956 resultados para Judicial System


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Incluye Bibliografía

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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O trabalho apresenta o universo da linguagem jurídica sob o ponto de vista da semiótica do direito. Traz à análise as formulações argumentativas traduzidas pela retórica e visa mostrar como estas estabelecem tensões sociais a partir da relação que envolve os vários componentes do discurso do direito que se encontram nas funções de legitimação, neutralização, dominação, e delimitação da ordem idealizada pelo Estado. Faz uma análise do discurso e da retórica, à luz da racionalidade e da fundamentação que servem à legitimação exercida pela norma a partir do exame de material processual arquivado em sede de diversos órgãos da justiça na capital, Belém, e em alguns municípios no Pará, e em entrevistas. Tem como referência as contradições entre o sistema de racionalidade jurídica e a forma como o mesmo ganha vida no plano da concreção, identifica como a produção do direito remete à questão da democracia e do Estado de direito, concebidos pelo discurso, que pode aproximar ou afastar a justiça do cidadão.

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The article aims to review the discussion on police role within institutional reform in São Paulo First Republic implementation. The main argument refers to the formation of brazilian judicial system and to the continuity of the debate on public policies reforms, administration of justice and police control over lower social classes, by means of a criminalization of the poverty. The judicial administration was reformed, but that opened space for police institutions to act without constraints. Despite theses changes, state institutions were also used by tradicional social elites in neo-patrimonial ways, allowing the maintenance of unlawful practices within the system.

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Childhood protection is undergoing several changes. Our study aimed to outline the complex network of meanings which includes adoption as well as institutional and family foster care, by combining theory, research and practice. We investigated various contexts and protagonists: judicial system, foster institutions, birth parents, foster and adoptive parents, and families and their children. Diverse data collection procedures were used: socio-demographic investigations, case-studies, follow-ups, interviews, analysis of foster institutions and legal court documents. Results pointed to "invisibility" of birth family, frequent child (re)abuse, failures in the network of protection, meanings of "healthy family" and role of attachment concepts. Implications for social policies and social practices are discussed.

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The Ph.D. dissertation analyses the reasons for which political actors (governments, legislatures and political parties) decide consciously to give away a source of power by increasing the political significance of the courts. It focuses on a single case of particular significance: the passage of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 in the United Kingdom. This Act has deeply changed the governance and the organization of the English judicial system, has provided a much clearer separation of powers and a stronger independence of the judiciary from the executive and the legislative. What’s more, this strengthening of the judicial independence has been decided in a period in which the political role of the English judges was evidently increasing. I argue that the reform can be interpreted as a «paradigm shift» (Hall 1993), that has changed the way in which the judicial power is considered. The most diffused conceptions in the sub-system of the English judicial policies are shifted, and a new paradigm has become dominant. The new paradigm includes: (i) stronger separation of powers, (ii) collective (as well as individual) conception of the independence of the judiciary, (iii) reduction of the political accountability of the judges, (iv) formalization of the guarantees of judicial independence, (v) principle-driven (instead of pragmatic) approach to the reforms, and (vi) transformation of a non-codified constitution in a codified one. Judicialization through political decisions represent an important, but not fully explored, field of research. The literature, in particular, has focused on factors unable to explain the English case: the competitiveness of the party system (Ramseyer 1994), the political uncertainty at the time of constitutional design (Ginsburg 2003), the cultural divisions within the polity (Hirschl 2004), federal institutions and division of powers (Shapiro 2002). All these contributes link the decision to enhance the political relevance of the judges to some kind of diffusion of political power. In the contemporary England, characterized by a relative high concentration of power in the government, the reasons for such a reform should be located elsewhere. I argue that the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 can be interpreted as a result of three different kinds of reasons: (i) the social and demographical transformations of the English judiciary, which have made inefficient most of the precedent mechanism of governance, (ii) the role played by the judges in the policy process and (iii) the cognitive and normative influences originated from the European context, as a consequence of the membership of the United Kingdom to the European Union and the Council of Europe. My thesis is that only a full analysis of all these three aspects can explain the decision to reform the judicial system and the content of the Constitutional Reform Act 2005. Only the cultural influences come from the European legal complex, above all, can explain the paradigm shift previously described.

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One of the primary accomplishments of Governor Forrest Anderson in 1969-71 was the reorganization of the Executive Branch of Montana government, something that had been attempted six different times between 1919 and 1962 as state government had grown from twenty agencies to almost 200 uncontrolled boards, bureaus and commissions. The chaotic structure of the executive branch disempowered governors of both parties and empowered the private corporations and organizations that were the power structure of Montana. With remarkable political acumen, Governor Anderson figured out how to get that near impossible job done. Central to his efforts was the creation of an Executive Reorganization Commission, including eight legislators and the Governor, the adoption of a Constitutional Amendment that limited the executive branch to no more than twenty departments under the Governor, and the timely completion of a massive research effort to delineate the actual structure of the twenty departments. That story is told in this episode by three major players in the effort, all involved directly with the Executive Reorganization Commission: Tom Harrison, Diana Dowling and Sheena Wilson. Their recollections reflect an insider’s perspective of this significant accomplishment that helped change Montana “In the Crucible of Change.” Tom Harrison is a former Republican State Representative and State Senator from Helena, who was a member of the Executive Reorganization Commission. As Majority Leader in the Montana House of Representatives in 1971, he was the primary sponsor of the House’s executive reorganization bill and helped shepherd the Senate’s version to passage. Harrison was the Republican candidate for Attorney General in 1976 after which he practiced private law for 3 more decades. He served in the Montana Army National Guard for almost 34 years, rising to the rank of Colonel in the position of Judge Advocate General. He was a founding Director of Federal Defenders of Montana (legal representation for indigents accused within the Federal Judicial System); appointed Chairman of the original Montana State Fund (workers' compensation insurance) by Gov. Stephens; served as President of the Montana Trial Lawyers Association, Helena Kiwanis Club and St. Peter's Community Hospital Foundation, as well as Chairman and Director of AAA MountainWest; and was a founder, first Chairman and Director of the Valley Bank of Helena for over 25 years. Diana Dowling was an attorney for the Executive Reorganization Commission and helped draft the legislation that was passed. She also worked for Governor Forrest Anderson and for the 1972 Constitutional Convention where she prepared and directed publication of official explanation of the new Constitution that was mailed to all Montana voters. Diana was Executive Director of the Montana Bar Association and for 20 years held various legal positions with the Montana Legislative Council. For 12 years she was a commissioner on the National Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws and for 7 years was a member of Montana State Board of Bar Examiners. Diana was the first director of the Montana Lottery, an adjunct professor at both Carroll College and the UM Law School, and an administrative officer for Falcon Press Publishing Co. Diana is currently - and intends to continue being - a perpetual college student. Sheena Wilson came fresh out of the University of Montana to become a Research Assistant for the Executive Reorganization Commission. Later she worked for seven years as a field representative in Idaho and Montana for the Mountain Plains Family Education Program, for thirteen years with Congressman Pat Williams as Executive Assistant in Washington and Field Assistant here in Montana, owned and managed a Helena restaurant for seven years, worked as Executive Assistant for State Auditor John Morrison and was Deputy Chief of Staff for Governor Brian Schweitzer his full 8 years in the Governorship. Though currently “retired”, Sheena serves on the Montana Board of Investments, the Public Employees Retirement Board and the Capitol Complex Advisory Council and is a partner in a dry-land wheat farm in Teton County that was homesteaded by her great uncle.

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Esta ponencia es la presentación del proyecto de tesis, que tiene por objetivo estudiar el proceso de constitución y consolidación del poder judicial, responsable de la administración de justicia, como integrante del Estado provincial, legitimador de su accionar político y mediador con la sociedad civil. La investigación se ubica en la provincia de Buenos Aires, entre 1853 y 1881, que sancionó su propia Constitución en 1854, en la que declaraba en su artículo 118 que el poder judicial sería independiente de todo otro en el ejercicio de sus funciones. Es decir que en esta provincia la consagración de la teoría de los poderes del Estado y la ley como definidora de lo que era justo, requirieron de la organización del poder judicial. El sistema judicial de la provincia de Buenos Aires comenzó su formación como poder del Estado a partir de la reforma rivadaviana y el proceso alcanzó su madurez entre 1853 y 1881, como parte fundamental del proyecto liberal, asentado sobre la autoridad de la ley. El poder judicial garantizaba la legitimidad del sistema político republicano de matriz liberal, pero la dependencia con el poder ejecutivo se mantuvo en parte, representada en el presupuesto, los nombramientos y los jurys. La organización judicial en formación incluyó al ámbito rural con una fisonomía institucional que tendía a consolidar la relación entre Estado y sociedad civil; ésta manifestaba sus necesidades a través de la opinión pública y el poder las interpretaba con el fin de legitimar su acción política. En este proceso de legitimación, el poder judicial era funcional al Estado, lo que se consolidó con el tiempo. La Constitución de 1873, a pesar de ser ideal en algunas de sus propuestas, dio protagonismo y efectividad a las instituciones judiciales que se formaron y pusieron en funcionamiento con una nueva concepción de justicia, que sin dejar de lado el derecho natural se consolidaba en una función más positiva, atenta a los derechos individuales y de propiedad. Para comprender el rol que jugó el sistema de justicia en la formación del Estado es necesario desenmarañar la compleja trama de relaciones entre el poder político y los magistrados, y a su vez entre ellos y la sociedad. Pero esto no se puede realizar sin conocer y comprender que entendían por justicia, y definir de qué forma organizaron su administración. En la realización de esta investigación atenderé a las soluciones que el ordenamiento jurídico debía brindar a una determinada sociedad, las instituciones que lo formaron y las ideas de quienes lo gestaron. El uso de la fuente judicial será fundamental para observar si la letra de la ley fue cumplida en la administración de justicia y de qué manera. Pero esa fuente judicial confirmará o no la aplicación de las leyes dictadas por el poder legislativo y los decretos emanados del ejecutivo, por ello será necesario reconstruir los organigramas del Poder Judicial a partir del estudio de los Registros Oficiales y los debates legislativos de la provincia.

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El presente trabajo propone presentar y poner en debate los avances de investigación realizados en torno a la problemática de los crímenes sexuales en la provincia y ciudad de Buenos Aires en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. El mismo se inserta entre los nuevos estudios sobre la historia social del derecho, considerando el problema de la norma y la teoría penal así como la cuestión de la práctica judicial específica y las formas cómo esta afecta a la sociedad. En este sentido se busca explorar las formas únicas que presentan estos delitos en el proceso judicial decimonónico, las discusiones e interpretaciones que se confrontaron, la jurisprudencia y doctrina que fueron sentándose con el correr del tiempo y el asesoramiento indispensable que prestaron al desarrollo de todo ello la ciencia médica junto a los primeros trabajos sobre la sexología. Se expondrán a continuación los puntos nodales de las investigaciones que vengo desarrollando desde hace algunos años, continuación de los estudios de grado sobre esta compleja problemática decimonónica, resultado de la participación en proyectos específicos de investigación y que finalmente se insertan en el marco actual de mis estudios de doctorado en Historia que tiene como tema los delitos sexuales y las construcciones jurídicas así como médico-legales en el contexto de la codificación penal argentina, desde sus primeros intentos a partir de 1863 hasta la sanción del Código Penal Nacional de 1921. Se recorrerán como centros de análisis la forma en que el funcionamiento del sistema judicial va creando y recortando, de hecho, el perfil que convierte a una víctima en 'aceptable', es decir, en una persona que merece ser considerada como tal ante los ojos de los tribunales. Para esto se tienen en cuenta las diferencias que se registran en el tratamiento de los hombres/niños y las mujeres/niñas que son presentados ante la Justicia por sus padres como atacados. En este sentido, se resalta el lugar central que ocupa la familia en el proceso judicial, en tanto, por un lado son quienes pueden hacer la denuncia poniendo en funcionamiento la maquinaria judicial y por otro lado deben demostrar que han resguardado a sus hijos hasta el momento del ataque, protegiéndolos en un doble sentido: físicamente y psíquicamente, evitando su conocimiento "del mundo", entendido aquí de la sexualidad