Domínio lexical e compreensão da leitura na criança surda

Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Educação de Lisboa para obtenção de grau de mestre em ciências da educação - especialização em educação especial

Os contributos da literacia para a educação pré-escolar e ensino do 1.º ciclo do ensino básico

Mestrado (PES II), Educação Pré-Escolar e Ensino do 1.º Ciclo do Ensino Básico, 29 de Junho de 2015, Universidade dos Açores.

O álbum infantil: alguns critérios de seleção

A literatura para a infância e juventude desempenha um papel fundamental na formação de leitores autónomos, isto é, leitores que queiram ler por iniciativa própria e que gostem de o fazer. Lendo e ouvindo ler literatura para a infância desde muito cedo, a criança vai descobrindo a linguagem escrita, vai-se familiarizando com ela e vai sentindo vontade de querer aprender a ler. Por outro lado, o contacto precoce com a literatura para a infância constitui-se como um fator de desenvolvimento da criança a nível social, cultural, afetivo e linguístico. Destaca-se ainda a importância deste recurso no âmbito de uma educação para os valores numa sociedade que se quer mais humana e respeitadora dos direitos de todos e de cada um. O álbum ilustrado veicula valores através das suas componentes textual e icónica, possibilitando uma discussão enriquecedora sem ser moralista, uma discussão suficientemente descentrada da criança para que a mesma não se sinta avaliada e suficientemente próxima para que a criança se sinta envolvida. Nesta comunicação pretende-se:  caracterizar o álbum de literatura para a infância;  identificar critérios que devem presidir à escolha de álbuns que contribuam para o desenvolvimento da educação literária, para odesenvolvimento linguístico e para o alargamento de horizontes no que se refere ao conhecimento do mundo em geral.  apresentar alguns exemplos de álbuns que possibitem percursos enriquecedores de acordo com o que atrás se disse

Práticas de literacia e avaliação da competência da escrita

O desfasamento entre a escola e os diferentes contextos sociais em que se insere, a dificuldade em dar resposta às solicitações e desafios que as suas comunidades lhe colocam, a deficiente preparação de muitos dos alunos para um uso competente e crítico da linguagem oral e escrita, constituem três críticas sérias ao papel atual da escola. O projeto que estamos a dinamizar com uma turma do ensino secundário procura contrariar este rumo da educação, demonstrando que é possível construir e valorizar as competências de literacia que não se circunscrevem à própria vida escolar, através de atividades de aprendizagem efetiva da escrita, numa relação interdisciplinar com outras áreas de conhecimento. Ele surge nos antípodas do ensino tradicional, onde a produção escrita é imposta aos alunos, tendo quase sempre o professor como único destinatário, valorizando-se aspetos de natureza formal e superficial em detrimento de outros que são fundamentais em termos de eficácia discursiva, fazendo dela depender, quase exclusivamente, a avaliação do aluno, muitas vezes assente numa mera reprodução de conhecimento.Assim, e com recurso à metodologia do trabalho de projeto, concebemos um roteiro paisagístico, ainda em fase de realização, acerca de uma quinta de D. Antónia (Ferreirinha), destinado aos seus turistas, que tem obrigado a uma participação no quadro mais alargado da escola enquanto comunidade e nas comunidades em que os seus membros se inserem, fazendo com que os alunos interajam com os contextos culturais, históricos, económicos, sociais e institucionais onde atuam, estudam e vivem: o Douro. Nesta comunicação, procuramos divulgar estas práticas e discutir a sua viabilidade, evidenciando o modo como os alunos constroem o seu saber sobre a língua e de que modo a avaliação é um processo indispensável quer nas diferentes etapas de elaboração de um projeto, quer no domínio da competência de escrita.

Diz-me as letras e eu escrevo: a descoberta da escrita no Jardim de Infância

Relatório da Prática Profissional Supervisionada Mestrado em Educação Pré-Escolar

Literacia, ensino da leitura e sucesso escolar

Nas últimas décadas, tem se observado uma crescente demanda pelo domínio da linguagem escrita em todas as áreas da vida social (Olson 2009). Essa demanda não se limita apenas ao contexto brasileiro, mas refere-se a um contexto mundial, que hoje coloca o domínio das diversas capacidades de linguagem, em especial das capacidades de leitura e escrita, como condição para acesso ao conhecimento, à participação social e o exercício efetivo da cidadania. O domínio de tais capacidades refere-se a um certo tipo ou nível de literacia que vai além da descodificação, diz respeito às diversas capacidades de leitura e escrita necessárias em diferentes práticas sociais. Partindo de uma parceria de investigação entre instituições de ensino superior em Portugal e no Brasil, temos vindo a reflectir sobre questões de currículo nos dois países.

Língua escrita e língua real: o que um corpus oral permite descobrir

Esta comunicação, baseando-se num extenso corpus oral que está a ser recolhido, procurará refletir de que modo a língua realizada oralmente nos permite perceber o que realmente são e como funcionam as línguas para além da dimensão formalizada da escrita. Pretende-se demonstrar que é a linguagem em uso que melhor evidencia muitos aspetos impossíveis de perceber por uma designada do sistema. Assim, procurar-se-á verificar até que ponto a verdadeira realização linguística da oralidade respeita a noção de frase e de norma, bem assim como especificamente realiza várias dimensões lexicais e pragmáticas.

O uso do Facebook e as emoções experienciadas pelas crianças na óptica dos seus professores

Atualmente a rede social mais visitada em todo o mundo é o Facebook. Além de nos permitir ter um perfil pessoal podemos partilhar fotos, vídeos, mensagens e outros ficheiros. No Facebook também é permitido criar grupos fechados onde os seus membros podem interagir através de mensagens escritas, de áudio, de vídeo e/ou imagens. Tanto esta rede social quanto os grupos dentro da mesma podem ser usados de forma indevida, mas, por outro lado, também podem ser utilizados para aprender, aprender a fazer, conhecer, desenvolver a linguagem escrita e outras competências. O nosso estudo teve como objetivo conhecer a perceção de educadores de infância e professores de primeiro ciclo do ensino básico relativamente ao uso do Facebook por parte das crianças, bem como às emoções que as crianças manifestam neste uso. Foi um estudo transversal, para o qual construímos e validámos um questionário específico, com questões fechadas sobre o uso da respetiva rede social. O instrumento foi disponibilizado e preenchido online através do Google Forms. A amostra foi de conveniência, tendo sido constituída por 75 indivíduos (69 mulheres, 6 homens) com idades compreendidas entre os 25 e os 56 anos. Os resultados evidenciam que os professores e educadores discordam essencialmente que as crianças aceitem pedidos de amizade e comuniquem pelo chat do Facebook com pessoas que não conhecem, concordando mais que usem para comunicar com familiares e amigos, para aderir a grupos com o objetivo de aprender e que permitem o acesso dos adultos à sua conta. No respeitante as emoções e sentimentos registou-se maior discordância quanto ao facto de as crianças preferirem estar no Facebook do que na presença dos seus amigos e de se sentirem dependentes do uso do mesmo. Porém, observou-se o maior nível de concordância para o facto de ficarem aborrecidas se as obrigarem a sair do Facebook.

A comunicação online: a página Web como o BIO Empresarial: estratégias de comunicação visual e web design

Dissertação de mestrado em Ciências da Comunicação (área de especialização em Audiovisuais e Multimédia)

Dificultats d'aprenentatge en el llenguatge oral i escrit i en matemàtiques en un cas d'un nen amb trastorn per dèficit d'atenció sense hiperactivitat

Aquest projecte final de Pràcticum I de Psicologia de l'Educació explica totes les activitats que he dut a terme al llarg de la meva estada en practiques al centre Orienta. S'hi descriuen les característiques més rellevants del centre, així com els serveis que ofereix a la comunitat educativa, molt especialment els adreçats a ajudar els infants a millorar les seves capacitats d'aprenentatge, des d'un marc teòric cognitiu-conductual i sistèmic, tot emfatitzant el treball col·laboratiu que mantenen els professionals de l'educació amb les famílies dels nens. El projecte detalla les activitats de col·laboració en la intervenció que he realitzat des de l'àmbit educatiu de la Psicologia, la seva temporització i seguiment i finalment, les conclusions i prospectiva envers el treball realitzat, així com la valoració crítica que en faig de la meva estada en pràctiques.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

L'argot juvenil i el codi d'escriptura al web adolescents.cat

En aquest treball s'analitza la manera d'expressar-se dels joves al fòrum del web adolescents.cat des de dos punts de vista. Per una banda, s'analitza la productivitat i recursivitat dels diversos processos de formació d'argot. Per altra banda, s'estudien les alteracions en el codi d'escriptura amb finalitats estilístiques i pràctiques.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.