(methyl methacrylate)

Hybrid films from poly (methylmethacrylate) (PMMA) and dioctadecyldimethylammonium bromide (DODAB), cetyltrimethylammonium bromide (CTAB), or tetrapropylammonium bromide (TPAB) were characterized by determination of wettability, ellipsometry, atomic force microscopy, active compounds diffusion to water, X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy (XPS) with determination of atomic composition on the films surface, and biocidal activity against Pseudomonas aeruginosa or Staphylococcus aureus. QAC mobility in the films increased from DODAB to CTAB to TPAB. Diffusion and optimal hydrophobic hydrophilic balance imparted the highest bioactivity to CTAB. DODAB sustained immobilization at the film surface killed bacteria upon contact. TPAB ability to diffuse was useless because of its unfavorable hydrophobic hydrophilic balance for bioactivity.

Förklaringar till Förintelsen? : En historiedidaktisk studie som undersöker de olika förklaringar till Förintelsen som man kan eventuellt kan finna i ...om detta må ni berätta...

Studien behandlar, den av myndigheten Forum för levande historia utgivna boken …om detta må ni berätta…, av Stéphane Bruchfeld och Paul A. Levine. I studien analyseras olika förklaringar till Förintelsen, som mer explicit eller implicit kan skönjas i texten. Det hela relateras till vad några andra författare och förintelseforskare, beskriver, och kommit till för slutsatser angående de olika förklaringarna dessa representerar, i den av mig utvalda litteraturen. Dessa författare är Zygmunt Bauman och hans bok Auschwitz och det moderna samhället (1989). Yehuda Bauer i boken rethinking the holocaust (2001), Harald Welzer, och hans bok Gärningsmän (2007), slutligen Saul Friedländer och hans bokverk, Förföljelsens år 1933-1939, Utrotningens år 1939-1945. Analysens verktyg består av en indelning i sju, olika förklaringsmodeller, som förekommer och som dessa författare också, representerar eller lyfter fram. Resultatet är slutligen att jag fann den ideologiska förklaringsmodellen framträdande i boken …om detta må ni berätta…, men också beskrivningen av en antisemitism, med rötter långt bak i tiden, är framträdande i denna text. Studien utvisar också att det finns inslag även från andra förklaringsmodeller.

The “Lunatic Fringe” -- Barry Goldwater and the Conservative Revolution of the 1960s --

How did conservatives, who had become effectively ostracized by their party following the Great Depression and the societal reforms of the New Deal, regain leverage within the GOP during the 1960s? My hypothesis is two-fold. First, I contend that a small group of conservative activists led by F. Clifton White, in spite of a dearth of resources and manpower, managed to infiltrate Republican infrastructure and “hijack” the delegate- selection process. The distinctly conservative and recalcitrant disposition of the Goldwater delegates demonstrates that these activists succeeded. Second, I argue that in addition to temporarily overpowering the national convention in 1964, conservatives thereafter retained control of the party insofar as subsequent GOP candidates were obliged to garner the support of conservative pockets of the country in order to win the presidential nomination. The resulting rightward shift of the Republican Party following the 1960s is a direct corollary of the conservative takeover outlined in this study.

For God'sake! Lift the embargo to Spain

Intorno alla metà degli anni trenta la Spagna diventò il centro dell’attenzione del mondo e tutte le grandi potenze internazionali, vecchie e nuove, vennero coinvolte, in misura diversa, nella guerra civile. Già nell’agosto del 1936, un mese dopo l’esplosione del conflitto, tutti gli Stati più rappresentativi caldeggiavano l’ipotesi di una politica comune di “non intervento”. Il ruolo guida in tal senso venne assunto dal governo inglese, capace di dissuadere, in tempi estremamente rapidi, il governo frontista francese di Leon Blum dall’intento di sostenere economicamente e militarmente il legittimo governo repubblicano spagnolo. La preoccupazione che il conflitto potesse degenerare in uno scontro più generale fu quindi la ragione principale per la quale qualche settimana dopo nacque il “Comitato di Non Intervento”, cui aderirono ben ventisette nazioni europee tra cui Francia, Inghilterra, URSS, Italia, Germania e Portogallo. Il mio progetto di ricerca dottorale esamina il ruolo, le scelte ed i relativi dibattiti in merito all’unica grande potenza, gli Stati Uniti d’America, che, pur scegliendo di rimanere neutrale, si astenne dal partecipare al suddetto Comitato. In ambito statunitense particolare rilievo assumono due aspetti del dibattito politico sulla Spagna: il primo maturato in seno all’Amministrazione Roosevelt, il secondo elaborato dalla componente Liberal della coalizione del New Deal attraverso i settimanali, “The Nation” e “The New Republic”. Il confronto pubblico acceso dalla guerra civile spagnola fu infatti l’occasione per la società civile americana per dibattere apertamente e francamente circa l’opportunità e la capacità della nazione di assumere o meno un ruolo internazionale corrispondente al prestigio socio-economico in via di acquisizione a livello mondiale. Approfondire ed esaminare il dibattito sulla guerra civile spagnola negli USA significa dunque andare alla ricerca delle radici culturali di quello che sarà uno dei più vasti ed articolati confronti politici e teorici del ventesimo secolo: l’internazionalismo americano.

What Ended the Great Depression? Re-Evaluating the Role of Fiscal Policy

Conventional wisdom contends that fiscal policy was of secondary importance for the economic recovery in the 1930s. The recovery is then connected to monetary policy that allowed non-sterilised gold inflows to increase the money supply. Often this is shown by measuring the fiscal multipliers and demonstrating that they were relatively small. This paper shows that problems with the conventional measures of fiscal multipliers in the 1930s may have created an incorrect consensus on the irrelevance of fiscal policy. The rehabilitation of fiscal policy is seen as a necessary step in the reinterpretation of the positive role of New Deal policies for the recovery.

Firing Up the Crucible with Senator Lee Metcalf & Governor Forrest Anderson -- Judge Gordon Bennett in “The Crucible of Change”

During the lead-up to Montana second progressive era, Lee Metcalf and Forrest Anderson, along with others, kept the progressive flame lit in Montana. Metcalf’s political history is replete with close electoral wins because of his commitment to progressive ideals when the times were not always politically favorable for that. As State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice, Congressman and eventually as US Senator, Lee won races by as little as 55 votes because he stuck to his guns as a progressive. In Forrest Anderson’s career as a County Attorney, State Legislator, MT Supreme Court Justice and 12 years as MT Attorney General he was respected as a pragmatic practitioner of politics. But during that entire career leading up to his election as Governor, Forrest Anderson was also a stalwart supporter of the progressive agenda exemplified by FDR and the New Deal, which brought folks out of the Great Depression that was brought on by the bad policies of the GOP and big business. As MT’s second progressive period began in 1965, the first important election was Senator Metcalf’s successful re-election battle in 1966 with the sitting MT Governor, Tim Babcock. And the progressive express was really ignited by the election of Forrest Anderson as Governor in 1968 after 16 years of Republican Governors in MT. Gordon Bennett played a rather unique role, being a confidant of Metcalf and Anderson, both who respected his wide and varied experience, his intellect, and his roots in progressivism beginning with his formative years in the Red Corner of NE Montana. Working with Senator Metcalf and his team, including Brit Englund, Vic Reinemer, Peggy McLaughlin, Betty Davis and Jack Condon among others, Bennett helped shape the progressive message both in Washington DC and MT. Progressive labor and farm organizations, part of the progressive coalition, benefitted from Bennett’s advice and counsel and aided the Senator in his career including the huge challenge of having a sitting popular governor run against him for the Senate in 1966. Metcalf’s noted intern program produced a cadre of progressive leaders in Montana over the years. Most notably, Ron Richards transitioned from Metcalf Intern to Executive Secretary of the Montana Democratic Party (MDP) and assisted, along with Bennett, in the 1966 Metcalf-Babcock race in a big way. As Executive Secretary Richards was critical to the success of the MDP as a platform for Forrest Anderson’s general election run and win in 1968. After Forrest’s gubernatorial election, Richards became Executive Assistant (now called Chief of Staff) for Governor Anderson and also for Governor Thomas Judge. The Metcalf progressive strain, exemplified by many including Richards and Bennett, permeated Democratic politics during the second progressive era. So, too, did the coalition that supported Metcalf and his policies. The progressivism of the period of “In the Crucible of Change” was fired up by Lee Metcalf, Forrest Anderson and their supporters and coalitions, and Gordon Bennett was in the center of all of that, helping fire up the crucible, setting the stage for many policy advancements in both Washington DC and Montana. Gordon Bennett’s important role in the 1966 re-election of Senator Lee Metcalf and the 1968 election of Governor Forrest Anderson, as well as his wide experience in government and politics of that time allows him to provide us with an insider’s personal perspective of those races and other events at the beginning of the period of progressive change being documented “In the Crucible of Change,” as well as his personal insights into the larger political/policy picture of Montana. Gordon Bennett, a major and formative player “In the Crucible of Change,” was born in the far northeast town of Scobey, MT in 1922. He attended school in Scobey through the eighth grade and graduated from Helena High School. After attending Carroll College for two years, he received his BA in economics from Carleton College in Northfield, MN. During a brief stint on the east coast, his daily reading of the New York Times (“best newspaper in the world at that time … and now”) inspired him to pursue a career in journalism. He received his MA in Journalism from the University of Missouri and entered the field. As a reporter for the Great Falls Tribune under the ownership and management of the Warden Family, he observed and competed with the rigid control of Montana’s press by the Anaconda Company (the Great Falls Tribune was the only large newspaper in Montana NOT owned by ACM). Following his intellectual curiosity and his philosophical bend, he attended a number of Farm-Labor Institutes which he credits with motivating him to pursue solutions to economic and social woes through the law. In 1956, at the age of 34, he received his Juris Doctorate degree from the Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, DC. Bennett’s varied career included eighteen years as a farmer, four years in the US Army during WWII (1942-46), two years as Assistant MT Attorney General (1957-59) with Forrest Anderson, three years in private practice in Glasgow (1959-61), two years as Associate Solicitor in the Department of Interior in Washington, DC (1961-62), and private law practice in Helena from 1962 to 1969. While in Helena he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Montana Supreme Court (1962) and cemented his previous relationships with Attorney General Forrest Anderson and US Senator Lee Metcalf. Bennett modestly refuses to accept the title of Campaign Manager for either Lee Metcalf (1966 re-election over the challenger, MT Republican Governor Tim Babcock) or Forrest Anderson (his 1968 election as Governor), saying that “they ran their campaigns … we were only there to help.” But he has been generally recognized as having filled that critical role in both of those critical elections. After Governor Anderson’s election in 1968, Bennett was appointed Director of the MT Unemployment Compensation Commission, a position from where he could be a close advisor and confidant of the new Governor. In 1971, Governor Anderson appointed him Judge in the most important jurisdiction in Montana, the 1st Judicial District in Helena, a position he held for seventeen years (1971-88). Upon stepping down from his judgeship, for twenty years (1988-2008) he was a law instructor, mediator and arbitrator. He currently resides in Helena with his wife, Norma Tirrell, former newspaper reporter and researcher/writer. Bennett has two adult children and four grandchildren.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 3 - Korrespondenzen u.a. mit Julius S. Bach (p. I 2, 1-130)

33 Briefe zwischen Julius S. Bach und Max Horkheimer, 1937-1941; 1 Brief von Julius S. Bach an Mary von Meldelsohn, 28.08.1940; 24 Briefe zwischen Richard Bach und Max Horkheimer, 1938-1940; 1 Abschrift eines Briefes von Oscar W. Gross an Emil de Leuw, 1938; 1 Brief von A. Bailer an Mr. Iggersheimer, 01.05.1940; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Bailliere, Tindall & Cox London, 05.07.1949; 1 Brief von Beatrix Baird an Max Horkheimer; 5 Briefe zwischen Leonard Balet und Max Horkheimer, 1938-1949; 2 Briefe zwischen John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation New York und Max Horkheimer, 22.11.1948, 05.01.1949; 1 Brief von W. H. de Graaff, Ladislaus Bálint an Max Horkheimer, 11.05.1938; 6 Briefe zwischen Bank of Manhattan Company New York und Max Horkheimer, 1934-1935; 6 Briefe zwischen Ladislaus Bálint und Max Horkheimer, 1934-1935; 2 Briefe zwischen der Bank of the Manhatten Company in New York und Max Horkheimer, 14./15.11.1934; 5 Briefe zwischen der Bankers Trust Company und Max Horkheimer, 1934; 1 Brief von R. Bárány an Max Horkheimer, 05.05.1933; 5 Briefe zwischen Hans Baron und Max Horkheimer, 1936; 3 Briefe zwischen Salo W. Baron und Max Horkheimer, 1941-1942, 16.04.1940; 1 Brief zwischen A. Barratt Brown und Max Horkheimer, 01.10.1936;

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 15 - Korrespondenzen u.a. mit Hans Fried (p. I 8, 1-201)

11 Briefe zwischen Hans Fried und Max Horkheimer, 1938-1940; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an die Albert Teachers Agency New York, 21.03.1941; 2 Briefe zwischen dem American Committee for International Studies, Princeton, New York und Max Horkheimer, 11.01.1941, 16.01.1941; 1 Brief von Sullivan & Cromwell New York an Max Horkheimer, 18.03.1940; 12 Briefe zwischen der Columbia University in the City of New York und Max Horkheimer, 1938-1940; 2 Briefe von Hans Fried an die Columbia University in the City of New york, 1938-1939; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an das Emergency Committee in Aid of Displaced German Scholars New York; 2 Briefe zwischen der Ittleson Foundation New York und Max Horkheimer, 19.11.1938, 28.11.1938; 1 Brief von Max Goldschmidt an Hans Fried, 21.04.1938; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Max Goldschmidt, 25.04.1938; 2 Briefe von Alice Friedlaender an Max Horkheimer, 1932, 1944; 3 Briefe zwischen Charles S. Friedman und Max Horkheimer, 21.03.1942, 1936, 1942; 4 Briefe von C. J. Friedrich an Max Horkheimer, 1941; 4 Briefe von Franz L. Neumann an C. J. Friedrich, 1941; 8 Briefe zwischen den Friends of Europe London und Max Horkheimer, 1934-1938; 3 Briefe von Max Horkheimer an John W. Fries, 1939; 2 Briefe von Gertrud Fries an Max Horkheimer, 1936; 1 Brief von Josef Fröbes an Max Horkheimer, 24.08.1937; 3 Briefe zwischen Fruin und Max Horkheimer, 1936; 14 Briefe zwischen Eduard Fuchs und Max Horkheimer, 1935-1939;

El estado como eje articulador de las relaciones sociales

El presente trabajo intenta realizar una síntesis de cómo se fue articulando la sociedad a partir del modelo capitalista de producción en el período histórico que transcurre desde el impulso desarrollado en la Segunda Revolución Industrial, a finales del siglo XIX , hasta la primera década del siglo XXI. Este período determinará una forma de integración social que va estar vinculada al trabajo asalariado y ligada a un Estado más presente, articulador y distribuidor de la riqueza social. Algunos de los elementos constitutivos que sostuvieron este modelo fueron el New Deal y la política económica keynesiana, que van a perdurar hasta bien entrada la década de 1970. En esta etapa, la relación capital-trabajo va a entrar en crisis; el modelo keynesiano de pleno empleo no le es útil al capitalismo; y, por lo tanto, el Estado va a permitir la incorporación de un nuevo discurso, enarbolado por los denominados economistas liberales ortodoxos y, ya en la última década del siglo XX , por el economista norteamericano John Williamson, relacionado con un movimiento intelectual denominado "Consenso de Washington"; esto dando lugar una nueva forma de estructuración social en la que van a coexistir ganadores y perdedores del sistema. Se intenta explicar, además, el impacto que provocó en la Argentina adherir al modelo neoliberal a través de una economía abierta (1989-2002). Por último, describimos la situación de la Provincia de San Luis; los dispositivos y mecanismos que utilizó para contrarrestar los dos dígitos de desocupación producidos después del año 2002; para ello, nos referimos al Plan de Inclusión Social, expuesto a través de datos estadísticos tomados del INDEC y de la Dirección Provincial de Estadísticas y Censos de la Provincia de San Luis

El estado como eje articulador de las relaciones sociales

El presente trabajo intenta realizar una síntesis de cómo se fue articulando la sociedad a partir del modelo capitalista de producción en el período histórico que transcurre desde el impulso desarrollado en la Segunda Revolución Industrial, a finales del siglo XIX , hasta la primera década del siglo XXI. Este período determinará una forma de integración social que va estar vinculada al trabajo asalariado y ligada a un Estado más presente, articulador y distribuidor de la riqueza social. Algunos de los elementos constitutivos que sostuvieron este modelo fueron el New Deal y la política económica keynesiana, que van a perdurar hasta bien entrada la década de 1970. En esta etapa, la relación capital-trabajo va a entrar en crisis; el modelo keynesiano de pleno empleo no le es útil al capitalismo; y, por lo tanto, el Estado va a permitir la incorporación de un nuevo discurso, enarbolado por los denominados economistas liberales ortodoxos y, ya en la última década del siglo XX , por el economista norteamericano John Williamson, relacionado con un movimiento intelectual denominado "Consenso de Washington"; esto dando lugar una nueva forma de estructuración social en la que van a coexistir ganadores y perdedores del sistema. Se intenta explicar, además, el impacto que provocó en la Argentina adherir al modelo neoliberal a través de una economía abierta (1989-2002). Por último, describimos la situación de la Provincia de San Luis; los dispositivos y mecanismos que utilizó para contrarrestar los dos dígitos de desocupación producidos después del año 2002; para ello, nos referimos al Plan de Inclusión Social, expuesto a través de datos estadísticos tomados del INDEC y de la Dirección Provincial de Estadísticas y Censos de la Provincia de San Luis