993 resultados para Language policy in Brazil


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This ethnographic inquiry examines how family languages policies are planned and developed in ten Chinese immigrant families in Quebec, Canada, with regard to their children’s language and literacy education in three languages, Chinese, English, and French. The focus is on how multilingualism is perceived and valued, and how these three languages are linked to particular linguistic markets. The parental ideology that underpins the family language policy, the invisible language planning, is the central focus of analysis. The results suggest that family language policies are strongly influenced by socio-political and economical factors. In addition, the study confirms that the parents’ educational background, their immigration experiences and their cultural disposition, in this case pervaded by Confucian thinking, contribute significantly to parental expectations and aspirations and thus to the family language policies.

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Brazil is a large complex country that is undergoing rapid economic, social, and environmental change In this Series of six articles, we have reported important improvements in health status and life expectancy, which can be ascribed largely to progress in social determinants of health and to implementation of a comprehensive national health system with strong social participation. Many challenges remain, however. Socioeconomic and regional disparities are still unacceptably large, reflecting the fact that much progress is still needed to improve basic living conditions for a large proportion of the population. New health problems arise as a result of urbanisation and social and environmental change, and some old health issues remain unabated. Administration of a complex, decentralised public-health system, in which a large share of services is contracted out to the private sector, together with many private insurance providers, inevitably causes conflict and contradiction. The challenge is ultimately political, and we conclude with a call for action that requires continuous engagement by Brazilian society as a whole in securing the right to health for all Brazilian people.

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The narrative of the United States is of a "nation of immigrants" in which the language shift patterns of earlier ethnolinguistic groups have tended towards linguistic assimilation through English. In recent years, however, changes in the demographic landscape and language maintenance by non-English speaking immigrants, particularly Hispanics, have been perceived as threats and have led to calls for an official English language policy.This thesis aims to contribute to the study of language policy making from a societal security perspective as expressed in attitudes regarding language and identity originating in the daily interaction between language groups. The focus is on the role of language and American identity in relation to immigration. The study takes an interdisciplinary approach combining language policy studies, security theory, and critical discourse analysis. The material consists of articles collected from four newspapers, namely USA Today, The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and San Francisco Chronicle between April 2006 and December 2007.Two discourse types are evident from the analysis namely Loyalty and Efficiency. The former is mainly marked by concerns of national identity and contains speech acts of security related to language shift, choice and English for unity. Immigrants are represented as dehumanised, and harmful. Immigration is given as sovereignty-related, racial, and as war. The discourse type of Efficiency is mainly instrumental and contains speech acts of security related to cost, provision of services, health and safety, and social mobility. Immigrants are further represented as a labour resource. These discourse types reflect how the construction of the linguistic 'we' is expected to be maintained. Loyalty is triggered by arguments that the collective identity is threatened and is itself used in reproducing the collective 'we' through hegemonic expressions of monolingualism in the public space and semi-public space. The denigration of immigrants is used as a tool for enhancing societal security through solidarity and as a possible justification for the denial of minority rights. Also, although language acquisition patterns still follow the historical trend of language shift, factors indicating cultural separateness such as the appearance of speech communities or the use of minority languages in the public space and semi-public space have led to manifestations of intolerance. Examples of discrimination and prejudice towards minority groups indicate that the perception of worth of a shared language differs from the actual worth of dominant language acquisition for integration purposes. The study further indicates that the efficient working of the free market by using minority languages to sell services or buy labour is perceived as conflicting with nation-building notions since it may create separately functioning sub-communities with a new cultural capital recognised as legitimate competence. The discourse types mainly represent securitising moves constructing existential threats. The perception of threat and ideas of national belonging are primarily based on a zero-sum notion favouring monolingualism. Further, the identity of the immigrant individual is seen as dynamic and adaptable to assimilationist measures whereas the identity of the state and its members are perceived as static. Also, the study shows that debates concerning language status are linked to extra-linguistic matters. To conclude, policy makers in the US need to consider the relationship between four factors, namely societal security based on collective identity, individual/human security, human rights, and a changing linguistic demography, for proposed language intervention measures to be successful.

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The objective of this paper is to present and compare the process and the results of the implementation of the anti-money laundering system in Brazil and Argentina. Considering that the internal transformations cannot be discussed without a clear understanding of the international apparatus, attention will be given to the description of the “international policy” designed and conducted by FATF. Therefore, its incorporation into two different national realities, the Brazilian and the Argentinean ones, will shed light not only on the transnational transformations both States underwent but also on the anti-money laundering regime itself. The paper is divided into five parts. The first one presents a brief introduction on the emergence and development of the relationship between financial regulation and criminal policy. The two following sections are designed to present an overview of the anti money laundering system in Brazil and Argentina and of the role of FATF in their implementation process. The fourth section presents two Brazilian examples of situations in which full advantage of the FATF regime was taken: the National Strategy to Combat Corruption and Money Laundering and the BacenJud, a communication channel between the financial system and the judicial power. To conclude, final comments will be presented in connection with the central questions of the project this paper is part of .

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O Brasil é um país onde os 50% mais pobres se apropriam aproximadamente de 10% da renda agregada, e os 10% mais ricos detêm quase 50% deste mesmo. O colorário desse alto grau de desigualdade é que se uma pessoa está somente preocupada em maximizar o nível de GPD, a função de bem–estar social implícita adotada devota parte do seu peso ao bem-estar de 10% da população. Em outras palavras, a concentração brasileira de renda cria uma anomalia dentro da perspectiva de agente representativo implícito na análise macroeconômica aonde as pessoas valem aquilo que ganham. A análise da pobreza inverte esse peso estrutural da população, estipulando zero de peso para o segmento não pobre da sociedade e atribuindo pesos aos indivíduos que aumentam com suas necessidades insatisfeitas. Esse projeto estuda as conexões entre a evolução macroeconômica Brasileira recente e da pobreza. A análise é dividida em duas partes: A primeira parte descreve a evolução da pobreza brasileira e seus principais determinantes macroeconômicos durante os últimos 15 anos. A segunda parte tira proveito das mudanças da pobreza e desigualdades medidas durante o período 1993-96 para estudar seus principais determinantes macroeconômicos. Dado a maior importância do Plano Real, uma especial atenção foi dada a análise dos impactos da desinflação no nível e na distribuição de renda e a possível sinergia entre essas duas dimensões de determinação da pobreza. A terceira parte do projeto decompõe as mudanças dos diversos índices de pobreza através dos diferentes grupos dado pelas características dos chefes de família (i.e.; sexo, anos de estudo, raça, classe trabalhadora, setores de atividades, região, densidade populacional). Depois essa decomposição é avançada um passo desatrelando as mudanças nessa diferentes células de pobreza em termos de suas respectivas mudanças em termos de desigualdade da renda per capita. Esse perfil de pobreza ajuda a mapear as diferentes fontes de mudança da pobreza na análise histórica e fornece consistência interna para os exercícios de análises contra-factuais.

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The questlon of the crowding-out of private !nvestment by public expenditure, public investment in particular , ln the Brazilian economy has been discussed more in ideological terrns than on empirical grounds. The present paper tries to avoid the limitation of previous studies by estlmatlng an equation for private investment whlch makes it possible to evaluate the effect of economic policies on prlvate investment. The private lnvestment equation was deduced modifylng the optimal flexible accelerator medel (OFAM) incorporating some channels through which public expendlture influences privateinvestment. The OFAM consists in adding adjustment costs to the neoclassical theory of investrnent. The investment fuction deduced is quite general and has the following explanatory variables: relative prices (user cost of capitaljimput prices ratios), real interest rates, real product, public expenditures and lagged private stock of capital. The model was estimated for private manufacturing industry data. The procedure adopted in estimating the model was to begin with a model as general as possible and apply restrictions to the model ' s parameters and test their statistical significance. A complete diagnostic testing was also made in order to test the stability of estirnated equations. This procedure avoids ' the shortcomings of estimating a model with a apriori restrictions on its parameters , which may lead to model misspecification. The main findings of the present study were: the increase in public expenditure, at least in the long run, has in general a positive expectation effect on private investment greater than its crowding-out effect on priva te investment owing to the simultaneous rise in interst rates; a change in economlc policy, such as that one of Geisel administration, may have an important effect on private lnvestment; and reI ative prices are relevant in determining the leveI of desired stock of capital and private investrnent.

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Esta tese contribui para a literatura sobre ciclos políticos de negócios ao estudar as relações entre eleições, limites à reeleição, partidos e política fiscal em 3.393 municípios brasileiros entre 2001 e 2008. Os resultados mostram que prefeitos de primeiro mandato aumentam receitas totais e mantém níveis razoáveis de gastos durante as eleições, preservando ou até aumentando o balanço orçamentário. Eles também alteram sua alocação orçamentária reduzindo despesas correntes (e.g. pessoal) e aumentando despesas de capital (e.g. investimentos) à medida que as eleições se aproximam. Em realidade, apenas prefeitos de primeiro mandato parecem se beneficiar de aumentos oportunistas nas variáveis fiscais, especialmente em despesas correntes e de pessoal. No entanto, prefeitos de primeiro mandato não são necessariamente menos responsáveis fiscalmente do que prefeitos de segundo mandato ao longo da gestão (anos não eleitorais) ou durante as eleições. Nesse sentido, eleições com prefeitos de primeiro e segundo mandatos parecem promover condições competitivas que potencialmente aumentam a responsabilização eleitoral e fiscal. Essa tese também aponta para uma significativa associação entre ciclos fiscais oportunistas e partidários no nível local no Brasil. Durante as eleições, partidos de direita aumentam o balanço orçamentário, enquanto partidos de esquerda aumentam despesas de capital e reduzem despesas correntes, mas nesse último caso não tanto quanto os demais partidos. Ao fazerem isso, esses partidos atendem parcialmente às preferências dos eleitores. Durante o mandato (anos não eleitorais), entretanto, partidos de direita apresentam um balanço orçamentário levemente mais baixo, enquanto partidos de esquerda investem menos do que os demais partidos, e essas políticas não são favorecidas pelos eleitores. De forma geral, esse estudo mostra que os eleitores no Brasil reconhecem uma administração fiscalmente responsável, e têm uma preferência por mais receitas e gastos públicos, especialmente premiando maiores despesas de capital e investimentos ao longo do mandato político e aumentos em receitas e despesas correntes no ano eleitoral. De qualquer modo, as preferências fiscais dos eleitores são independentes das preferências ideológicas.

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Based on three versions of a small macroeconomic model for Brazil, this paper presents empirical evidence on the effects of parameter uncertainty on monetary policy rules and on the robustness of optimal and simple rules over different model specifications. By comparing the optimal policy rule under parameter uncertainty with the rule calculated under purely additive uncertainty, we find that parameter uncertainty should make policymakers react less aggressively to the economy's state variables, as suggested by Brainard's "conservatism principIe", although this effect seems to be relatively small. We then informally investigate each rule's robustness by analyzing the performance of policy rules derived from each model under each one of the alternative models. We find that optimal rules derived from each model perform very poorly under alternative models, whereas a simple Taylor rule is relatively robusto We also fmd that even within a specific model, the Taylor rule may perform better than the optimal rule under particularly unfavorable realizations from the policymaker' s loss distribution function.

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This paper estimates the effect of lighting on violent crime reduction. We explore an electrification program (LUZ PARA TODOS or Light for All - LPT) adopted by the federal government to expand electrification to rural areas in all Brazilian municipalities in the 2000s as an exogenous source of variation in electrification expansion. Our instrumental variable results show a reduction in homicide rates (approximately five homicides per 100,000 inhabitants) on rural roads/urban streets when a municipality moved from no access to full coverage of electricity between 2000 and 2010. These findings are even more significant in the northern and northeastern regions of Brazil, where rates of electrification are lower than those of the rest of the country and, thus, where the program is concentrated. In the north (northeast), the number of violent deaths on the streets per 100,000 inhabitants decreased by 48.12 (13.43). This moved a municipality at the 99th percentile (75th) to the median (zero) of the crime distribution of municipalities. Finally, we do not find effects on violent deaths in households and at other locations. Because we use an IV strategy by exploring the LPT program eligibility criteria, we can interpret the results as the estimated impact of the program on those experiencing an increase in electricity coverage due to their program eligibility. Thus, the results represent local average treatment effects of lighting on homicides.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Objective. To identify the highest priorities for research on environmental and policy changes for promoting physical activity (PA) in Brazil; to uncover any gaps between researchers' and practitioners' priorities; and to consider which tools, methods, collaborative strategies, and actions could be useful to moving a research agenda forward.Methods. This was a mixed-methods study (qualitative and quantitative) conducted by Project GUIA (Guide for Useful Interventions for Activity in Brazil and Latin America) in February 2010-January 2011. A total of 240 individuals in the PA field (186 practitioners and 54 researchers) were asked to generate research ideas; 82 participants provided 266 original statements from which 52 topics emerged. Participants rated topics by "importance" and "feasibility;" a separate convenience sample of 21 individuals categorized them. Cluster analysis and multidimensional scaling were used to create concept maps and pattern matches.Results. Five distinct clusters emerged from the concept mapping, of which " effectiveness and innovation in PA interventions" was rated most important by both practitioners and researchers. Pattern matching showed a divergence between the groups, especially regarding feasibility, where there was no consensus.Conclusions. The study results provided the basis for a research agenda to advance the understanding of environmental and policy influences on PA promotion in Brazil and Latin America. These results should stimulate future research and, ultimately, contribute to the evidence-base of successful PA strategies in Latin America.

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography