712 resultados para Shareholder activism


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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo discutir a questão da exigibilidade do direito à saúde no Brasil e seu impacto sobre a formulação e implementação de políticas públicas (mínimo existencial x reserva do possível). Aborda-se a evolução histórica da saúde até sua consagração como direito fundamental na Constituição Brasileira de 1988. Por meio da jurisprudência formada favoravelmente à saúde, os tribunais pátrios têm assumido papel ativo na interpretação e na proteção desse direito. Várias vezes, as decisões judiciais determinam, na prática, uma redefinição das políticas públicas do Executivo. Trata-se de um contexto que vem incentivando as pessoas ao ajuizamento de ações para exigir a concretização do direito à saúde, fenômeno também conhecido como judicialização do direito à saúde. Tal ativismo se explica pelo fato de o Judiciário considerar que a ineficiência administrativa e o método de priorização da atenção à saúde revelam falhas que interferem na proteção do acesso à saúde, reconhecendo-os como verdadeiro descumprimento do dever estatal em relação a tal direito.

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O estudo refere-se à verificação da admissibilidade e da conveniência da exclusão facultativa de acionista controlador em sociedade anônima. O tema não é propriamente novo no Brasil. Intenciona-se, no entanto, construir a hipótese a partir de fundamento legal diferente. A Lei 6.404/76 (LSA) apenas destina a exclusão para casos de acionista remisso (artigo 107, II), permanecendo silente com relação ao inadimplemento de deveres de colaboração e lealdade (em conjunto, deveres de cooperação). Nesse contexto, a doutrina e a jurisprudência brasileiras tendem a admitir a hipótese de exclusão em tais casos por aplicação do artigo 1.030 do Código Civil, destinado a regular a matéria no âmbito das sociedades simples. Para tanto, aproximam a companhia fechada das sociedades de pessoas a fim de justificar, dada a alegada omissão da lei especial a esse respeito, o tratamento por analogia. A partir do estudo sistemático da LSA, que compreende, entre outros, o entendimento do princípio da circulação de ações e da extensão dos deveres de boa-fé entre os sócios, pretende-se admitir a hipótese com base na própria lógica acionária, em razão da eventual relevância do relacionamento societário para a consecução do fim social. Em tais companhias, o adimplemento dos deveres de cooperação torna-se tão imprescindível quanto o adimplemento do dever de conferimento para o alcance do escopo comum. Em decorrência desse raciocínio, a exclusão torna-se admissível na ocorrência de inadimplemento de qualquer dever social que inviabilize, real ou potencialmente, o preenchimento do fim social. A identificação de eventual affectio societatis entre os acionistas, portanto, passa a ser irrelevante. Admitir a hipótese no que se refere a acionista controlador se revela ainda importante instrumento de limitação do exercício ilegítimo do poder de controle e não se confunde com a sanção de perdas e danos prevista na LSA por abuso de poder de controle. Por fim, será analisada a conveniência da exclusão do controlador, em razão de sua relevância pessoal para a consecução da atividade, a participação societária por ele detida e da possibilidade de dissolver-se parcialmente a sociedade, com a saída do acionista minoritário descontente.

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This dissertation identifies and challenges post-feminist narratives that remember the second wave or 1960s and 1970s liberal feminism as a radical form of activism. The narratives of three prominent post-feminist authors: Dr. Christina Hoff Sommers, Tammy Bruce and Dr. Laura Schlessinger are used as examples of how identification works as a rhetorical device that motivates individual actors to join in a struggle against liberal and radical feminist ideologies. I argue that each author draws on classically liberal and politically conservative virtues to define a "true" feminism that is at odds with alternative feminist commitments. I demonstrate how these authors create a subject position of a "true feminist" that is reminiscent of the classically liberal suffragist. In Burkean terms, each author constitutes the suffragist as a friend and juxtaposes her with the enemy--modern liberal and radical feminists. I articulate the consequences of such dialectical portrayals of feminist activism and further suggest that these authors' visions of feminism reinforce patriarchal practices, urging women to assimilate into a classically liberal society at the cost of social justice. In opposition to their memories of feminism, I offer a radical democratic approach of remembering feminism that is less concerned with the definition of feminism or feminist than it is with holistically addressing oppression and what oppression means to subjugated populations.

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Delaware sets the governance standards for most public companies. The ability to attract corporations could not be explained solely by the existence of a favorable statutory regime. Delaware was not invariably the first or the only state to implement management friendly provisions. Given the interpretive gaps in the statute and the critical importance of the common law in the governance process, courts played an outsized role in setting legal standards. The management friendly nature of the Delaware courts contributed significantly to the state’s attraction to public corporations. A current example of a management friendly trend in the case law had seen the recent decisions setting out the board’s authority to adopt bylaws under Section 109 of the Delaware General Corporation Law (DGCL), particularly those involving the shifting of fees in litigation against the corporation or its directors. The DGCL allows bylaws that address “the business of the corporation, the conduct of its affairs, and its rights or powers or the rights or powers of its stockholders, directors, officers or employees.” The broad parameters are, however, subject to limits. Bylaws cannot be inconsistent with the certificate of incorporation or “the law.” Law includes the common law. The Delaware courts have used the limitations imposed by “the law” to severely restrict the reach of shareholder inspired bylaws. The courts have not used the same principles to impose similar restraints on bylaws adopted by the board of directors. This can be seen with respect to bylaws that restrict or even eliminate the right of shareholders to bring actions against management and the corporation. In ATP Tour, Inc. v. Deutscher Tennis Bund the court approved a fee shifting bylaw that had littl relationship to the internal affairs of the corporation. The decision upheld the bylaw as facially valid.The decision ignored a number of obvious legal infirmities. Among other things, the decision did not adequately address the requirement in Section 109(b) that bylaws be consistent with “the law.” The decision obliquely acknowledged that the provisions would “by their nature, deter litigation” but otherwise made no effort to assess the impact of this deterrence on shareholders causes of action. The provision in fact had the practical effect of restricting, if not eliminating, litigation rights granted by the DGCL and the common law. Perhaps most significantly, however, the bylaws significantly limited common law rights of shareholders to bring actions against the corporation and the board. Given the high dismissal rates for these actions, fee shifting bylaws imposed a meaningful risk of liability on plaintiffs. Moreover, because judgments in derivative suits were paid to the corporation, shareholders serving as plaintiffs confronted the risk of liability without any offsetting direct benefit. By preventing suits in this area, the bylaw effectively insulated the behavior of boards from legal challenge. The ATP decision was poorly reasoned and overstepped acceptable boundaries. The management friendly decision threatened the preeminent role of Delaware in the development of corporate law. The decision raised the specter of federal intervention and the potential for meaningful competition from the states. Because the opinion examined the bylaw in the context of non-stock companies, the reasoning may remain applicable only to those entities and never make the leap to for-profit stock corporations. Nonetheless, the analysis reflects a management friendly approach that does not adequately take into account the impact of the provision on the rights of shareholders.

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This letter focuses on SEC interpretations of Rule 14a-8(i)(10). The provision allows issuers to exclude shareholder proposals that have been “substantially implemented.” This has traditionally been used to allow for the exclusion of proposals rendered “moot” by the company’s actions. Companies, however, need not implement the shareholder proposal “exactly.” As a result, the staff is often asked to determine whether changes made by the company are substantial. The comment letter discusses positions taken by the staff where the company adopts a proposal asking that shareholders with a specified percentage of shares have the right to call a special meeting but limits eligible shares to those held for a specified period of time.

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The Securities and Exchange Commission has been analyzing its interpretation under Subsection (i)(9) of Rule 14a-8. This provision allows for the exclusion of shareholder proposals that conflict with those submitted by management. The staff has been examining its interpretation since instructed to do so by the chair of the SEC following a no action appeal in a case involving Whole Foods. A number of letters and memos submitted in connection with the review have analyzed the issue. At least one asserted that any change in interpretation required the Commission to go through the process of notice and comment. This letter asserts that notice and comment is not required, relying extensively on Perez v. Mortgage Bankers Association.

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Lying has a complicated relationship with the First Amendment. It is beyond question that some lies – such as perjury or pretending to be a police officer – are not covered by the First Amendment. But it is equally clear that some lies, even intentionally lying about military honors, are entitled to First Amendment protection. U.S. v. Alvarez, 132 S. Ct. 2537 (2012). To date, however, both Supreme Court doctrine and academic commentary has taken for granted that any constitutional protection for lies is purely prophylactic – it protects the liar to avoid chilling truthful speech. This Article is the first to argue, contrary to conventional wisdom, that certain types of lies paradoxically advance the values underlying the First Amendment. Our framework is descriptively novel and doctrinally important insofar as we provide the first comprehensive post-Alvarez look at the wide range of lies that may raise First Amendment issues. Because there was no majority opinion in Alvarez, there is uncertainty about which standard of constitutional scrutiny should apply to protected lies, an issue we examine at length. Moreover, our normative claim is straightforward: when a lie has intrinsic or instrumental value it should be treated differently from other types of lies and warrant the greatest constitutional protection. Specifically, we argue that investigative deceptions – lies used to secure truthful factual information about matters of public concern – deserve the utmost constitutional protection because they advance the underling purposes of free speech: they enhance political discourse, help reveal the truth, and promote individual autonomy. A prototypical investigative deception is the sort of misrepresentation required in order for an undercover journalist, investigator, or activist to gain access to information or images of great political significance that would not be available if the investigator disclosed her reporting or political objectives. Tactical use of such lies have a long history in American journalism and activism, from Upton Sinclair to his modern day heirs. Using the proliferation of anti-whistleblower statutes like Ag Gag laws as an illustrative example, we argue that investigative deceptions are a category of high value lies that ought to receive rigorous protection under the First Amendment. At the same time, we recognize that not all lies are alike and that in other areas, the government regulation of lies serves legitimate interests. We therefore conclude the Article by drawing some limiting principles to our theory.

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Despite the gargantuan stakes that mergers and acquisitions represent, global companies' success rate at integrating organizations has been dismal, incurring billions of dollars in lost shareholder value. International human resources' handling of the cultural integration process is the principal differentiator between success and failure. This Capstone project proposes a process for developing cultural integration mechanisms, known as glue technology, and provides a step-by-step process map for execution through four phases. During planning, the need for glue technology is defined. Through analysis, rewards systems are assessed, and a strategy is chosen. In implementation planning, unanimous executive commitment must be secured. Last is measurement based on the integration plan's objectives. Enabling mechanisms such as removing negative influencers, speed, and communication are discussed.

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Pese a los progresos logrados en la protección de los derechos fundamentales de salud y educación de las personas sordas usuarias de las lenguas de signos, a menudo se sigue negando a niños sordos su derecho a aprender y usar las lenguas de signos en su educación y en entornos físicos y psicosociales accesibles de conformidad con la Convención de los Derechos de las Personas con Discapacidad (CDPD) y con las recientes leyes 27/2007 y 17/2007. El objetivo principal de este estudio fue obtener información sobre los factores estratégicos que favorecen una escuela saludable e inclusiva, mediante programas de educación bilingüe sostenibles y de calidad para escolares sordos en España. La metodología utilizada consistió en un estudio descriptivo con componentes de investigación-acción participativa y un enfoque de análisis estratégico. Como resultados, cabe destacar que las principales macrotendencias que, en el ámbito internacional, han promovido el cambio hacia prácticas bilingües son dos: en primer lugar, los cambios sociales y políticos que tienden a una creciente aceptación de la diversidad y los temas relacionados con las personas sordas; y en segundo lugar, una tendencia a un activismo, una autoconciencia y un apoderamiento crecientes por parte de las personas sordas. Como contrapartida, las que lo han obstaculizado son, por un lado, la visión de la sordera como una condición médica, que puede solucionarse mediante la tecnología; y por otro lado, el fonocentrismo, unido a una cierta resistencia social a lo desconocido. Aunque en España algunas de las escuelas que han iniciado el cambio cumplen las recomendaciones de la CDPD, la mayoría están todavía en una fase preliminar de formulación o puesta en práctica de este nuevo modelo y distan mucho de encontrarse distribuidas de manera igualitaria en las diferentes comunidades autónomas. Como conclusión podemos decir que conseguir una educación más saludable e inclusiva para los escolares sordos implica poner en marcha una estrategia de actuación planificada en la que participen activamente todos los sectores y organismos relevantes implicados y, en particular, las comunidades sordas a través de las organizaciones que las representan. Sin un cambio radical de perspectiva, la salud y la educación no serán accesibles a todos y las desigualdades sociales se verán acentuadas.

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This paper shows the increasing trend of Spanish young people towards non-conventional mechanisms of political expression, in a crisis context which has reduced its reliance on traditional political actors. As an alternative to bipartisanship, political participation moves towards increased interest and attention to new players, such as emergent political parties. Using a covariance structural model, factors such as political activism, awareness and understanding of country problems, and trust in the political system, are explored in order to explain an electoral behavior that is undergoing deep changes.

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This study aims to analyze how middle-level health systems’ managers understand the integration of a health care response to intimate partner violence (IPV) within the Spanish health system. Data were obtained through 26 individual interviews with professionals in charge of coordinating the health care response to IPV within the 17 regional health systems in Spain. The transcripts were analyzed following grounded theory in accordance with the constructivist approach described by Charmaz. Three categories emerged, showing the efforts and challenges to integrate a health care response to IPV within the Spanish health system: “IPV is a complex issue that generates activism and/or resistance,” “The mandate to integrate a health sector response to IPV: a priority not always prioritized,” and “The Spanish health system: respectful with professionals’ autonomy and firmly biomedical.” The core category, “Developing diverse responses to IPV integration,” crosscut the three categories and encompassed the range of different responses that emerge when a strong mandate to integrate a health care response to IPV is enacted. Such responses ranged from refraining to deal with the issue to offering a women-centered response. Attempting to integrate a response to nonbiomedical health problems as IPV into health systems that remain strongly biomedicalized is challenging and strongly dependent both on the motivation of professionals and on organizational factors. Implementing and sustaining changes in the structure and culture of the health care system are needed if a health care response to IPV that fulfills the World Health Organization guidelines is to be ensured.

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Recently, resilience has become a catchall solution for some of the world’s most pressing ecological, economic and social problems. This dissertation analyzes the cultural politics of resilience in Kingston, Jamaica by examining them through their purported universal principles of adaptation and flexibility. On the one hand, mainstream development regimes conceptualize resilience as a necessary and positive attribute of economies, societies and cultures if we are to survive any number of disasters or disturbances. Therefore, in Jamaican cultural and development policy resilience is championed as both a means and an end of development. On the other hand, critics of resilience see the new rollout of resilience projects as deepening neoliberalism, capitalism and new forms of governmentality because resilience projects provide the terrain for new forms of securitization and surveillance practices. These scholars argue that resilience often forecloses the possibilities to resist that which threatens us. However, rather than dismissing resilience as solely a sign of domination and governmentality, this dissertation argues that resilience must be understood as much more ambiguous and complex, rather than within binaries such as subversion vs. neoliberal and resistance vs. resilience. Overly simplistic dualities of this nature have been the dominant approach in the scholarship thus far. This dissertation provides a close analysis of resilience in both multilateral and Jamaican government policy documents, while exploring the historical and contemporary production of resilience in the lives of marginalized populations. Through three sites within Kingston, Jamaica—namely dancehall and street dances, WMW-Jamaica and the activist platform SO((U))L HQ—this dissertation demonstrates that “resilience” is best understood as an ambiguous site of power negotiations, social reproduction and survival in Jamaica today. It is often precisely this ambiguous power of ordinary resilience that is capitalized on and exploited to the detriment of vulnerable groups. At once demonstrating creative negotiation and reproduction of colonial capitalist social relations within the realms of NGO, activist work and cultural production, this dissertation demonstrates the complexity of resilience. Ultimately, this dissertation draws attention to the importance of studying spaces of cultural production in order to understand the power and limits of contemporary policy discourses and political economy. 

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Dans ce texte, nous soumettons à examen la conception de l'autisme avancée par Laurent Mottron dans son ouvrage L'autisme : une autre intelligence (Mottron, 2004). Le texte comprend quatre parties. Dans la première partie, nous présentons le cadre paradigmatique de l'auteur en matière de troubles envahissants et l'emphase mise sur une catégorie qu'il tient pour majoritaire bien que négligée dans la littérature scientifique et dans les réseaux de services : les troubles envahissants du développement sans déficienceintellectuelle (TEDSDI). Il assimile ce groupe à un nouvel autisme dominant. Dans la deuxième partie, nous montronsque souscrire à l'idée de l'autisme comme une autre forme d'intelligence ne permet pas une conceptualisation adéquate des capacités ni des déficits des personnes concernées. La troisième partie, aborde le problème du traitement de l'autisme. À l'encontre des propos de Mottron, nous défendons la pertinence de traiter l'autisme, notamment par I'intervention comportementale intensive (lCI) et l'analyse appliquée du comportement et jugeons sa position anachronique. D'autre part, la prépondérance et quasiexclusivité qu'il accorde à TEACCH comme réponse sociopsycho-pédagogique apparaît injustifiée. La quatrième partie constitue une critique de l'analyse des émotions chez les personnes autistes que fait l'auteur à partir d'écrits autobiographiques, un retour vers l'introspection comme méthode de recherche. En conclusion, nous déplorons le ton général du propos, trop dialectique, notamment dans sa dichotomisation entre autistes et non autistes. Le militantisme de Mottron pour les « autistes » sans déficience intellectuelle déçoit, de même que le débordement idéologique de sa théorie en faveur de la reconnaissance d'une culture autistique.

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Summary. The fourth edition of Roma Pride has brought Roma civic activism back in the spotlight. This Roma-rights mobilization, taking place every October in several European cities, has emphasized the centrality of an active civil society in pursuing a successful integration of the Roma in Europe. The ‘Award for Roma Integration’ and the ‘Civil Society Prize 2014’ conferred last October by the European Union (EU) to Roma and pro-Roma Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) have confirmed this approach. Nonetheless, a general discontent towards the EU Roma Integration Policies exists within the Roma Civil Society, who calls for stronger support to and the promotion of “Romaled change”. This Policy Brief investigates the reasons behind such discontent and identifies the ‘distance’ from Roma communities as the Achilles heel of EU policies. It argues for further efforts by the EU to empower Roma organisations operating at the grassroots through community capacity building, structured dialogue and simplification of the funding mechanisms.

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In this paper we examine the effect of law on foreign direct investment outflows with a specific interest in the relationship between international investment law and domestic private property laws. Our results indicate that FDI investor is indifferent to host country property rights, hence shareholder protection by law is not a significant determinant of FDI outflows. We argue that FDI, in contrast with other types of capital flows, can effectively mitigate the agency problem through majority ownership and control, hence reduce exposure to ex-post expropriation by the affiliate. On the other hand, FDI investor remains exposed to risk of expropriation by the host government and is strongly sensitive to the enforcement of law in the host country. In contrast with recent literature we conclude that there are no causal relationship between bilateral investment treaties and FDI.