810 resultados para Fundamental Rights Conflicts


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The numerous interconnections between the environment and human rights are well established internationally. It is understood that environmental issues such as pollution, deforestation or the misuse of resources can impact on individuals’ and communities’enjoyment of fundamental rights, including the right to health, the right to an adequate standard of living, the right to self‐determination and the right to life itself. These are rights which are guaranteed under international human rights law and in relation to which governments bear certain responsibilities. Further, environmental issues can also impact on governments’ capacity to protect and fulfil the rights of their citizens. In this way human rights and environmental protection can be constructed as being mutually supportive. In addition to these links between the environment and human rights, human rights principles arguably offer a framework for identifying and addressing environmental injustice. The justice implications of environmental problems are well documented and there are many examples where pollution, deforestation or other degradation disproportionately impact upon poorer neighbourhoods or areas populated by minority groups. On the international level, environmental injustice exists between developed and developing States, as well as between present and future generations who will inherit the environmental problems we are creating today. This paper investigates the role of human rights principles, laws and mechanisms in addressing these instances of environmental injustice and argues that the framework of human rights norms provides an approach to environmental governance which can help to minimise injustice and promote the interests of those groups which are most adversely affected. Further, it suggests that the human rights enforcement mechanisms which exist at international law could be utilised to lend weight to claims for more equitable environmental policies.

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This chapter calls for rethinking about the rights base of early childhood education. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) (UNICEF1989) has been seen as an important foundation internationally for early childhood education practise. In this paper, I argue that whilst the UNCRC (1989) still serves its aspirational purpose, it is an inadequate vehicle for enacting early childhood education in the twenty-first century given the pressing challenges of sustainability. The UNCRC emerged from an individual rights perspective, and despite attempts to broaden the rights agenda towards greater child participation and engagement, these approaches offer an inadequate response to global sustainability concerns. In this chapter, I propose a five dimensional approach to rights that acknowledges the fundamental rights of children as espoused in the UNCRC and the call for agentic rights as advocated more recently by early childhood academics and practitioners. Additionally, however, discussion of collective rights, intergenerational rights and bio/ecocentic rights are forwarded, offering a expanded way to think about rights with implications for how early childhood education is practised and researched.

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O escopo deste trabalho é analisar e discutir questões relacionadas com conflitos urbanos que contrapõem posse e propriedade no Brasil. Na realidade social deste país, é comum que pessoas que não têm um lugar para morar ocupem terras que não são utilizadas por seu proprietário. Frequentemente, estes casos são levados ao Poder Judiciário e o juiz tem o desafio de decidir quem será tutelado. No sistema jurídico brasileiro, os princípios constitucionais dão unidade ao ordenamento. Assim, o direito à moradia, a dignidade da pessoa humana e o princípio da função social da propriedade devem ser considerados em todas as decisões relativas a estes temas. Então, quando há um conflito entre posse e propriedade em áreas urbanas, é relevante considerar se tanto a pessoa que é proprietária do imóvel quanto a pessoa que o possui estão agindo de acordo com o ordenamento jurídico. Embora o direito de propriedade seja protegido pela lei, o proprietário tem que observar os deveres que decorrem do princípio da função social da propriedade. Se ele os descumprir, não deverá ser protegido, já que está agindo em desacordo com o ordenamento jurídico. De outro lado, a pessoa que tem a posse da terra, sem ser sua proprietária, pode ser protegida se esta ocupação satisfaz necessidades e direitos fundamentais seus. Sua posse tem, neste caso, uma função social. O Poder Legislativo editou leis que protegem o possuidor contra o proprietário se a terra não é utilizada de acordo com o princípio da função social da propriedade. Entretanto, ainda que um caso específico não seja previsto em lei, é possível proteger o possuidor contra o proprietário se o imóvel não é usado de acordo com o princípio da função social e se o possuidor a utiliza para promover sua dignidade e seus direitos fundamentais.

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Consensos doutrinários acerca da novidade da proteção do ser humano por declarações de direito internas e internacionais e por constituições especificamente pela constituição Brasileira de 1988 - conformaram o ponto de partida desta pesquisa. Estabeleceu-se, inicialmente, um problema teórico que buscava sistematizar no direito internacional privado o impacto da suposta revolução teórica vivenciada pelo direito nos últimos séculos entendendo-se que a doutrina conflitual brasileira não havia desenvolvido parâmetros claros aos contornos da proteção do homem em sua esfera. Cumpridos os requisitos metodológicos relacionados à apresentação de hipótese a problema específico, o aprofundamento das pesquisas mostrou-se surpreendente: a hipótese mostrava-se inconsistente. Adotou-se, assim, o prisma de sua negação. Percebeu-se que, de fato, o ser humano se encontra hoje no centro do direito, mas que no direito internacional privado a novidade anunciada não se mostrava recente e que o deslumbramento com a dignidade humana falseava na técnica conflitual sua razão de ser originária. O trabalho foi realizado levando-se em conta o método dedutivo-indutivo de pesquisa a partir da utilização das doutrinas do direito internacional privado, do discurso da proteção do homem e das teorias constitucionais como instrumento de verificação da hipótese proposta ao problema inicialmente apresentado. A inovação do estudo realizado não se encontra, assim, necessariamente em seu conteúdo, mas na sistematização teórica da relação existente entre a doutrina da proteção do indivíduo, incorporada definitivamente ao direito constitucional brasileiro atual, e o direito internacional privado. Buscou-se demonstrar que o impacto da proteção do homem na disciplina deve ser entendido como um diálogo e que a técnica conflitual não seria meramente induzida pelos direitos humanos fundamentais, mas também indutora de seu reconhecimento e consagração. O trabalho foi dividido em três partes distintas, mas interdependentes. Na primeira delas, apresentaram-se as bases teóricas da pesquisa. Foram organizadas, nesse ponto, as premissas consideradas essenciais ao avanço da investigação. A segunda seção adota a classificação predominante na doutrina brasileira para o objeto do direito internacional privado para sistematizar a análise do tema em seu viés prático. Na terceira seção, demonstra-se de que forma os resultados parciais obtidos acabaram por negar paulatinamente a hipótese inicial fixada. Observou-se que, caso se admitisse que o discurso dos direitos humanos se estabeleceu como axioma informador do direito como um todo há poucas centenas de anos e que a ordem jurídica brasileira apenas protegeu o indivíduo a partir de 1988, o direito internacional privado deveria ser entendido como predecessor, como técnica que antecipou toda essa dinâmica. Mais que isso, concluiu-se que o sobredireito internacional tem sua origem e finalidade maior na proteção dos seres humanos e que não foi apenas induzido pelo discurso da defesa do homem. Conclui-se, por fim, que tratar a proteção do ser humano pelo direito internacional privado como dado contemporâneo ou moderno constituiria, de todo o investigado, grave equívoco que desconsideraria as origens, os fundamentos e as funções da técnica conflitual.

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An increasing amount of attention is being given to the use of human rights measurement indicators in monitoring ‘progress’ in rights and there is consequently a growing focus on statistics and information. This article concentrates on the use of statistics in rights discourse, with reference to the new human rights institution for the European Union: the Fundamental Rights Agency. The article has two main objectives: first, to show that statistics operate as technologies of governmentality – by explaining that statistics both govern rights and govern through rights. Second, the article discusses the implications that this has for rights discourse – rights become a discourse of governmentality, that is a normalizing and regulating discourse. In doing so, the article stresses the importance of critique and questioning new socio-legal methodologies, which involve the collection and dissemination of information and data (statistics), in rights discourse.

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The suggestion that the general economy of power in our societies is becoming a domain of security was made by Michel Foucault in the late 1970s. This paper takes inspiration from Foucault?s work to interpret human rights as technologies of governmentality, which make possible the safe and secure society. I examine, by way of illustration, the site of the European Union and its use of new modes of governance to regulate rights discourse – in particular via the emergence of a new Fundamental Rights Agency. „Governance? in the EU is constructed in an apolitical way, as a departure from traditional legal and juridical methods of governing. I argue, however, that the features of governance represent technologies of government(ality), a new form of both being governed through rights and of governing rights. The governance feature that this article is most interested in is experts. The article aims to show, first and foremost, how rights operate as technologies of governmentality via a new relation to expertise. Second, it considers the significant implications that this reading of rights has for rights as a regulatory and normalising discourse. Finally, it highlights how the overlap between rights and governance discourses can be problematic because (as the EU model illustrates) governance conceals the power relations of governmentality, allowing, for instance, the unproblematic representation of the EU as an international human rights actor

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This article examines the relationship between the methods that the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) use to decide disputes that involve ‘human’ or ‘fundamentalrights claims, and the substantive outcomes that result from the use of these particular methods. It has a limited aim: in attempting to understand the interrelationship between human rights methodology and human rights outcomes, it considers primarily the use of ‘comparative reasoning’ in ‘human’ and ‘fundamentalrights claims by these courts. It is not primarily concerned with examining the extent to which the use of comparative reasoning is based on an appropriate methodology or whether there is a persuasive normative theory underpinning the use of comparative reasoning. The issues considered in this chapter do some of the groundwork, however, that is necessary in order to address these methodological and normative questions.

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EU Social and Labour Rights have developed incrementally, originally through a set of legislative initiatives creating selective employment rights, followed by a non-binding Charter of Social Rights. Only in 2009, social and labour rights became legally binding through the Charter of Fundamental Rights for the European Union (CFREU). By contrast, the EU Internal Market - an area without frontiers where goods, persons, services and capital can circulate freely – has been enshrined in legally enforceable Treaty provisions from 1958. These comprise the economic freedoms guaranteeing said free circulation and a system ensuring that competition is not distorted within the Internal Market (Protocol 27 to the Treaty of Lisbon). Tensions between Internal Market law and social and labour rights have been observed in analyses of EU case law and legislation. This study explores responses by socio-economic and political actors at national and EU levels to such tensions, focusing on collective labour rights, rights to fair working conditions and rights to social security and social assistance (Articles 12, 28, 31, 34 Charter of Fundamental Rights for the European Union). On the basis of the current Treaties and the CFREU, the constitutionally conditioned Internal Market emerges as a way to overcome the perception that social and labour rights limit Internal Market law, or vice versa. On this basis, alternative responses to perceived tensions are proposed, focused on posting of workers, furthering fair employment conditions through public procurement and enabling effective collective bargaining and industrial action in the Internal Market.

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Bien que plusieurs chercheurs aient analysé l'influence de divers facteurs sur l'intensité des conflits ethniques, il a été constaté que l'identité ethnique elle-même n'a jamais été correctement examinée. Ce phénomène est essentiellement dû à ce que nous croyons être une classification inexacte des groupes ethniques. Nous proposons une nouvelle méthode de catégorisation pour les identités ethniques présentant que la religion, la langue et la race forment les distinctions les plus précises et nous les classifions alors comme les identités ethniques fondamentales. Subséquemment, une étude comparative de ces identités ethniques a été entreprise avec l'utilisation de deux bases de données différentes: l’ensemble de données Battle Deaths qui est associé avec la base de données sur les conflits armés de l’UCDP/PRIO et la base de données Minorities at Risk. Les résultats, dans leur ensemble, ont indiqué que les identités ethniques avec des attachements émotifs plus intenses mènent à une plus grande intensité de conflit. Les conflits ethniques fondamentaux ont démontré une tendance à mener à des conflits plus intenses que les conflits ethniques non-fondamentaux. De plus, la similitude parmi les groupes ethniques tend à affaiblir l'intensité des conflits. En outre, l'étude a également conclu que plus le nombre d'identités ethnique fondamentales impliquées dans un conflit est grand, plus le conflit sera intense. Cependant, les résultats ne pouvaient pas déterminer une différence conséquente parmi l’influence relative des trois identités ethniques fondamentales.

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Avec l’entrée en vigueur de la Convention des droits de l’enfant (CDE) en 1990, la communauté internationale a formellement matérialisé sa volonté de faire des droits de l’enfant, des droits à protéger en tout temps. La CDE vient compléter le dispositif juridique mis en place par le droit international humanitaire (DIH) pour protéger lesdits droits en période de conflit et inspirera la Charte africaine des droits et bien-être de l’enfant. Les Etats s’engagent ainsi à en faire une réalité, quelles que soient les circonstances. Mais l’engagement juridique est confronté aux conflits armés internes qui remettent en cause les droits fondamentaux clairement énoncés, notamment le droit à la santé et à l’éducation et qui favorisent la violation de ces droits. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous sommes interrogés sur les éventuelles causes qui peuvent expliquer que les engagements juridiques ne soient pas politiquement traduits en réalité concrète. Il s’agit de vérifier si le dispositif juridique de protection ne porte pas en lui-même les germes de cette violation. Une autre hypothèse serait que l’absence de reconnaissance formelle de la responsabilité des groupes armés non étatiques impliqués dans ces conflits, en ce qui concerne le respect des droits pourrait être un élément qui favorise les violations. Ainsi, dans la première partie, après avoir retracé l’évolution historique et juridique de la reconnaissance des droits de l’enfant, nous nous sommes inscrits dans le contexte du conflit en Côte d’Ivoire entre 2002 et 2011, pour montrer les impacts des conflits armés internes sur la jouissance des droits de l’enfant, notamment à la santé et à l’éducation. La deuxième partie nous permet de relever d’une part, les insuffisances du dispositif de protection, les lacunes relatives à la non prise en compte formelle des entités armées non étatiques, et de faire des réflexions en termes de perspectives pour une meilleure effectivité du respect des droits de l’enfant en période de conflit armé non international, d’autre part.

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This thesis is an attempt to explore the problems faced by Indian Women and to examine the ways in which the human rights of women could be better protected in the light of international movements with special reference to national legislation and judicial decisions.The evolution of human rights from early period to Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 is traced in the first chapter. The second chapter deals with the evolution of human rights in India. The evolution of fundamental rights and directive principles and the role played by the Indian Judiciary in enforcing the human rights enumerated in various international instruments dealing with human rights are also dealt with in this chapter. The rights guaranteed to women under the various international documents have been dealt with in the third chapter.It is noticed that the international documents have had their impact in India leading to creation of machinery for protection of human rights. Organised violations of women's rights such as prostitution, devadasi system, domestic violence, sexual harassment at workplaces, the evil of dowry, female infanticide etc. have been analysed in the light of existing laws and decisional jurisprudence in the fourth chapter. The fifth chapter analyses the decisions and consensus that emerged from the world conferences on women and their impact on the Indian Society and Judiciary. The constitutional provisions and legislative provisions protecting the rights of women have been critically examined in the sixth chapter. Chapter seven deals with various mechanisms evolved to protect the human rights of women. The eighth chapter contains conclusions and suggestions.

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Right to Audience and Right to a Lawful Judge are presumed to be two of the most important guaranties for the rule of law. Both liberties are established in the Spanish Constitution of 1978 as “fundamental rights”, and they are included as a part of a most generic right: the right to due process of law. Along this text, I will try to show its content and significance, according to the sentences of the Spanish “Tribunal Constitucional”, passed through more than 25 years.

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En este artículo, se plantea el problema de si puede considerarse a la educación como un derechofundamental. Se analizan las implicaciones que ha tenido su no inclusión como tal derechoen la Constitución en el capítulo de los derechos fundamentales. Se estudian dos grandes tradicionessobre los derechos fundamentales: el neoliberalismo afirma que los derechos fundamentalesson únicamente los derechos liberales civiles y políticos. Y el liberalismo social concibe quelos derechos fundamentales son, además de los derechos liberales civiles y políticos, los económicosy sociales. En la parte final, se hace una reconstrucción del desarrollo del derechoa la educación en la jurisprudencia de la Corte Constitucional; termina con unas críticas alproyecto de reforma de la educación superior y unas sugerencias con miras a proponer a laeducación como un derecho fundamental.

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The son of immigrants, I was motivated to write a paper addressing the issues of alienation and discrimination which confronts non-citizens upon arriving in Australia. Apart from descendants of Australia's indigenous population, the common bond shared by all citizens and permanent residents of Australia is that they are either themselves immigrants or are descended from immigrants. In this paper I will look at whether Australia's law and practice meets its international human rights treaty and convention obligations vis-a-vis non-citizens. To investigate this issue I trace the history of immigration to Australia and look at the political policies which influenced the treatment of non-citizens from 1788 to present times. In 1958 when my parents stepped upon Australian soil as displaced persons, Australia was a very different place from Australia in the 1990s. At that time Australia was still firmly under the influence of the 'White Australia Policy' which openly encouraged discrimination against non-anglo saxons. Since those times Australia has advanced to become one of the most culturally diverse nations in the world where multiculturalism is encouraged and a non-discriminatory immigration program is supported by both Australia's major political parties. However, notwithstanding the great social advances made in Australia in recent decades the traditional legal sources of law, namely, judicial pronouncements, statutes and the Commonwealth Constitution have not kept pace and it is my submission that Australia's body of law inadequately protects the rights of non-citizens when compared to Australia's international human rights convention and treaty obligations. This paper will consider these major sources of law and will investigate how they have been used in the context of the protection of the rights of non-citizens. It will be asserted that the weaknesses exposed in the Australian legal system can be improved by the adoption of a Bill of Rights1 which encompasses Australia's international human rights treaty and convention obligations. It is envisaged that a Bill of Rights would provide a framework applicable at the State, Territory and Federal levels within which issues pertaining to non-citizens could be resolved. The direction of this thesis owes much to the writings, advice and supervision of Dr. Imtiaz Omar who was always available to discuss the progress of this work. Dr. Omar is a passionate advocate of human rights and has been a tremendous inspiration to me throughout my writing. I owe a debt of thanks to the partners of Coulter Burke who with good nature ignored the sprawl of books and papers on the boardroom table, often for days at a time, thus enabling me to return to my writing from time to time as my inspirational juices ebbed and waned. Thanks also go to my typists Julie Pante, Vesna Dudas and Irene Padula who worked after hours and on weekends always without complaint, on the various versions of this thesis. My final acknowledgement goes to my wife Paula who during the years that I was working on this thesis encouraged me during my darker moments and listened to all my frustrations yet never doubted that I would one day complete the task successfully. I wish to thank her wholeheartedly for her motivation and belief in my abilities. The law relied upon in the thesis is as at the 30th June, 1998. Bill or Charter of Rights 'are taken to be enactments which systematically declare certain fundamental rights and freedoms and require that they be respected'. See Evans, G. 'Prospect and Problems for an Australian Bill of Rights' (1970) 3 Australian Year Book of International Law 1 at 16. Some such notable exception is the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, contained in an ordinary statute.