795 resultados para Vote majoritaire
Resumo:
Históricamente la Argentina ha sido caracterizada como un país de recepción de migrantes de todo el mundo. No obstante, en las últimas décadas, los cambios políticos y económicos en el interior del país y las facilidades para la movilidad internacional, han hecho de la emigración una alternativa cierta en búsqueda del mejoramiento de las condiciones de vida y desarrollo profesional para la población argentina. En dicho marco, el presente trabajo aborda la problemática de la ciudadanía transnacional, centrándose en la participación electoral de los argentinos residiendo en el exterior y prestando especial atención a los factores que la dificultan. Los principales ejes de análisis son: a- el estudio de los datos cuantitativos referidos a la participación electoral, b- el posicionamiento de las instituciones del Estado encargadas de ejecutar el voto en el exterior y la clase política, respecto al tema y c- el papel desempeñado por las asociaciones de argentinos residentes en el exterior
Resumo:
Este estudio analiza los derechos políticos de las mujeres en la Argentina después de la ley 13010 (1947) que les permitió acceder al voto y se electas. El propósito del artí culo es comprender tres diferentes dimensiones de la ciudadanía política. Primero, se enfoca en un grupo de mujeres que votaron por primera vez en 1951 con el objetivo de comprender sus ideas sobre su nuevo status. Segundo, se analiza el comportamiento electoral de varones y mujeres en las urnas en 1951. Tercero, se explora cómo Eva Perón influenció la percepción de la representación y los límites del poder femenino en las relaciones políticas.
Resumo:
Tanto en los estudios sincrónicos como en los diacrónicos queda en evidencia que el español posee diferentes formas de expresar el tiempo futuro. Por ejemplo, la desinencia del futuro morfológico (-ré) alterna en el español actual con la perífrasis verbal ir+a+infinitivo tal y como se ve en los siguientes ejemplos de la variedad rioplatense: (1) CFK advirtió que "Vamos a sostener este modelo de crecimiento con todas las decisiones que haya que tomar" (Diario Digital 25-04-2012); (2) Rossi aseguró que votarán a favor de YPF unos doscientos diputados (La Nación 28-04-2012). Este hecho ha sido analizado por innumerables estudios y autores, muchos de los cuales se han aproximado a este tema desde la perspectiva variacionista que relaciona significados y contextos (Martínez 1987, Sedano 1994, Company 1999, Alaniz 2010); esta perspectiva explica dicha alternancia por medio de un continuum de factualidad el cual va desde la mayor factualidad de la perífrasis a la menor factualidad de la forma sintética. El análisis de los datos de acuerdo con dichos significados básicos postulados parecía confirmar la hipótesis, al menos en los contextos relacionados con la comunicación oral cotidiana (Martínez 1987). Sin embargo, un estudio más profundo sobre los usos de dichas formas en otros géneros discursivos (Mailhes 2010) nos lleva a replantearnos los significados básicos. En este sentido, la hipótesis que nos interesa confirmar es que las formas se encuentran vinculadas a la evaluación de los hechos por medio de la posibilidad de ejercer control sobre los mismos . Si existe control, se puede seleccionar la perífrasis; si no existe, la forma sintética será más apropiada. La ausencia de control puede dar lugar a una posibilidad más o menos remota así como a la profecía, dos esferas donde la variación es explotada
Resumo:
El 1º de febrero de 1912 fue promulgada la Ley Sáenz Peña que establecía, como una novedad para el sistema electoral nacional, el voto obligatorio y secreto. La provincia de Buenos Aires no adoptó tal cual dicha ley, luego de un largo debate, promulgó su propia ley electoral, que sirvió de instrumento al partido Conservador para mantenerse en el poder, hasta 1917 cuando el presidente Yrigoyen decretó la intervención federal. El objetivo del presente trabajo es ver cómo la ley bonaerense sirvió a los propósitos conservadores, y cómo, con la intervención, los radicales lograron imponerse en la provincia de Buenos Aires.
Resumo:
We construct an empirically informed computational model of fiscal federalism, testing whether horizontal or vertical equalization can solve the fiscal externality problem in an environment in which heterogeneous agents can move and vote. The model expands on the literature by considering the case of progressive local taxation. Although the consequences of progressive taxation under fiscal federalism are well understood, they have not been studied in a context with tax equalization, despite widespread implementation. The model also expands on the literature by comparing the standard median voter model with a realistic alternative voting mechanism. We find that fiscal federalism with progressive taxation naturally leads to segregation as well as inefficient and inequitable public goods provision while the alternative voting mechanism generates more efficient, though less equitable, public goods provision. Equalization policy, under both types of voting, is largely undermined by micro-actors' choices. For this reason, the model also does not find the anticipated effects of vertical equalization discouraging public goods spending among wealthy jurisdictions and horizontal encouraging it among poor jurisdictions. Finally, we identify two optimal scenarios, superior to both complete centralization and complete devolution. These scenarios are not only Pareto optimal, but also conform to a Rawlsian view of justice, offering the best possible outcome for the worst-off. Despite offering the best possible outcomes, both scenarios still entail significant economic segregation and inequitable public goods provision. Under the optimal scenarios agents shift the bulk of revenue collection to the federal government, with few jurisdictions maintaining a small local tax.
Resumo:
Two groups of questions were addressed in this paper: (1) Is voter punishment of the incumbent the primary factor in electoral volatility? Are there any other types of vote swings that underlie volatility? (2) In general, does a decline in economic growth destabilize voter behavior? If so, what kinds of vote swings does an economic downturn tend to generate? Provincial-level panel data analysis yielded the following results: (1) Changes in volatility is primarily due to vote swings from the incumbent to the opposition and also to and from left-wing and right-wing parties. (2) Lower economic growth increases electoral volatility. Economic decline induces vote swings not only from the government to the opposition but also from left-wing to right-wing parties. This is probably because right-wing parties seem more concerned with economic issues and are thus more popular than left-wing parties with lower-income voters.
Resumo:
Literature on agency problems arising between controlling and minority owners claim that separation of cash flow and control rights allows controllers to expropriate listed firms, and further that separation emerges when dual class shares or pyramiding corporate structures exist. Dual class share and pyramiding coexisted in listed companies of China until discriminated share reform was implemented in 2005. This paper presents a model of controller to expropriate behavior as well as empirical tests of expropriation via particular accounting items and pyramiding generated expropriation. Results show that expropriation is apparent for state controlled listed companies. While reforms have weakened the power to expropriate, separation remains and still generates expropriation. Size of expropriation is estimated to be 7 to 8 per cent of total asset at mean. If the "one share, one vote" principle were to be realized, asset inflation could be reduced by 13 percent.
Resumo:
On 27 December 2007, the Republic of Kenya held its tenth general election since independence. The ballot-related proceedings went as planned up to and including the vote count, providing grounds for optimism for a largely peaceful transfer of power. However, after the official declaration by the Electoral Commission of Kenya late in the afternoon of 30 December that the presidential election had been won by the incumbent, Mwai Kibaki (from Central Province and a Kikuyu), Kenya entered into a period of deep crisis. How might we best understand this great turbulence, which was unprecedented in post-independence Kenya? Perhaps the answer lies in the sudden defeat of the opposition's presidential candidate, Raila Odinga from Nyanza Province and a Luo, who had been widely expected to win. With the post-election upheaval as the context, and looking at the situation from the standpoint of political history, this paper will offer an analysis of trends in Kenya's politics since 2002.
Resumo:
Before rural local government units were established in Thailand, reform debates within the country faced a crucial issue: Candidates at the rural sub-district levels might adopt electioneering methods such as vote buying and the patronage system of the local political and economic elite, the methods that had been used in the national elections. In fact, the results of the 2006 survey in this paper, which followed the introduction of direct elections in rural local government units in 2003, contrast with the result anticipated during the debates on political reform. The preliminary data of the survey shows that the decentralization process and the introduction of the direct election system in the rural areas had some effect in changing the selection process of the local elite in Thailand.
Resumo:
In this study, we examine the voting behavior in Indonesian parliamentary elections from 1999 to 2014. After summarizing the changes in Indonesian parties' share of the vote from a historical standpoint, we investigate the voting behavior with simple regression models to analyze the effect of regional characteristics on Islamic/secular parties' vote share, using aggregated panel data at the district level. Then, we also test the hypothesis of retrospective economic voting. The results show that districts which formerly stood strongly behind Islamic parties continued to select those parties, or gave preference to abstention over the parties in some elections. From the point of view of retrospective economic voting, we found that districts which experienced higher per capita economic growth gave more support to the ruling parties, although our results remain tentative because information on 2014 is not yet available.
Resumo:
Background: Several meta-analysis methods can be used to quantitatively combine the results of a group of experiments, including the weighted mean difference, statistical vote counting, the parametric response ratio and the non-parametric response ratio. The software engineering community has focused on the weighted mean difference method. However, other meta-analysis methods have distinct strengths, such as being able to be used when variances are not reported. There are as yet no guidelines to indicate which method is best for use in each case. Aim: Compile a set of rules that SE researchers can use to ascertain which aggregation method is best for use in the synthesis phase of a systematic review. Method: Monte Carlo simulation varying the number of experiments in the meta analyses, the number of subjects that they include, their variance and effect size. We empirically calculated the reliability and statistical power in each case Results: WMD is generally reliable if the variance is low, whereas its power depends on the effect size and number of subjects per meta-analysis; the reliability of RR is generally unaffected by changes in variance, but it does require more subjects than WMD to be powerful; NPRR is the most reliable method, but it is not very powerful; SVC behaves well when the effect size is moderate, but is less reliable with other effect sizes. Detailed tables of results are annexed. Conclusions: Before undertaking statistical aggregation in software engineering, it is worthwhile checking whether there is any appreciable difference in the reliability and power of the methods. If there is, software engineers should select the method that optimizes both parameters.
Resumo:
We show a procedure for constructing a probabilistic atlas based on affine moment descriptors. It uses a normalization procedure over the labeled atlas. The proposed linear registration is defined by closed-form expressions involving only geometric moments. This procedure applies both to atlas construction as atlas-based segmentation. We model the likelihood term for each voxel and each label using parametric or nonparametric distributions and the prior term is determined by applying the vote-rule. The probabilistic atlas is built with the variability of our linear registration. We have two segmentation strategy: a) it applies the proposed affine registration to bring the target image into the coordinate frame of the atlas or b) the probabilistic atlas is non-rigidly aligning with the target image, where the probabilistic atlas is previously aligned to the target image with our affine registration. Finally, we adopt a graph cut - Bayesian framework for implementing the atlas-based segmentation.
Resumo:
En este trabajo de tesis se propone un esquema de votación telemática, de carácter paneuropeo y transnacional, que es capaz de satisfacer las más altas exigencias en materia de seguridad. Este enfoque transnacional supone una importante novedad que obliga a identificar a los ciudadanos más allá de las fronteras de su país, exigencia que se traduce en la necesidad de que todos los ciudadanos europeos dispongan de una identidad digital y en que ésta sea reconocida más allá de las fronteras de su país de origen. Bajo estas premisas, la propuesta recogida en esta tesis se aborda desde dos vertientes complementarias: por una parte, el diseño de un esquema de votación capaz de conquistar la confianza de gobiernos y ciudadanos europeos y, por otra, la búsqueda de una respuesta al problema de interoperabilidad de Sistemas de Gestión de Identidad (IDMs), en consonancia con los trabajos que actualmente realiza la UE para la integración de los servicios proporcionados por las Administraciones Públicas de los distintos países europeos. El punto de partida de este trabajo ha sido la identificación de los requisitos que determinan el adecuado funcionamiento de un sistema de votación telemática para, a partir de ellos,proponer un conjunto de elementos y criterios que permitan, por una parte, establecer comparaciones entre distintos sistemas telemáticos de votación y, por otra, evaluar la idoneidad del sistema propuesto. A continuación se han tomado las más recientes y significativas experiencias de votación telemática llevadas a cabo por diferentes países en la automatización de sus procesos electorales, analizándolas en profundidad para demostrar que, incluso en los sistemas más recientes, todavía subsisten importantes deficiencias relativas a la seguridad. Asimismo, se ha constatado que un sector importante de la población se muestra receloso y, a menudo, cuestiona la validez de los resultados publicados. Por tanto, un sistema que aspire a ganarse la confianza de ciudadanos y gobernantes no sólo debe operar correctamente, trasladando los procesos tradicionales de votación al contexto telemático, sino que debe proporcionar mecanismos adicionales que permitan superar los temores que inspira el nuevo sistema de votación. Conforme a este principio, el enfoque de esta tesis, se orienta, en primer lugar, hacia la creación de pruebas irrefutables, entendibles y auditables a lo largo de todo el proceso de votación, que permitan demostrar con certeza y ante todos los actores implicados en el proceso (gobierno, partidos políticos, votantes, Mesa Electoral, interventores, Junta Electoral,jueces, etc.) que los resultados publicados son fidedignos y que no se han violado los principios de anonimato y de “una persona, un voto”. Bajo este planteamiento, la solución recogida en esta tesis no sólo prevé mecanismos para minimizar el riesgo de compra de votos, sino que además incorpora mecanismos de seguridad robustos que permitirán no sólo detectar posibles intentos de manipulación del sistema, sino también identificar cuál ha sido el agente responsable. De forma adicional, esta tesis va más allá y traslada el escenario de votación a un ámbito paneuropeo donde aparecen nuevos problemas. En efecto, en la actualidad uno de los principales retos a los que se enfrentan las votaciones de carácter transnacional es sin duda la falta de procedimientos rigurosos y dinámicos para la actualización sincronizada de los censos de votantes de los distintos países que evite la presencia de errores que redunden en la incapacidad de controlar que una persona emita más de un voto, o que se vea impedido del todo a ejercer su derecho. Este reconocimiento de la identidad transnacional requiere la interoperabilidad entre los IDMs de los distintos países europeos. Para dar solución a este problema, esta tesis se apoya en las propuestas emergentes en el seno de la UE, que previsiblemente se consolidarán en los próximos años, tanto en materia de identidad digital (con la puesta en marcha de la Tarjeta de Ciudadano Europeo) como con el despliegue de una infraestructura de gestión de identidad que haga posible la interoperabilidad de los IDMs de los distintos estados miembros. A partir de ellas, en esta tesis se propone una infraestructura telemática que facilita la interoperabilidad de los sistemas de gestión de los censos de los distintos estados europeos en los que se lleve a cabo conjuntamente la votación. El resultado es un sistema versátil, seguro, totalmente robusto, fiable y auditable que puede ser aplicado en elecciones paneuropeas y que contempla la actualización dinámica del censo como una parte crítica del proceso de votación. ABSTRACT: This Ph. D. dissertation proposes a pan‐European and transnational system of telematic voting that is capable of meeting the strictest security standards. This transnational approach is a significant innovation that entails identifying citizens beyond the borders of their own country,thus requiring that all European citizens must have a digital identity that is recognized beyond the borders of their country of origin. Based on these premises, the proposal in this thesis is analyzed in two mutually‐reinforcing ways: first, a voting system is designed that is capable of winning the confidence of European governments and citizens and, second, a solution is conceived for the problem of interoperability of Identity Management Systems (IDMs) that is consistent with work being carried out by the EU to integrate the services provided by the public administrations of different European countries. The starting point of this paper is to identify the requirements for the adequate functioning of a telematic voting system and then to propose a set of elements and criteria that will allow for making comparisons between different such telematic voting systems for the purpose of evaluating the suitability of the proposed system. Then, this thesis provides an in‐depth analysis of most recent significant experiences in telematic voting carried out by different countries with the aim of automating electoral processes, and shows that even the most recent systems have significant shortcomings in the realm of security. Further, a significant portion of the population has shown itself to be wary,and they often question the validity of the published results. Therefore, a system that aspires to win the trust of citizens and leaders must not only operate correctly by transferring traditional voting processes into a telematic environment, but must also provide additional mechanisms that can overcome the fears aroused by the new voting system. Hence, this thesis focuses, first, on creating irrefutable, comprehensible and auditable proof throughout the voting process that can demonstrate to all actors in the process – the government, political parties, voters, polling station workers, electoral officials, judges, etc. ‐that the published results are accurate and that the principles of anonymity and one person,one vote, have not been violated. Accordingly, the solution in this thesis includes mechanisms to minimize the risk of vote buying, in addition to robust security mechanisms that can not only detect possible attempts to manipulate the system, but also identify the responsible party. Additionally, this thesis goes one step further and moves the voting scenario to a pan‐European scale, in which new problems appear. Indeed, one of the major challenges at present for transnational voting processes is the lack of rigorous and dynamic procedures for synchronized updating of different countries’ voter rolls, free from errors that may make the system unable to keep an individual from either casting more than one vote, or from losing the effective exercise of the right to vote. This recognition of transnational identity requires interoperability between the IDMs of different European countries. To solve the problem, this thesis relies on proposals emerging within the EU that are expected to take shape in the coming years, both in digital identity – with the launch of the European Citizen Card – and in the deployment of an identity management infrastructure that will enable interoperability of the IDMs of different member states. Based on these, the thesis proposes a telematic infrastructure that will achieve interoperability of the census management systems of European states in which voting processes are jointly carried out. The result is a versatile, secure, totally robust, reliable and auditable system that can be applied in pan‐European election, and that includes dynamic updating of the voter rolls as a critical part of the voting process.
Resumo:
In this paper we present a global description of a telematic voting system based on advanced cryptography and on the use of smart cards (VOTESCRIPT system) whose most outstanding characteristic is the ability to verify that the tally carried out by the system is correct, meaning that the results published by the system correspond with votes cast. The VOTESCRIPT system provides an individual verification mechanism allowing each Voter to confirm whether his vote has been correctly counted. The innovation with respect to other solutions lies in the fact that the verification process is private so that Voters have no way of proving what they voted in the presence of a non-authorized third party. Vote buying and selling or any other kind of extortion are prevented. The existence of the Intervention Systems allows the whole electoral process to be controlled by groups of citizens or authorized candidatures. In addition to this the system can simply make an audit not only of the final results, but also of the whole process. Global verification provides the Scrutineers with robust cryptographic evidence which enables unequivocal proof if the system has operated in a fraudulent way.
Resumo:
Research in stereoscopic 3D coding, transmission and subjective assessment methodology depends largely on the availability of source content that can be used in cross-lab evaluations. While several studies have already been presented using proprietary content, comparisons between the studies are difficult since discrepant contents are used. Therefore in this paper, a freely available dataset of high quality Full-HD stereoscopic sequences shot with a semiprofessional 3D camera is introduced in detail. The content was designed to be suited for usage in a wide variety of applications, including high quality studies. A set of depth maps was calculated from the stereoscopic pair. As an application example, a subjective assessment has been performed using coding and spatial degradations. The Absolute Category Rating with Hidden Reference method was used. The observers were instructed to vote on video quality only. Results of this experiment are also freely available and will be presented in this paper as a first step towards objective video quality measurement for 3DTV.