969 resultados para Lendless Workers Movement


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Argentina, desde mediados de la década de los noventa se fue convirtiendo en escenario para movilizaciones y acciones colectivas de protesta, entre las cuales se ubicaron los movimientos de trabajadores desocupados. La relevancia de estos sucesos despertó atracción en el campo científico el cual viene desarrollando investigaciones vinculadas a la historia, las condiciones de emergencia del nuevo actor colectivo (los piqueteros) y las (re)definiciones en el juego de fuerzas que supuso su ingreso en la política nacional. No obstante, en el transcurso de los últimos años están aconteciendo ciertos procesos de cambio en el escenario político nacional que generan transformaciones dentro de las organizaciones de desocupados así como, también, abren nuevas articulaciones y (re)definiciones de sus proyectos políticos con consecuencias sustanciales en la dimensión identitaria y en el accionar militante. Por tanto, el proyecto busca analizar representaciones y prácticas políticas de los militantes de organizaciones de desocupados con el propósito de indagar en la constitución de "identidades militantes". Para ello se propone reconstruir, desde la perspectiva de los militantes, los sentidos colectivos, lógicas de acción e interacciones presentes en la constitución de los proyectos políticos de las agrupaciones políticas: MTD- Evita y MTD- Aníbal Verón de Gran La Plata.

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El objetivo del trabajo es demostrar la existencia de conflictos obreros en Entre Ríos, a partir de las luchas salariales en los saladeros entre 1854 y 1868. Colateralmente, cuestionamos las fechas de génesis del movimiento obrero argentino. La reconstrucción de las luchas se realizó con una gran variedad de fuentes: crónicas de viajeros, documentación oficial y, principalmente, el análisis epistolar de los establecimientos saladeriles de Justo José de Urquiza. A partir de la evidencia empírica, que muestra los enfrentamientos entre los trabajadores y patrones, sostenemos la existencia de un proletariado en formación. Se analizarán las estrategias de luchas y los mecanismos patronales para superar las situaciones planteadas

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Este trabajo se enmarca dentro de un proyecto más general referido al estudio de los conflictos obreros y estudiantiles y las estrategias de la izquierda en La Plata y Gran La Plata entre 1966 y 1973 y, más en particular, del estudio de la actividad en la región durante ese período del PRT-La Verdad. De las dos fracciones en las que se escindió el Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores a comienzos de 1968, el sector encabezado por Nahuel Moreno ?que pasó a denominarse "PRT-La Verdad"- fue ampliamente mayoritario en lo que hace a la militancia en La Plata y Gran La Plata, donde contaba con presencia militante tanto en el movimiento estudiantil como entre distintos sectores del movimiento obrero. En este trabajo nos centraremos en la presencia y actuación del PRT y, luego de la ruptura, el PRT-LV entre los años 1967-1972 en el Sindicato de Obreros y Empleados de la Industria de la Carne y Afines de Berisso, que agrupaba a los trabajadores de los frigoríficos Swift y Armour. En el período que vamos a analizar sus militantes y simpatizantes se agrupaban alrededor de la Agrupación El Activista de la Carne - Lista Gris. Nuestras fuentes en este trabajo son boletines y volantes editados por El Activista de la Carne ? Lista Gris e informes producidos por los organismos policiales de inteligencia, en ambos casos obtenidos del archivo de la DIPBA. Recurriremos también a bibliografía de alguna forma vinculada con el tema que estamos analizando

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Luego de la crisis económica, social y política que marcó el fin de la convertibilidad en Argentina, las políticas desplegadas por el gobierno de N. Kirchner contribuyeron a la relegitimación del sistema político a partir de la construcción de un proyecto político hegemónico, articulando una alianza con los sindicatos, particularmente con sectores que habían resistido las políticas neoliberales en los años '90. Esta alianza entró en crisis hacia fines del año 2010, crisis que se expresó abiertamente en 2012. En este trabajo nos proponemos reconstruir las características generales de la relación entre sindicalismo y kirchnerismo sobre la base del análisis de la política laboral y sus cambios hacia el movimiento obrero y los trabajadores

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Pesquisa sobre o semanário de esquerda Brasil de Fato, construído por um coletivo de dirigentes de movimentos sociais e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil, jornalistas, advogados e artistas, identificados politicamente e reunidos a partir de uma proposta apresentada pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra. Lançado em janeiro de 2003, com a perspectiva de se tornar um meio de comunicação de massas, completou seis anos de existência resistindo às adversidades. O objetivo central é analisar o processo de construção e consolidação deste jornal popular-alternativo desde a formulação de seu projeto. São resgatados os caminhos percorridos para compreender não só as dificuldades inerentes à manutenção de um projeto com este perfil, mas também para analisar as contradições internas e externas que causaram as transformações em sua proposta original. A metodologia utilizada para este fim consistiu em pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas semi-estruturadas com lideranças e análise de conteúdo. Concluiu-se que, apesar de o jornal ter enfrentado uma série de condições adversas que justificam o não cumprimento de sua proposta original, o caráter de jornal de movimentos sociais já estava presente no Brasil de Fato desde a sua formação, principalmente no que tange as concepções do MST para o jornal.(AU)

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Pesquisa sobre o semanário de esquerda Brasil de Fato, construído por um coletivo de dirigentes de movimentos sociais e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil, jornalistas, advogados e artistas, identificados politicamente e reunidos a partir de uma proposta apresentada pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra. Lançado em janeiro de 2003, com a perspectiva de se tornar um meio de comunicação de massas, completou seis anos de existência resistindo às adversidades. O objetivo central é analisar o processo de construção e consolidação deste jornal popular-alternativo desde a formulação de seu projeto. São resgatados os caminhos percorridos para compreender não só as dificuldades inerentes à manutenção de um projeto com este perfil, mas também para analisar as contradições internas e externas que causaram as transformações em sua proposta original. A metodologia utilizada para este fim consistiu em pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas semi-estruturadas com lideranças e análise de conteúdo. Concluiu-se que, apesar de o jornal ter enfrentado uma série de condições adversas que justificam o não cumprimento de sua proposta original, o caráter de jornal de movimentos sociais já estava presente no Brasil de Fato desde a sua formação, principalmente no que tange as concepções do MST para o jornal.(AU)

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En enero de 1984, en el municipio de Cascavel, situado en la región más occidental del estado de Paraná (Brasil), se constituyó formalmente el Movimiento de los trabajadores rurales Sin Tierra, el MST. Su relevancia geográfica, histórica, económica y social queda cristalizada en su dinámica de territorialización, protagonizada por los asentamientos de reforma agraria, las cooperativas de producción y comercialización, y sus agroindustrias, así como por sus escuelas de formación. Se potencia con todo ello la defensa y viabilidad de una agricultura familiar y campesina, asentada en la práctica de la agroecología. El devenir de este proceso conforma un fenómeno geográfico de extraordinaria magnitud hacia la producción de una alternativa social y espacial.

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Pesquisa sobre o semanário de esquerda Brasil de Fato, construído por um coletivo de dirigentes de movimentos sociais e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil, jornalistas, advogados e artistas, identificados politicamente e reunidos a partir de uma proposta apresentada pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra. Lançado em janeiro de 2003, com a perspectiva de se tornar um meio de comunicação de massas, completou seis anos de existência resistindo às adversidades. O objetivo central é analisar o processo de construção e consolidação deste jornal popular-alternativo desde a formulação de seu projeto. São resgatados os caminhos percorridos para compreender não só as dificuldades inerentes à manutenção de um projeto com este perfil, mas também para analisar as contradições internas e externas que causaram as transformações em sua proposta original. A metodologia utilizada para este fim consistiu em pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas semi-estruturadas com lideranças e análise de conteúdo. Concluiu-se que, apesar de o jornal ter enfrentado uma série de condições adversas que justificam o não cumprimento de sua proposta original, o caráter de jornal de movimentos sociais já estava presente no Brasil de Fato desde a sua formação, principalmente no que tange as concepções do MST para o jornal.(AU)

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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Studies show that the theme of gender relations within the MST (Rural Landless Workers Movement) has incorporated some feminist guidelines discussions in the set of its speeches and daily practices. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the production of meanings about the political militancy of women linked to MST in Rio Grande do Norte. The specific objectives sought to identify the continuities and ruptures related to the women's role in the family of the militant women and to investigate the militant’s discursive positioning about their work. The study is configured as a qualitative research, which six women militants linked to the MST at the RN participated. These women occupy the coordination and leadership functions in the movement. We will use a semi-structured interview, initially guided by triggering questions that included, among others, the dimensions: political militancy, family and work as an access tool to the phenomenon. The reports were analyzed from an initial categorization, based on the guiding principles: militancy, family and work, and were based on theoretical perspective of studies about the production of meaning, discursive practices, social psychology and gender studies. The meanings of militancy point to: contribution, hope, recognition, transformation, awareness and fight. The results show that there is always a positivation speech of life, achievements of a formation and about a new place as a woman at stake. These results come justified by the collective investment of struggle, not only for the access to land, but for social rights achievements too. Finally, the MST stands with a discursive agency that contributes to produce in these women not only the way of political participation: but a way to be exercised with collective subjects and their rights.

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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar as questões de Gênero veiculadas a partir do teatro operário na cidade do Rio Grande, que nos anos iniciais do século XX foi um agente educativo relevante na organização do operariado local, e sua relação com a formação da consciência histórica dos sujeitos envolvidos nesta prática cultural. Para tal fim, realizar-se-á a análise da obra dramatúrgica Amor e Ouro (1906), de autoria da militante libertária Agostina Guizzardi, ativa intelectual do movimento operário, bem como de outros escritos desta e de outros militantes do operariado rio-grandino, buscando-se, assim, estabelecer um diálogo entre as muitas vozes que compunham esta prática educativa. Nesse contexto, esta pesquisa estabelecerá um diálogo entre História e Literatura, adotando como diretrizes norteadoras os pressupostos da Nova História Cultural, referencial teórico este que alargou o campo de pesquisa histórica, abrindo espaço para a inserção de novos sujeitos e outras fontes, entre elas, o texto literário.

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The Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST) from its educational process and the path taken in education, started in the year 2013, with an experimental curricular proposal by Complexes of study the School Base and the Itinerant Schools, the MST, in Paraná state. For the construction of this proposed curriculum, the movement takes the historical background and the experience of the original foundations of the single school of labor started by the working class in revolutionary Soviet period as a training proposal and school organization that comes close to the creation of collective subjects, fighters and builders of a new society and sociopolitical objectives to this social movement. The Soviet experiment reference required a work of a critical appropriation for the Brazilian context. The curriculum prescription, called Study Plan, in its introduction, includes elements of design fundamentals like: the Education Eesign and Training Matrix; Matrix detailing: School and Life, School and Labor Formative Matrix, School and Social Struggle Formative Matrix, School and Collective Organization Formative Matrix, School and Culture Formative Matrix and School and History Formative Matrix; general school guidelines: a pedagogical function of the environment, the school's political organization, school times, specific methodological aspects, sequencing and duration of Complexes of Study and the evaluation process. The Study Plan contemplates the complexes, the disciplines, the portions of reality / practice categories present in complexes, organized by semester and year, i. e., from 6th to 9th grade in elementary school. Given the the presented context, this research aims to analyze the process of testing the proposed curriculum for the Complexes of Study in Primary School of Iraci Salette Strozak State School, located in the Marcos Freire Settlement, in Rio Bonito do Iguaçu in Paraná state. As a methodological approach, we chose the qualitative approach and analysis were conducted under the Marxism perspective. Library research and field research, semi-structured interviews and analysis of documents generated in the process of construction of the proposal were made.Initially, in this paper, we discus about the path followed by the MST in the fight for schools and public education; highlighting elements of the process which led to the understanding, by the Movement, of which only the struggle for land is not enough for the realization of Agrarian Reform. Then discuss whether some elements of Pedagogy of the Movement, the concept of education and the goals for education that Social Movement, the training matrices and the potential to transform the school from a pedagogical proposal that has these elements as guiding. They present also the original foundations of Complexes Study in its historical origin and design. Is discussed about the changes and curriculum innovations, curriculum as schooling as social reproduction and presents the structure of Curriculum Proposal by Complex of Study. Forth, it is shown how the experiment occurred in basis School Iraci Salette Strozak. At this point, we propose a dialogue on the transformations in the organization of pedagogical work, discussing the elements of the proposal that are being experienced and the changes already perceived. Still, we address the issue of formation of educators and also elements relating to the challenges andadvancements encountered by the school in this area, and possible implications for the experiment.

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ResumenEste artículo examina los orígenes sociales de los movimientos que desencadenaron la revuelta campesina de 1932 en el centro-occidente de El Salvador. Utiliza fuentes orales y documentales nuevas, para trazar la forma en que el reformismo, la crisis económica y el activismo de los militantes comunistas lograron romper las barreras étnicas y regionales que dividían al campesinado occidental y estimular una movilización masiva.AbstractThis article delves into the social origins of the movements that triggered the 1932 peasant revolt in the central-western region of El Salvador. The authors used new oral and documentary sources to outline the way in which reformism, the economic crisis, and the communist activism managed to break the ethnic and regional barriers that divided the western peasantry and fostered a massive mobilization.

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Study Design Cross-sectional study. Objective To explore aspects of cervical musculoskeletal function in female office workers with neck pain. Summary of Background Data Evidence of physical characteristics that differentiate computer workers with and without neck pain is sparse. Patients with chronic neck pain demonstrate reduced motion and altered patterns of muscle control in the cervical flexor and upper trapezius (UT) muscles during specific tasks. Understanding cervical musculoskeletal function in office workers will better direct intervention and prevention strategies. Methods Measures included neck range of motion; superficial neck flexor muscle activity during a clinical test, the craniocerivcal flexion test; and a motor task, a unilateral muscle coordination task, to assess the activity of both the anterior and posterior neck muscles. Office workers with and without neck pain were formed into 3 groups based on their scores on the Neck Disability Index. Nonworking women without neck pain formed the control group. Surface electromyographic activity was recorded bilaterally from the sternocleidomastoid, anterior scalene (AS), cervical extensor (CE) and UT muscles. Results Workers with neck pain had reduced rotation range and increased activity of the superficial cervical flexors during the craniocervical flexion test. During the coordination task, workers with pain demonstrated greater activity in the CE muscles bilaterally. On completion of the task, the UT and dominant CE and AS muscles demonstrated an inability to relax in workers with pain. In general, there was a linear relationship between the workers’ self-reported levels of pain and disability and the movement and muscle changes. Conclusion These results are consistent with those found in other cervical musculoskeletal disorders and may represent an altered muscle recruitment strategy to stabilize the head and neck. An exercise program including motor reeducation may assist in the management of neck pain in office workers.

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This thesis examines posting of workers within the free movement of services in the European Union. The emphasis is on the case law of the European Court of Justice and in the role it has played in the liberalisation of the service sector in respect of posting of workers. The case law is examined from two different viewpoints: firstly, that of employment law and secondly, immigration law. The aim is to find out how active a role the Court has taken with regard these two fields of law and what are the implications of the Court’s judgments for the regulation on a national level. The first part of the thesis provides a general review of the Community law principles governing the freedom to provide services in the EU. The second part presents the Posted Workers’ Directive and the case law of the European Court of Justice before and after the enactment of the Directive from the viewpoint of employment law. Special attention is paid to a recent judgment in which the Court has taken a restrictive position with regard to a trade union’s right to take collective action against a service provider established in another Member State. The third part of the thesis concentrates, firstly, on the legal status of non-EU nationals lawfully resident in the EU. Secondly, it looks into the question of how the Court’s case law has affected the possibilities to use non-EU nationals as posted workers within the freedom to provide services. The final chapter includes a critical analysis of the Court’s case law on posted workers. The judgments of the European Court of Justice are the principal source of law for this thesis. In the primary legislation the focus is on Articles 49 EC and 50 EC that lay down the rules concerning the free movement of services. Within the secondary legislation, the present work principally concentrates on the Posted Workers’ Directive. It also examines proposals of the European Commission and directives that have been adopted in the field of immigration. The conclusions of the case study are twofold: while in the field of employment law, the European Court of Justice has based its judgments on a very literal interpretation of the Posted Workers’ Directive, in the field of immigration its conclusions have been much more innovative. In both fields of regulation the Court’s judgments have far-reaching implications for the rules concerning posting of workers leaving very little discretion for the Member States’ authorities.