447 resultados para Liberalism.
Resumo:
The increasing similarity between the economic policies of center-left and center-right political parties has effectively diminished the legitimacy of governments in relationship to their citizenry in Western Europe and the U.S. Capitalist democracies during the period of managed capitalism gained legitimacy by the appearance of the separation of capitalist ownership rights in the marketplace from the political institutions that govern capitalism. During this period, Social Democratic parties in Western Europe, and to a lesser extent the Democratic Party in the U.S., paid some amount of attention to labor unions and mass constituents in formulating their policy agendas. The era of neoliberalism (late 1970s to the present) has broken any such appearances, with the dominant political parties, regardless of party label, moving rightward to embrace many of the same economic policy agendas.
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Toleration is a key concept of liberalism, both from the historical and conceptual points of view. On the other hand, as people’s freedom to live according to their moral and religious ideas has long become a basic value for liberal societies and their political constitutions, it is reasonable to understand that there is nothing to be tolerated nor by citizens neither by the State. However, a part of the scope and meaning of the fundamental rights and freedoms is subject to what John Rawls calls reasonable disagreements and this is a field where toleration understood in the classic way is compatible with equality: not to intervene against that which is being disapproved understood has a raison d'être. Since the 1980s, toleration has been present in the debates on how to deal with pluralism in a constitutional democracy. This has to be connected to the rise of identity politics: political and intellectual movements such as multiculturalism or comunitarism that questioned whether social order based on neutral criteria was either possible or desirable or both things at the same time. Outstanding liberal philosophers were among those demanding political priority for comunitarian values and those who showed interest for toleration as a key concept to articulate pluralism. Key distinctions between them can be explained as the result of the different approaches they take when facing classical theories on toleration: whereas John Locke’s is a major influence on Rawls, John Stuart Mill’s is on the others, while Gray, Walzer and Rorty follow Isaiah Berlin’s reading of Mill.
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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The Independence of Brazil was proclaimed in September 1822 after two years during which constituent deputies elected on both sides of the Atlantic and gathered in Lisbon endeavoured to achieve unification with the former Portuguese metropoli. Due to the failure of these attempts a Constituent Assembly settled in independent Brazil in July 1823. Those two parlamentary experiences - the first to take place in the Portuguese dominions - were strongly influenced by the decisions adopted in Cadiz (1810-1814), and in Madrid (1820-1823), and by the independentist processes developed at the time in Spanish America. This work aims at observing that influence on the decisions adopted in Lisbon and Rio de Janeiro vis-a-vis the autonomical reivindications of several Brazilian provinces.
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Argued that a new cadre of 'intellectual journalists' (such as Paul Kelly), unlike scholars of Graham Maddox's standing, have usurped critical appraisals of the possibilities of politics. This new anti-democratic liberalism wrongly suggests that political achievements reached when Australia was less rich (such as compulsory industrial arbitration) now need to abandoned, subordinating national well-being to an international policy orthodoxy.
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Growing economic globalisation by extending the operation of markets is a two-edged sword as far as nature conservation is concerned. In some circumstances, it threatens the conservation of nature and in other cases, it provides economic incentives that foster the conservation of biodiversity. This article shows how global policy directions have altered in that regard. Initially the World Conservation Union (IUCN) favoured bans on trade in endangered species. This view was enshrined in the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES). Subsequently, with the upsurge of support for market-based economic liberalism, IUCN recognised that economic and market incentives, if linked to appropriate property rights, could foster biodiversity conservation. This is reflected in the International Convention on Biological Diversity. While there is conflict between this convention and CITES, its extent has been exaggerated. As explained, in certain cases, trade restrictions of the type adopted in CITES are appropriate for nature conservation whereas the market-oriented policy of the Convention on Biological Diversity can be effective in some different situations. Whether or not the extension of markets in wildlife and wildlife products and growing economic globalisation favours nature conservation varies according to the circumstances.
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In this paper, we assess the traits that older adultsassociate with younger, middle-aged, and older adults in fivePacific Rim nations from Western and Eastern cultural traditions(Australia, People's Republic of China (PRC), Hong Kong,Philippines, Thailand). We find cross-cultural trends whichreplicate patterns found in the US context. In most cultures,attractiveness, strength, activity, liberalism, health, andflexibility are seen to decline with increasing age. Kindnessassessments are positively associated with age across cultures. Mixed patterns are found with assessments of wisdom andgenerosity, with respondents from the PRC and Hong Kong beingnotably more negative about increasing age than otherrespondents. Implications for the aging process across culturesare discussed, and suggestions made for future research.
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Community has taken on a new significance in Australian social policy discourse. Seemingly sound and morally justifiable, in the context Of neo-liberalism the language of community positions non-profit delivery of services as superior to state-provided services. As a consequence, non-profit community services are being centrally positioned to mediate the relationship between the state and citizen subjects. In the first part of this paper we trace some of the key historical developments in Australia's welfare state and patterns of governance that are propelling the non-profit sector firm the margins to the centre. The second section examines the relationship between Australia's shifting political landscape and the emerging welfare regime. One key feature of this new regime is the attempt to relocate citizenship away from the domain of the state and into that of civil society. The article concludes by sketching out some research themes, focusing, for example, on the impact of devolution of governance in terms of client rights and public accountability.
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The main question informing this paper is whether it is possible to extend democracy beyond its liberal forms. The paper reflects upon this question with regard to its implications for the individual. For the radicalization of democracy implies a need for self-transformation, if the everyday egoism of contemporary citizens is not to thwart reasonable discussion and participation. Theorists such as Richard Rorty argue that the philosophical resources required to guide such self-transformation can be made available only by sacrificing the political freedom and cultural diversity liberalism has been able to precariously establish. Other theorists insist that the thresholds of pluralism and tolerance that existing liberal democracies are struggling to maintain actually require an extension of democracy. The paper evaluates two different theoretical strategies that aim to identify potentials for democratization without falling prey to the dilemma identified by Rorty: a ‘ deliberative’ strategy explicated with reference to Jürgen Habermas and an ‘existential’ approach represented here by William Connolly.
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A prospectiva estrat??gica aparece como ferramenta que, apoiada nos instrumentos de an??lise econ??mica e social existentes e em t??cnicas espec??ficas, como o Delphi, a constru????o de cen??rios, a matriz de impactos cruzados e outras, possibilita ???vis??es de futuro???, que permitir??o a elabora????o de pol??ticas p??blicas que visem ?? constru????o de futuro desej??vel. Este trabalho pressup??e um Estado formulador de pol??ticas p??blicas e detentor de instrumentos de planejamento, o que nos remete a um vi??s ideol??gico: de que, no capitalismo contempor??neo, Estado e mercado coordenem os sistemas econ??micos, conforme explicitado no Plano Diretor da Reforma do Aparelho de Estado (Governo Federal, Brasil, 1995). S?? a aceita????o dessa hip??tese pode supor a exist??ncia e a necessidade de pol??ticas p??blicas, remetendo-nos o campo da ideologia e contrapondo-nos ao liberalismo.