832 resultados para Neoliberal policies


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Theatralität ist ein gängiges Konzept, um Theater in Afrika zu definieren. Wird dieses Konzept angewendet, so treten die historischen Unterschiede zwischen den verschiedenen Theaterformen in den Hintergrund. Deshalb ist es wichtig, Theater in einen kulturellen Kontext zu stellen, aus dem das Theater entsteht. Dadurch können nationale und internationale Suprastrukturen, die die sozialpolitische und wirtschaftliche Atmosphäre bestimmen, analysiert werden,. Da sich die aktuelle „globale“ Entwicklung auf neoliberale Grundsätze stützt, ist es offensichtlich, dass man Theater nicht diskutieren kann, ohne näher auf Neoliberalismus, Imperialismus, Kapitalismus, Entwicklungshilfe und Geberpolitik einzugehen.rnDerzeit werden die meisten Theaterprojekte in Tansania durch die Entwicklungshilfe oder ausländische Geberorganisationen unterstützt. Diese Organisationen stellen finanzielle Mittel zur Verfügung, um Theaterproduktionen auf unterschiedlichem Niveau zu ermöglichen. Diese Spendenpraxis hat zu der Fehlannahme geführt, dass Theater nur dann ein Theater ist, wenn es durch ausländische Organisationen finanziert wird. Jedoch ist es offensichtlich, dass diese finanziellen Mittel eine große Rolle in der Machtpolitik spielen. Diese Studie untersucht deshalb die Frage: Welchen Einfluss hat die neoliberale Politik, insbesondere durch die Entwicklungshilfe, auf das Theater in Tansania? Die Arbeit deckt einmal die Verbindung zwischen dem produzieren Theater und den verschiedenen dominierenden politischen Richtungen – von Nationalismus bis Neoliberalismus – auf. Darüber hinaus wird gezeigt, dass diese Verbindungen es dem Theater erschweren, diese Suprastrukturen zu vermeiden, durch die es finanziert wird. Das bedeutet, dass die neoliberale Politik mit seinen Merkmalen von Einengung, Unterdrückung und Ausbeutung auch ein eingeengtes, unterdrücktes und ausbeuterisches Theater hervorbringt. Dieser Studie bezeichnet ein solches Theater als Theater (Neo-)Liberalismus. Es ist ein Theater, das apolitisch auftritt, aber tatsächlich unter der neoliberal Politik des freien Markts und der Subventionsstreichungen ums Überleben kämpft.rnIndem diese Verbindungen zwischen Theater, Entwicklungshilfe und Geberorganisationen erläutert werden, kommt diese Forschung zu folgendem Ergebnis: Die Geberorganisationen haben kein Recht, unabhängig von der Höhe ihrer Spende, in die Souveränität eines Staates einzugreifen oder ein neues System einzuführen. Deshalb sollte die Loslösung von ausländischen Geberländern an erster Stelle stehen, damit sich das Theater ganz entwickeln und unabhängig überleben kann. Es ist deshalb notwendig, das Konzept des Volkstheaters neu zu definieren. Das Theater soll wieder mit den Initiativen von Menschen zu tun haben und ihre eigenen Themen in einem gewissen zeitlich und räumlichen Rahmen ansprechen.rnrn

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En los últimos diez años, nuestro país, y más precisamente la Cordillera de los Andes, ha sido el escenario de un marcado aumento de la actividad minera, tanto en lo que se refiere a tareas de exploración como de explotación. Los grandes proyectos orientados a la explotación de minerales metalíferos son los que impulsan este boom minero. Las razones más importantes que explican este acontecimiento son: el alto potencial minero de nuestro país, la profundización de las políticas neoliberales en la década de los 90, aumento del precio del oro en el mercado internacional, y el desplazamiento de actividades contaminantes desde los países centrales, hacia la periferia. Dentro de este contexto la provincia de San Juan ha tenido un rol preponderante como "capital nacional de la minería", promoviéndola como la "actividad productiva fundamental" para el crecimiento socio-económico provincial. Es en los partidos del noroeste de esta provincia donde la empresa canadiense Barrick Gold, la mayor empresa minera aurífera del mundo, emplazó en 2005 el emprendimiento Veladero, despertando, principalmente, el descontento entre los pobladores de los departamentos de Iglesia y Jáchal, y de distintas ONG abocadas a la problemática ambiental.

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Luego de la crisis económica, social y política que marcó el fin de la convertibilidad en Argentina, las políticas desplegadas por el gobierno de N. Kirchner contribuyeron a la relegitimación del sistema político a partir de la construcción de un proyecto político hegemónico, articulando una alianza con los sindicatos, particularmente con sectores que habían resistido las políticas neoliberales en los años '90. Esta alianza entró en crisis hacia fines del año 2010, crisis que se expresó abiertamente en 2012. En este trabajo nos proponemos reconstruir las características generales de la relación entre sindicalismo y kirchnerismo sobre la base del análisis de la política laboral y sus cambios hacia el movimiento obrero y los trabajadores

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En los últimos diez años, nuestro país, y más precisamente la Cordillera de los Andes, ha sido el escenario de un marcado aumento de la actividad minera, tanto en lo que se refiere a tareas de exploración como de explotación. Los grandes proyectos orientados a la explotación de minerales metalíferos son los que impulsan este boom minero. Las razones más importantes que explican este acontecimiento son: el alto potencial minero de nuestro país, la profundización de las políticas neoliberales en la década de los 90, aumento del precio del oro en el mercado internacional, y el desplazamiento de actividades contaminantes desde los países centrales, hacia la periferia. Dentro de este contexto la provincia de San Juan ha tenido un rol preponderante como "capital nacional de la minería", promoviéndola como la "actividad productiva fundamental" para el crecimiento socio-económico provincial. Es en los partidos del noroeste de esta provincia donde la empresa canadiense Barrick Gold, la mayor empresa minera aurífera del mundo, emplazó en 2005 el emprendimiento Veladero, despertando, principalmente, el descontento entre los pobladores de los departamentos de Iglesia y Jáchal, y de distintas ONG abocadas a la problemática ambiental.

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Luego de la crisis económica, social y política que marcó el fin de la convertibilidad en Argentina, las políticas desplegadas por el gobierno de N. Kirchner contribuyeron a la relegitimación del sistema político a partir de la construcción de un proyecto político hegemónico, articulando una alianza con los sindicatos, particularmente con sectores que habían resistido las políticas neoliberales en los años '90. Esta alianza entró en crisis hacia fines del año 2010, crisis que se expresó abiertamente en 2012. En este trabajo nos proponemos reconstruir las características generales de la relación entre sindicalismo y kirchnerismo sobre la base del análisis de la política laboral y sus cambios hacia el movimiento obrero y los trabajadores

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En los últimos diez años, nuestro país, y más precisamente la Cordillera de los Andes, ha sido el escenario de un marcado aumento de la actividad minera, tanto en lo que se refiere a tareas de exploración como de explotación. Los grandes proyectos orientados a la explotación de minerales metalíferos son los que impulsan este boom minero. Las razones más importantes que explican este acontecimiento son: el alto potencial minero de nuestro país, la profundización de las políticas neoliberales en la década de los 90, aumento del precio del oro en el mercado internacional, y el desplazamiento de actividades contaminantes desde los países centrales, hacia la periferia. Dentro de este contexto la provincia de San Juan ha tenido un rol preponderante como "capital nacional de la minería", promoviéndola como la "actividad productiva fundamental" para el crecimiento socio-económico provincial. Es en los partidos del noroeste de esta provincia donde la empresa canadiense Barrick Gold, la mayor empresa minera aurífera del mundo, emplazó en 2005 el emprendimiento Veladero, despertando, principalmente, el descontento entre los pobladores de los departamentos de Iglesia y Jáchal, y de distintas ONG abocadas a la problemática ambiental.

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Luego de la crisis económica, social y política que marcó el fin de la convertibilidad en Argentina, las políticas desplegadas por el gobierno de N. Kirchner contribuyeron a la relegitimación del sistema político a partir de la construcción de un proyecto político hegemónico, articulando una alianza con los sindicatos, particularmente con sectores que habían resistido las políticas neoliberales en los años '90. Esta alianza entró en crisis hacia fines del año 2010, crisis que se expresó abiertamente en 2012. En este trabajo nos proponemos reconstruir las características generales de la relación entre sindicalismo y kirchnerismo sobre la base del análisis de la política laboral y sus cambios hacia el movimiento obrero y los trabajadores

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Since the early 1980s, Australian governments have embraced neoliberal policies as a means of improving the nation’s global economic competitiveness. The impacts of such policies in regional areas have been quite profound, leading to socio-economic polarisation, population loss, and the growth of anti-globalisation sentiments. In this paper, we examine the process of regional restructuring that arises from this trajectory in Australia, and examine current policy responses to change under the neoliberal regime. We argue that while many such responses are individualistic, and based upon policies of personal responsibility, self-advancement and entrepreneurship, others are imbued with the language of community, social capital and collective action. The existence of individualism and community within the same policy agenda may appear contradictory, yet it is suggested that neoliberalism brings together these two opposing discourses through a process of what Nikolas Rose calls ‘governing through community’. We explore how neoliberalism underpins community approaches to regional development in Australia, arguing that such strategies do little to counter the negative forces of globalisation in non-metropolitan parts of the country.

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In the UK there has been a proliferation of agencies at differing regulatory scales as part of the rescaling and restructuring of the state by New Labour, following the neoliberal policies of previous Conservative governments. This raises questions concerning the extent to which New Labour's urban state restructuring is embedded within neoliberalism, and the local tensions and contradictions arising from emergent New Labour urban state restructuring. This paper examines these questions through the analysis of key policy features of New Labour, and the in-depth exploration of two programmes that are reshaping urban governance arrangements, namely Local Strategic Partnerships (LSPs) and New Deal for Communities (NDC) programmes. We conclude that New Labour's restructuring is best understood in terms of the extended reproduction (roll-out) of neoliberalism. While these “new institutional fixes” are only weakly established and exhibit internal contradictions and tensions, these have not led to a broader contestation of neoliberalism.

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This dissertation is an attempt to use the radical political economy approach, which assumes that there is a connection between a state's strategic interests and the interests of dominant multinational corporations (MNCs) located within a state's territory, to explain continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. Employing the qualitative method of "process-tracing," my study concludes that the radical political economy approach has an explanatory power when it comes to understanding continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. The evidence shows that USAID has implemented in Haiti, from the 1980s through the post-9/11 Washington Consensus period, neoliberal policies that conform to the political economy of US multinational corporations (US MNCs). Contrary to the claim that the USAID-sponsored post-earthquake development paradigm has departed from previous development strategies, the study has shown that USAID has used the occurrence of the January 2010 earthquake tragedy to accelerate in Haiti the implementation of a neoliberal agenda congenial to the business promotion of multinational investors, particularly US multinational corporations. In terms of the way ahead, the study argues for the implementation of a new development approach articulated by a legitimate Haitian state and primarily intended to promote the socioeconomic development of the poorest Haitians.

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The restructuring process has caused several changes in the workplace since the 1970s in Brazil these changes were more significant during the 1990s, with the implementation of neoliberal policies and the submission of the country's determinations of the IMF and World Bank . In this context, expression wins the increase in structural unemployment and the growth of informality as a mitigating practice the lack of formal employment. At present the activity of mototaxi driver has grown in the municipalities of small, medium and large size of the country. In Caicó / RN, as well as other municipalities, this activity has been presented as an alternative livelihood in the face of rising unemployment. Considering that this is a precarious and risky activity, we wondered about which health conditions of workers in the municipality of mototaxi driver Caicó in the context of job insecurity? What is the perception that this employee has about the health-disease process and its relationship to your work? How to setup the access of motorcycle taxi drivers the right to health and social security? The research sought to examine the health conditions of the workers of the municipality of mototaxi driver Caicó / RN in the context of job insecurity. From the methodological point of view the study worked with documentary research, semi-structured interview and questionnaire with open and closed questions with a sample population of motorcycle taxi drivers of the city, in the period August-September 2013 The results revealed that these workers are if constantly exposed to various risks inherent to the profession as well as the space in which it conducts its business activities, in this case the traffic being traffic accidents and urban violence one of the greatest risks identified by motorcycle taxi drivers in the present study

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As políticas de saúde e o direito à saúde em Portugal sofreram profundas transformações nas últimas décadas, muito contribuíram para estas transformações a crise económica e financeira mundial e a influência de políticas neoliberais. O interesse por esta temática surge de uma prática profissional num Gabinete do Cidadão do Serviço Nacional de Saúde e, pela falta de debate e posicionamento público dos Assistentes Sociais sobre as competências do Gabinete do Cidadão e, do papel dos Assistentes Sociais nesse serviço. Com este trabalho, pretende-se contextualizar: as principais transformações nas políticas de saúde e suas repercussões no direito à saúde nos últimos anos; analisar as alterações legislativas que ocorrem entre a criação do Gabinete do Utente e o Gabinete do Cidadão; analisar o trabalho que os Assistentes Sociais têm vindo a desenvolver no âmbito das competências do Gabinete do Cidadão e do direito à saúde. A investigação de cariz exploratório e qualitativo contou com os contributos de Assistentes Sociais que trabalham em Gabinetes do Cidadão da região norte do país e, que participaram através de inquérito por questionário. Da investigação efetuada concluiu-se que o Gabinete do Cidadão apenas garante o direito a reclamar e não o direito à saúde. As possibilidades que se abrem ao trabalho do Assistente Social no Gabinete do Cidadão, em prol da efetivação do direito à saúde parte do trabalho coletivo. As competências e habilidades do Serviço Social devem ter o intuito de promover a consciência crítica dos indivíduos. / Health policies and the right to health in Portugal underwent profound changes in recent decades, greatly contributed to these transformations the global economic and financial crisis and the influence of neoliberal policies. The interest in this subject arises from a professional practice in the Gabinete do Cidadão National Health Service, and by the lack of public debate and placement of Social Workers on the powers of the Gabinete do Cidadão and the role of social workers in this service. This work aims to contextualize: major changes in health policies and their impact on the right to health in recent years; consider legislative changes that occur between the creation of the Gabinete do Utente and the Gabinete do Cidadão; analyze the work that Social Workers have been developing within the competence of the Gabinete do Cidadão and the right to health. The exploratory research and qualitative nature featured contributions from Social Workers who work in Gabinetes do Cidadão of the northern region of the country, who participated via questionnaire survey. Research conducted it was concluded that the Gabinete do Cidadão only guarantees the right to complain and not the right to health. The possibilities that open to the Social Work Assistant in the Gabinete do Cidadão, for the sake of ensuring the right to health of the collective work. The skills and abilities of Social Work must have in order to promote critical awareness of individuals.

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Argentina, en 2001, luego de experimentar una de las crisis más profunda de su historia, consecuencia de la primacía de las políticas neoliberales durante la década de 1990 y de los resultados negativos en términos de crecimiento y desigualdad socio-espacial a que estas dieron lugar, comenzó a reconsiderar el rol del Estado en la economía. En dicho contexto se lo sindicó como un actor estratégico para dinamizar un crecimiento inclusivo que viabilice el desarrollo. La promoción estatal a la actividad industrial ocupó un lugar central en la consecución de dicho objetivo. Transcurrida ya más de una década, en el presente trabajo se demuestra, a través del análisis de estadísticas oficiales, cómo la re-intervención del Estado poco ha podido hacer para avanzar en la conformación de un tejido industrial complejo, dinámico y descentralizado –actoral y espacialmente–, que permita viabilizar el desarrollo.

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Community development is centrally concerned with people in communities working together to achieve a common goal, that is, to collaborate, whether within local geographical communities, in communities of shared interests or among groups sharing a common identity. Its overarching goal is one of progressive transformational social change. As Belfast transitions from a conflict to a post-conflict society, there is a need for greater, more effective work at local community level in order to address a range of ongoing social and economic issues facing communities, including high levels of disadvantage and division. Given the significance of leadership in building effective collaboration and the centrality of collaboration for community development, it is important to understand how leadership is currently enacted and what kinds of leadership are required to support communities to collaborate effectively to bring about social change. This thesis thus centers on the kind of leadership practised and required to support collaboration for social change within the community sector in Belfast, a city that contains an estimated 28% of the total number of community and voluntary sector (CVS) organisations in Northern Ireland (Northern Ireland Council for Voluntary Action, 2012). Through a series of qualitative, in-depth interviews with people playing leadership roles in local communities, the study critically explores and analyses their experiences and perceptions in relation to leadership and collaboration. Community development in Belfast today is practised within a wider context of neoliberal policies, characterised by austerity and public spending cuts. Whilst not the only influencing factor, this context has had a particular and profound impact on the nature and role of community development practised, and on the kind of leadership enacted within it. The space for reflection and transformative action appears to be shrinking as the contraction of resources to support community development in local communities continues unabated. Those playing leadership roles increasingly find themselves compelled to spend time seeking resources and managing complex funding arrangements rather than focusing on the social change dimensions of their work. Collaboration as promoted by the state seems to have become an instrumental tactic used to implement its austerity measures and curtail the potential of the community sector. Despite this, local leaders are driving initiatives that attempt to push back, helping the sector refocus on its transformational goals of social change. To do this requires support. Those playing leadership roles require resources, including time, to encourage and enable communities to reconnect with the purpose and underpinning values of community development. Leaders also need support to develop and promote new, progressive narratives and visions and pursue these through building collaboration and solidarity.

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The changing economic and technological conditions often referred to as ‘globalization’ have had a deep impact on the very nature of the state, and thus on the aims, objectives and implementation of cultural policy, including film policy. In this paper, I discuss the main changes in film policy there have been in Mexico, comparing the time when the welfare state regarded cinema as crucial to the national identity, and actively supported the national cinema at the production, distribution and exhibition levels (about 1920-1980), and the recent onset of neoliberal policies, during which the industry was privatized and globalized. I argue the result has been a transformation of the film production, from the properly ‘national’ cinema it was during the welfare state—that is, having a role in nation building, democratization processes and being an important part of the public sphere—into a kind of genre, catering for a very small niche audience both domestically and internationally. However, exhibition and digital distribution have been strengthened, perhaps pointing towards a more meaningful post-national cinema.