Los Pasos Perdidos. Acerca del itinerario político-ideológico de uno de los grupos fundadores de las 'Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias' (1960-1966)

Sin dudas, las organizaciones armadas revolucionarias tuvieron un rol destacado en la dinámica política de la década del setenta. Sobre las "Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias" (FAR) no contamos todavía con ningún trabajo específico pese a que su conformación nos habla de una problemática de gran relevancia en el período: el proceso de radicalización y "peronización" de la izquierda. Este artículo analiza el itinerario político-ideológico recorrido en el primer lustro de la década del sesenta por el conjunto de militantes que formó uno de los grupos fundadores de las FAR, aquél liderado por Arturo Lewinger, posteriormente dirigente de primer nivel en la organización. Luego de reseñar la trayectoria política recorrida por este conjunto de militantes, el trabajo analiza tres tópicos íntimamente vinculados entre sí: sus consideraciones sobre el "hecho peronista", el tema de la "cuestión nacional" y las diversas estrategias que concibieron para viabilizar la "liberación nacional y social" que impulsaban. Se sostiene que en este itinerario puede verse una operación de creciente revalorización del peronismo, el pasaje de una concepción de corte internacionalista para pensar la revolución a otra centrada en la cuestión de la nación y también estrategias políticas muy variadas, que van desde una perspectiva de visos insurreccionalistas hasta otra guerrillera de inspiración guevarista, pasando por la idea de un golpe cívico-militar

Bajo los adoquines está la Pachamama : Territorialidad andina en el Gran La Plata [2008-2011]

Desde hace aproximadamente 20 años, se está viviendo un resurgimiento del movimiento indígena a nivel mundial y continental. El territorio juega un papel esencial para las numerosas organizaciones y comunidades que lo componen, en tanto articula el accionar de estos sujetos al espacio en un sentido procesual y relacional, a través de una concepción en la que la tríada territorio-territorialidad-territorialización, niega la dualidad cartesiana entre materia y espíritu y afirma que toda apropiación material es a la vez simbólica. Según la Encuesta Complementaria de Pueblos Indígenas 2004-2005, complementaria del Censo Nacional de Población, Hogares y Viviendas 2001 del INdEC, el 54 de las 600.329 personas que se autoreconocen como parte de alguno de los más de treinta pueblos aborígenes que habitan en Argentina, se encuentra en áreas urbanas. El interés de este trabajo es el entender cuáles son las modalidades de apropiación material y simbólica del espacio que llevan adelante la Organización Quechua-Aymara Hijos del Cóndor [Kunthurpa Churinkuna] en conjunto con la Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua de Cusco-Filial Regional Internacional "Berisso" [Qheswasimi Jamutána Kuraq Suntur Qosqo-Perusuyu], y la Comunidad Qolla Gran La Plata, todas pertenecientes al universo cultural andino, y activas en el ámbito de la capital bonaerense. Es decir, qué territorialidad específica construyen en el espacio urbano, en función de la recreación de su cultura ancestral [analizada a través del enfoque del control cultural], y atendiendo a su relación con sus estrategias políticas y sus condiciones socioeconómicas, que se ponen en juego en la configuración de determinados espacios de socialización. Se trata de una investigación que emplea el método etnográfico, con técnicas tales como la observación participante y la entrevista en profundidad

“O CRISTO AFOGADO: UMA NÃO-CRISTOLOGIA” RELIGIÃO, LITERATURA E PÓS-COLONIALISMO

O objetivo dessa tese é aprofundar, a partir do discurso pós-colonial, uma crise na perspectiva teológica da libertação. Esta promoveu, na década de 1970, uma reviravolta nos estudos teológicos no terceiro mundo. Para tanto, leremos um conto de Gabriel García Márquez chamado “El ahogado más hermosodel mundo” (1968) analizando e avaliando as estratégias políticas e culturais ali inscritas. Para levar a frente tal avaliação é preciso ampliar o escopo de uma visão que divide o mundo em secular/religioso, ou em ideias/práticas religiosas e não religiosas, para dar passo a uma visão unificada que compreende a mundanalidade, tanto do que é catalogado como ‘religioso’ quanto do que se pretende ‘não religioso’. A teologia/ciências da religião, como discurso científico sobre a economia das trocas que lidam com visões, compreensões e práticas de mundo marcadas pelo reconhecimento do mistério que lhes é inerente, possuem um papel fundamental na compreensão, explicitação, articulação e disponibilização de tais forças culturais. A percepção de existirem elementos no conto que se relacionam com os símbolos sobre Jesus/Cristo nos ofereceu um vetor de análise; entretanto, não nos deixamos limitar pelos grilhões disciplinares que essa simbologia implica. Ao mesmo tempo, esse vínculo, compreendido desde a relação imperial/colonial inerente aos discursos e imagens sobre Jesus-Cristo, embora sem centralizar a análise, não poderia ficar intocado. Partimos para a construção de uma estrutura teórica que explicitasse os valores, gestos, e horizontes mundanos do conto, cristológicos e não-cristológicos, contribuindo assim para uma desestabilização dos quadros tradicionais a partir dos quais se concebem a teologia e as ciências da religião, a obra de García Márquez como literatura, e a geografia imperial/colonial que postula o realismo ficcional de territórios como “América Latina”. Abrimos, assim, um espaço de significação que lê o conto como uma “não-cristologia”, deslocando o aprisionamento disciplinar e classificatório dos elementos envolvidos na análise. O discurso crítico de Edward Said, Homi Bhabha e GayatriSpivak soma-se à prática teórica de teólogas críticas feministas da Ásia, da África e da América Latina para formular o cenário político emancipatório que denominaremos teologia crítica secular.

La cobertura periodística de la obesidad en la prensa española (2000-2005)

Antecedentes: la obesidad es un problema de salud pública en España. Los medios de comunicación son una herramienta útil para la salud pública. Objetivo: explorar el tratamiento periodístico de la obesidad en la prensa escrita española durante 2000-2005, frecuencia de aparición, fuentes de información y enfoques, en relación con el contexto social. Materiales y métodos: análisis de contenido cuantitativo de 690 noticias publicadas en El País, El Mundo y ABC. Cálculo de frecuencias y odds ratio (OR) con intervalos de confianza (IC) del 95% y significación estadística. Resultados: incrementaron las noticias de 2000 (n=25) a 2005 (n=185). Se centraron en denuncias (36,4%) y magnitud del problema (15,7%), en detrimento de aquellas sobre iniciativas-estrategias políticas (3,8%). Destacan los hombres como fuentes informativas principales (75,5%) y las mujeres como primeras firmantes de las noticias (56,1%). Los hombres del ámbito médico-sanitario (OR=1,98;IC95%,1,11-3,57) y las mujeres del ámbito político (OR=2,54;IC95%1,46-4,42) tienen mayor probabilidad de ser la fuente informativa principal. Conclusiones: la cobertura periodística de la obesidad durante 2000-2005 aumentó, coincidiendo con el desarrollo de respuestas políticas en torno al tema. Principalmente, se denuncia el problema. Destaca la escasa cobertura periodística de iniciativas-estrategias políticas, sugiriendo incipiente interacción entre la agenda política y mediática.

How European Integration Impacts on National Legislatures: The Europeanization of The German Bundestag. CES Germany and Europe Working Papers, No. 06.2, 2006

In looking at the Europeanization of the German Bundestag, the paper brings together two different debates: the well-established debate on the democratic legitimacy of the European Union sees national Parliaments as guarantor of one branch of a "dual" legitimacy. The more recent debate on "Europeanization" addresses the impacts that European integration has had on its Member States. Analyzing the Europeanization of the German Bundestag, the paper identifies and analyzes three dimensions: legislative Europeanization – the extent to which legislative decision making by the German Bundestag has been influenced by European stipulations over the last twenty years; institutional Europeanization – how the Bundestag as an institution reacted to this loss of function by establishing institutional and procedural provisions for influencing the government's Euro-politics; and strategic Europeanization – the ways in which individual MPs started more recently to develop euro-political strategies that go beyond controlling the national government. The paper shows that the Bundestag only hesitantly reacted to the increasing loss of functions through legislative Europeanization by establishing effective institutional and procedural provisions for controlling the government's Euro-political activities. What is more, the establishment of institutions does not guarantee their effective use. All in all, Euro- politics continues to remain the activity of few MPs. These few, however, have more recently started to europeanize their strategies. The empirical findings support the claim that the traditional concept of chains of legitimacy is inadequate, both in conceptual and in empirical terms. With regard to the democ- ratic legitimacy of EU governance, this indicates that, apart from major reform projects, especially with regard to everyday legislation, not too great a burden should be placed on national Parliaments.

Parlamentos indígenas realizados en Pampa y Patagonia entre 1869 y 1870 : Análisis socio-político y propuestas para una interpretación de caso

El presente trabajo se propone abordar una serie de parlamentos indígenas (considerados ámbitos de consenso) realizados en los espacios de Pampa y Patagonia a finales del siglo XIX. El objetivo del artículo es realizar un análisis socio-político sobre estos ámbitos de consenso para identificar cuáles son los actores que participan en ella, tratando de interpretar algunas características que hacen a la dinámica política y a las estrategias políticas que llevan adelante algunos grupos étnicos con sus respectivos líderes. Por otra parte, y desde un punto de vista metodológico, el trabajo se focaliza en realizar un análisis comparativo sobre los parlamentos indígenas que se llevan adelante, sincrónicamente, en un espacio y en otro para de esta forma evitar generalizaciones sobre el objeto de estudio

Representing religion in the European Union:does God matter?

Religious actors are becoming part of the EU bureaucratic system, and their mobilisation in Brussels and Strasbourg in the last decade has increased dramatically. This book explores the mechanism and impact of religious representation by examining relations between religious practitioners and politicians in the European Union from the Second World War until today. This book seeks to answer the following questions: How do (trans)national religious groups enter into contact with European institutions? What are the rationale and the mechanisms of religious representation in the European Union? How are religious values transposed into political strategies? What impact has relations between religious practitioners, EU officials and politicians on the construction of the European Union? Examining religious representation at the state, transnational and institutional levels, this volume demonstrates that ‘faith’ is becoming an increasingly important element of the decision-making process. It includes chapters written by both academics and religious practitioners in dialogue with European institutions and will be of great interest to students and scholars of European politics, history, sociology of religion, law and international relations.

How does the alcohol industry attempt to influence marketing regulations? A systematic review

Aim: To systematically review, using a qualitative, narrative synthesis approach, papers examining alcohol industry efforts to influence alcohol marketing policy, and compare with those used by the tobacco industry. Methods: Literature searches were conducted between April and July 2011, and updated in March 2013. Papers were included if they: made reference to alcohol industry efforts to influence (a) policy debates concerning marketing regulations, (b) new specific marketing policies or (c) broad alcohol policy which included marketing regulations; were written in English; and concerned the period 1990-2013. Alcohol industry political activity was categorized into strategies/tactics and frames/arguments. Data extraction was undertaken by the lead author and 100% of the papers were fully second-reviewed. Seventeen papers met the review criteria. Results: Five main political strategies and five main frames were identified. The alcohol industry argues against marketing regulation by emphasizing industry responsibility and the effectiveness of self-regulation, questioning the effectiveness of statutory regulation and by focusing on individual responsibility. Arguments relating to industry responsibility are often reinforced through corporate social responsibility activities. The industry primarily conveys its arguments through manipulating the evidence base and by promoting ineffective voluntary codes and non-regulatory initiatives. Conclusions: The alcohol industry's political activity is more varied than existing models of corporate political activity suggest. The industry's opposition to marketing regulation centres on claims that the industry is responsible and that self regulation is effective. There are considerable commonalities between tobacco and alcohol industry political activity, with differences due potentially to differences in policy contexts and perceived industry legitimacy.

How does the tobacco industry attempt to influence marketing regulations? A systematic review

BACKGROUND: The Framework Convention on Tobacco Control makes a number of recommendations aimed at restricting the marketing of tobacco products. Tobacco industry political activity has been identified as an obstacle to Parties' development and implementation of these provisions. This study systematically reviews the existing literature on tobacco industry efforts to influence marketing regulations and develops taxonomies of 1) industry strategies and tactics and 2) industry frames and arguments. METHODS: Searches were conducted between April-July 2011, and updated in March 2013. Articles were included if they made reference to tobacco industry efforts to influence marketing regulations; supported claims with verifiable evidence; were written in English; and concerned the period 1990-2013. 48 articles met the review criteria. Narrative synthesis was used to combine the evidence. RESULTS: 56% of articles focused on activity in North America, Europe or Australasia, the rest focusing on Asia (17%), South America, Africa or transnational activity. Six main political strategies and four main frames were identified. The tobacco industry frequently claims that the proposed policy will have negative unintended consequences, that there are legal barriers to regulation, and that the regulation is unnecessary because, for example, industry does not market to youth or adheres to a voluntary code. The industry primarily conveys these arguments through direct and indirect lobbying, the promotion of voluntary codes and alternative policies, and the formation of alliances with other industrial sectors. The majority of tactics and arguments were used in multiple jurisdictions. CONCLUSIONS: Tobacco industry political activity is far more diverse than suggested by existing taxonomies of corporate political activity. Tactics and arguments are repeated across jurisdictions, suggesting that the taxonomies of industry tactics and arguments developed in this paper are generalisable to multiple jurisdictions and can be used to predict industry activity.

“O CRISTO AFOGADO: UMA NÃO-CRISTOLOGIA” RELIGIÃO, LITERATURA E PÓS-COLONIALISMO

O objetivo dessa tese é aprofundar, a partir do discurso pós-colonial, uma crise na perspectiva teológica da libertação. Esta promoveu, na década de 1970, uma reviravolta nos estudos teológicos no terceiro mundo. Para tanto, leremos um conto de Gabriel García Márquez chamado “El ahogado más hermosodel mundo” (1968) analizando e avaliando as estratégias políticas e culturais ali inscritas. Para levar a frente tal avaliação é preciso ampliar o escopo de uma visão que divide o mundo em secular/religioso, ou em ideias/práticas religiosas e não religiosas, para dar passo a uma visão unificada que compreende a mundanalidade, tanto do que é catalogado como ‘religioso’ quanto do que se pretende ‘não religioso’. A teologia/ciências da religião, como discurso científico sobre a economia das trocas que lidam com visões, compreensões e práticas de mundo marcadas pelo reconhecimento do mistério que lhes é inerente, possuem um papel fundamental na compreensão, explicitação, articulação e disponibilização de tais forças culturais. A percepção de existirem elementos no conto que se relacionam com os símbolos sobre Jesus/Cristo nos ofereceu um vetor de análise; entretanto, não nos deixamos limitar pelos grilhões disciplinares que essa simbologia implica. Ao mesmo tempo, esse vínculo, compreendido desde a relação imperial/colonial inerente aos discursos e imagens sobre Jesus-Cristo, embora sem centralizar a análise, não poderia ficar intocado. Partimos para a construção de uma estrutura teórica que explicitasse os valores, gestos, e horizontes mundanos do conto, cristológicos e não-cristológicos, contribuindo assim para uma desestabilização dos quadros tradicionais a partir dos quais se concebem a teologia e as ciências da religião, a obra de García Márquez como literatura, e a geografia imperial/colonial que postula o realismo ficcional de territórios como “América Latina”. Abrimos, assim, um espaço de significação que lê o conto como uma “não-cristologia”, deslocando o aprisionamento disciplinar e classificatório dos elementos envolvidos na análise. O discurso crítico de Edward Said, Homi Bhabha e GayatriSpivak soma-se à prática teórica de teólogas críticas feministas da Ásia, da África e da América Latina para formular o cenário político emancipatório que denominaremos teologia crítica secular.

“Art Will Not Disappear Into Nothing; It Will Disappear Into Everything“: The Black Audio Film Collective and Latin America

The development of Latin American cinema in the 1960s was underwritten by a number of key texts that outlined the aesthetic and political direction of individual filmmakers and collectives (Solanas and Getino, 1969; Rocha, 1965; Espinosa, 1969). Although asserting the specificity of Latin American culture, the theoretical foundations of its New Wave influenced oppositional filmmaking way beyond its own regional boundaries. This chapter looks at how movements in British art cinema, especially the Black Audio Film Collective, were inspired and propelled by the theories behind New Latin American cinema. Facilitated by English translations in journals such as Jump Cut in the early ‘80s, Cuban and Argentine cinematic manifestoes provided a radical alternative to the traditional language of film theory available to filmmakers in Europe and works such as Signs of Empire (1983-4); Handsworth Songs (1986) and Seven Songs for Malcolm X (1993) grew out of this trans-continental exchange. The Black Audio Film Collective represented a merging of politics, popular culture, and art that was, at once, oppositional and melodic. Fusing postcolonial discourse with pop music, the avant-garde and re-imaginings of subalternity, the work of ‘The Collective’ provides us with a useful example of how British art cinema has drawn from theoretical foundations formed outside of Europe and the West. As this chapter will argue however, the Black Audio Film Collective’s work can also be read as a reaction to the specificity of British socio-politics of the ‘80s and ‘90s. Its engagement with the aesthetico-political strategies of Latin American cinema, then, undercut what was a solidly British project, rooted in (post)colonial history and emerging ideas of disaporic identity. If the propulsive thrust of The Black Audio Film Collective’s art was shaped by Third Cinema, its images and concerns were self-consciously British.

A racionalização das condições de trabalho nos hospitais: uma análise crítica baseada em relatos de ginecologistas obstetras e pediatras atuantes na urgência e emergência

Hospitals are a big part of the service sector. Thus, such institutions are highly influenced by the logic of the capitalist accumulation, technology and forms of labor organization, especially by private organizations. Starting with the restructuring process motion and incorporation of technologies, many changes in the working process occur, therefore, the activities of medical professionals as well. During the preparation of this research items regarding the banalization of evil were identified. This banalization and resignation of the professionals face to violence are caused by the adoption of collective defense strategies. Therefore, this research aims to analyze how the rationalization of working conditions by gynecologists obstetricians and pediatricians working in the emergency rooms of public and private hospitals in Curitiba and metropolitan region occurs. An approach of mixed methods was used as methodological procedures. The naturalization of violence, the suffering which professionals are submitted to, are combined with the political and ideological control, bureaucratic control, the imaginary built about hospitals and collective defense strategies. It is therefore possible to understand that labor conditions of gynecologists obstetricians and pediatricians in emergency rooms are rationalized. When social injustice is naturalized, political strategies for changes are not possible. For this reason, the first step is to gather awareness, there is a need to unveil the reality, to understand the phenomena at its core and discard superficialities. It is also necessary that the actions and expressions of indignation to come hand in hand with political actions in order to change to happen.

Jovens NEET: o caso português

O fenómeno NEET- “Not in Employment, Education or Training”, jovens que não estudam, não trabalham e não frequentam qualquer formação, constitui um problema social comum ao espaço europeu, onde, segundo o Eurostat há 14 milhões de jovens excluídos do mercado de trabalho e do sistema de educação e formação. A perda económica resultante desde afastamento é estimada em 153 mil milhões de euros por ano, 1,2% do PIB da União Europeia. Apresenta-se uma análise crítica do conceito NEET e a sua dimensão europeia. Em Portugal a “Geração Nem-Nem” tem vindo a crescer significativamente desde 2008 e atingiu um valor recorde em 2012 com 434 mil jovens inativos, colocando Portugal entre os 10 países da OCDE com maior percentagem de NEET. Procura-se traçar um diagnóstico do perfil destes jovens, compreender quem são e quanto custa ao país o seu afastamento da escola e do mercado de trabalho. Por fim, abordam-se as principais estratégias políticas que vêm sendo adotadas para reduzir o número de NEET, com a criação de um conjunto de programas de apoio à transição entre o sistema de educação e formação e o mercado de trabalho, estímulos à criação de emprego e uma aposta no reforço do ensino profissional e da aprendizagem dual. Conclui-se que o fenómeno NEET em Portugal tem registado uma tendência crescente e resulta em grande medida do aumento exponencial das taxas de desemprego jovem que em 2013 atingiram os 40%, predominando jovens com um nível de escolaridade relativamente baixo. Contudo, as estatísticas demonstram que o problema também cresceu nos últimos anos entre os que têm formação superior, o que revela um problema estrutural que dificulta a transição da educação para o mercado de trabalho, mesmo entre os mais qualificados.

Blessed are the Peacemakers: Transnational Alliance, Protective Accompaniment and the Presbyterian Church of Colombia

The purpose of this thesis was to explore how Christian networks enable strategies of transnational alliance, whereby groups in different nations strive to strengthen one another’s leverage and credibility in order to resolve conflicts and elaborate new possibilities. This research does so by analyzing the case of the Presbyterian Church of Colombia (IPC). The project examines the historical development of the IPC from the initial missionary period of the 1850s until the present. Specifically, the purpose of the study was to consider how the historical struggle to articulate autonomy and equality vis-à-vis the U.S. Presbyterians (PCUSA) and paternalist models of ecclesial relations has affected recent political strategies pursued by the IPC. Despite the paternalism of the early missionary model, changing conceptions of social transformation during the 60s contributed to a shift in relations. Over time the IPC and PCUSA negotiated relationships in which groups both acknowledge a problematic history and insist upon an ethnic of partnership and respect. Today, PCUSA groups, in concert with the IPC, collaborate on a range of transnational political strategies aimed at strengthening the IPC’s leverage in local struggles for justice and peace. A review of this case suggests that long-established Christian networks may have an advantage over other civil society groups such as NGOs in facilitating strategies of transnational alliance. Although civil society organizations often have better access to important resources needed for international advocacy initiatives, Christian networks, such as the one established between the IPC and U.S. Presbyterian communities, rely on a history of negotiating power-disparity in order to elaborate relationships based on listening and partnership. Such findings prove important not only to how we conceptualize transnational alliance but also to the ways that we think about the history and future of Christian networks.

The unintended [or intended?] political consequences of electoral systems: The case of Bolivia

The present study was concerned with evaluating one basic institution in Bolivian democracy: its electoral system. The study evaluates the impact of electoral systems on the interaction between presidents and assemblies. It sought to determine whether it is possible to have electoral systems that favor multipartism but can also moderate the likelihood of executive-legislative confrontation by producing the necessary conditions for coalition building. ^ This dissertation utilized the case study method as a methodology. Using the case of Bolivia, the research project studied the variations in executive-legislative relations and political outcomes from 1985 to the present through a model of executive-legislative relations that provided a typology of presidents and assemblies based on the strategies available to them to bargain with each other for support. A complementary model that evaluated the state of their inter-institutional interaction was also employed. ^ Results indicated that executive-legislative relations are profoundly influenced by the choice of the electoral system. Similarly, the project showed that although the Bolivian mixed system for legislative elections, and executive formula favor multipartism, these electoral systems do not necessarily engender executive-legislative confrontation in Bolivia. This was mainly due to the congressional election of the president, and the formulas utilized to translate the popular vote into legislative seats. However, the study found that the electoral system has also allowed for anti-systemic forces to emerge and gain political space both within and outside of political institutions. ^ The study found that government coalitions in Bolivia that are promoted by the system of congressional election of the president and the D'Hondt system to allocate legislative seats have helped ameliorate one of the typical problems of presidential systems in Latin America: the presence of a minority government that is blocked in its capacity to govern. This study was limited to evaluating the impact of the electoral system, as the independent variable, on executive-legislative interaction. However, the project revealed a need for more theoretical and empirical work on executive-legislative bargaining models in order to understand how institutional reforms can have an impact on the incentives of presidents and legislators to form coherent coalitions. ^