957 resultados para New city


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Maestrichtian to Holocene calcareous nannofossils from two closely spaced sites on the upper continental rise some 100 miles (161 km) southeast of Atlantic City, New Jersey, were zoned in order to help date a major canyon-cutting event in the late Miocene and to delineate and correlate other hiatuses with seismic stratigraphy. Mid-middle Eocene through middle Miocene sediments (Zones CP14 to CN6) were not recovered in these holes, but nearly all other zones are accounted for. The Eocene section is described in a companion chapter (Applegate and Wise, 1987, doi:10.2973/dsdp.proc.93.118.1987). Nannofossils are generally sparse and moderately preserved in the clastic sediments of Site 604. Sedimentation rates are extremely high for the upper Pleistocene (201 m/m.y. minimum) above a hiatus calculated to span 0.44 to 1.1 Ma. The associated disconformity is correlated with local seismic reflection Horizon Pr . Sedimentation rates continue to be high (93 m/m.y.) down to a second hiatus in the upper Pliocene dated from about 2.4 to 2.9 (or possibly 3.3) Ma. The disconformity associated with this hiatus is correlated with local seismic reflection Horizon P2 and regional Reflector Blue, which can be interpreted to mark either the onset of Northern Hemisphere continental glaciation or circulation changes associated with the closure of the Central American Seaway. Sedimentation rates in the pre-glacial lower Pliocene are only about a third those in the glacial upper Pliocene. A prominent disconformity in the upper Miocene marks a major lithologic boundary that separates Messinian(?) glauconitic claystones above from lower Tortonian conglomeratic debris flows and turbidites below. The debris flows recovered are assigned to nannofossil Zones CN8a and CN7, but drilling difficulties prevented penetration of the bottom of this sequence some 100 m below the terminal depth of the hole. Correlation of the lower bounding seismic reflector (M2/Merlin?) to a drift sequence drilled on the lower rise at DSDP Site 603, however, predicts that the debris flows began close to the beginning of the late Miocene (upper Zone CN6 time) at about 10.5 Ma. The debris flows represent a major canyon-cutting event that we correlate with the beginning of the particularly severe late Miocene glaciations believed to be associated with the formation of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet. The existence of these spectacular debris flows strongly suggest that the late Miocene glacio-eustatic low stand occurred during Vail Cycle TM3.1 (lower Tortonian) rather than during Vail Cycle TM3.2 (Messinian) as originally published. Beneath a set of coalesced regional disconformities centered upon seismic reflection Horizon Au, coccoliths are abundant and in general are moderately preserved at Site 605 in a 619-m carbonate section extending from the middle Eocene Zone CP13b to the upper Maestrichtian Lithraphidites quadratus Zone. Sedimentation rates are 37 m/m.y. in the Eocene down to a condensed interval near the base (Zone CP9). A disconformity is suspected near the Eocene/Paleocene boundary. Sedimentation rates for the upper Paleocene Zone CP8 are similar to those of the Eocene, but Zones CP7 and CP6 lie within another condensed interval. The highest Paleocene rates are 67 m/m.y. down through Zones CP5 and CP4 to a major disconformity that separates the upper Paleocene from the Danian. This hiatus spans about 2.6 m.y. (upper Zone CP3 to lower Zone CP2) and corresponds to the major sea-level drop at the base of Vail Cycle TE2.1. As the most prominent break in this Paleogene section, it may correspond to seismic reflection Horizon A* of the North American Basin. Sedimentation rates from this point to the Cretaceous/Tertiary boundary drop to 11 m/m.y., still high for a Paleocene DSDP section. No major break in deposition could be detected at the Cretaceous/Tertiary boundary.

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During the Cretaceous, widespread black shale deposition occurred during a series of Oceanic Anoxic Events (OAEs). Multiple processes are known to control the deposition of marine black shales, including changes in primary productivity, organic matter preservation, and dilution. OAEs offer an opportunity to evaluate the relative roles of these forcing factors. The youngest of these events-the Coniacian to Santonian OAE 3-resulted in a prolonged organic carbon burial event in shallow and restricted marine environments including the Western Interior Seaway. New high-resolution isotope, organic, and trace metal records from the latest Turonian to early Santonian Niobrara Formation are used to characterize the amount and composition of organic matter preserved, as well as the geochemical conditions under which it accumulated. Redox sensitive metals (Mo, Mn, and Re) indicate a gradual drawdown of oxygen leading into the abrupt onset of organic carbon-rich (up to 8%) deposition. High Hydrogen Indices (HI) and organic carbon to total nitrogen ratios (C:N) demonstrate that the elemental composition of preserved marine organic matter is distinct under different redox conditions. Local changes in d13C indicate that redox-controlled early diagenesis can also significantly alter d13Corg records. These results demonstrate that the development of anoxia is of primary importance in triggering the prolonged carbon burial in the Niobrara Formation. Sea level reconstructions, d18O results, and Mo/total organic carbon ratios suggest that stratification and enhanced bottom water restriction caused the drawdown of bottom water oxygen. Increased nutrients from benthic regeneration and/or continental runoff may have sustained primary productivity.

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The carbon geochemistry of serpentinized peridotites and gabbroic rocks recovered at the Lost City Hydrothermal Field (LCHF) and drilled at IODP Hole 1309D at the central dome of the Atlantis Massif (Mid-Atlantic Ridge, 30°N) was examined to characterize carbon sources and speciation in oceanic basement rocks affected by long-lived hydrothermal alteration. Our study presents new data on the geochemistry of organic carbon in the oceanic lithosphere and provides constraints on the fate of dissolved organic carbon in seawater during serpentinization. The basement rocks of the Atlantis Massif are characterized by total carbon (TC) contents of 59 ppm to 1.6 wt% and 17863_TC values ranging from -28.7? to +2.3?. In contrast, total organic carbon (TOC) concentrations and isotopic compositions are relatively constant (d13C_TOC: -28.9? to -21.5?) and variations in d13CTC reflect mixing of organic carbon with carbonates of marine origin. Saturated hydrocarbons extracted from serpentinites beneath the LCHF consist of n-alkanes ranging from C15 to C30. Longer-chain hydrocarbons (up to C40) are observed in olivine-rich samples from the central dome (IODP Hole 1309D). Occurrences of isoprenoids (pristane, phytane and squalane), polycyclic compounds (hopanes and steranes) and higher relative abundances of n-C16 to n-C20 alkanes in the serpentinites of the southern wall suggest a marine organic input. The vent fluids are characterized by high concentrations of methane and hydrogen, with a putative abiotic origin of hydrocarbons; however, evidence for an inorganic source of n-alkanes in the basement rocks remains equivocal. We propose that high seawater fluxes in the southern part of the Atlantis Massif likely favor the transport and incorporation of marine dissolved organic carbon and overprints possible abiotic geochemical signatures. The presence of pristane, phytane and squalane biomarkers in olivine-rich samples associated with local faults at the central dome implies fracture-controlled seawater circulation deep into the gabbroic core of the massif. Thus, our study indicates that hydrocarbons account for an important proportion of the total carbon stored in the Atlantis Massif basement and suggests that serpentinites may represent an important (as yet unidentified) reservoir for dissolved organic carbon (DOC) from seawater.

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Identity is a recurrent research interest in current sociolinguistics and it is also of primary interest in digital discourse studies. Identity construction is closely related to stance and style (Eckert 2008; Jaffe 2009), which are fundamental concepts for understanding the language use and its social meanings in the case of social media users from Malaga. As the specific social meanings of a set of dialect features constitute a style, this style and the social (and technological) context in which the variants are used determine the meanings that are actually associated with each variant. Hence, every variant has its own indexical field covering any number of potential meanings. The Spanish spoken in Malaga, as Andalusian Spanish in general, was in the past often times considered an incorrect, low prestige variety of Spanish which was strongly associated with the poor, rural, backward South of Spain. This southern Spanish variety is easily recognised because of its innovative phonetic features that diverge from the national standard. In this study several of these phonetic dialect features are looked at, which users from Malaga purposefully employ (in a textualised form) on social media for identity construction. This identity construction is analysed through interactional and ethnographic methods: A perception and an imitation task served as key data and were supplemented by answers to a series of open questions. Further data stems from visual, multimodal elements (e.g. images, photos, videos) posted by users from the city of Malaga. The program TAMS Analyzer was used for data codification and analysis. Results show that certain features that in spoken language are considered rural and old-fashioned, acquire new meaning on social media, namely of urbanity and fashion. Moreover, these features, if used online, are associated with hipsters. That is, the “cool” social media index the “coolness” of the dialect features in question and, thus, the mediatisation makes their indexical fields even more multi-layered and dynamic. Social media users from Malaga performatively employ these stylised dialect features to project a hipster identity and certain related stances.

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The recent revolts of the middle class in the national capitals of the Philippines and Thailand have raised a new question about democratic consolidation. Why would the urban middle class, which is expected to stabilize democracy, expel the democratically elected leaders through extra-constitutional action? This article seeks to explain such middle class deviation from democratic institutions through an examination of urban primacy and the change in the winning coalition. The authoritarian regime previously in power tended to give considerable favor to the primate city to prevent it revolting against the ruler, because it could have become a menace to his power. But after democratization the new administration shifts policy orientation from an urban to rural bias because it needs to garner support from rural voters to win elections. Such a shift dissatisfies the middle class in the primate city. In this article I take up the Philippines as a case study to examine this theory.

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The traditional buildings in the historic center of the city of Arequipa, Perú, recently declared of human heritage, are of volcanic tuff both in walls and in vaulted roofs on the ground floor. Having been built in the 18th century and up to the beginning of the 20th century, they have suffered many damages from the seismic movements registered in this region. Due to this, many of them have had to be rebuilt. In this presentation, the different changes to adapt the city of Spanish colonial origin to the present tertiary use are analyzed.

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The need of the Bourbon monarchy to build a Naval Base in the Bay of Cartagena (Spain) during the eighteenth century, implied performing various actions on the environment which allowed the construction of the new dock. One of the priority actions was the transformation of the watershed of the streams that flowed into Mandaraches´s sea. For this reason, a dike was designed and constructed in the northern part of the city. The design of this great work, which was designed as a fortification of the city, was subject to considerable uncertainties. Its proximity to the city involved the demolition of several buildings in the San Roque´s neighborhood. The greater or lesser number of affected buildings and the value of the just indemnification for the expropriation of them, become decisive factors to determine if the work was viable for the Royal Estate or not.

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The area of mobile city guides has grown really fast in the last years based on new mobile capabilities. This growth has been fostered by the evolution of ubiquitous systems and the great penetration of smartphones in the society. In this paper we propose a generic model to support a new way of visiting the city: instead of as a place for tourism, we see it as a place for learning in which located educational resources are available for end users. The model has been conceived as a way to encourage them to create their own educational tours, in which Learning Points Of Interest are set up to be discovered. Two main use cases are supported by the model: formal (conducted by a teacher) and informal (no educator is related to the learning experience) outdoor mobile learning. Details about the impact of the conjunction of tourism, learning and gamification dimensions in the model design, as well as about the model itself are provided. Finally, a mobile application prototype developed in the context of the FI-CONTENT European project is presented as a proof of concept of the model.

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This paper addresses the economic impact assessment of the construction of a new road on the regional distribution of jobs. The paper summarizes different existing model approaches considered to assess economic impacts through a literature review. Afterwards, we present the development of a comprehensive approach for analyzing the interaction of new transport infrastructure and the economic impact through an integrated model. This model has been applied to the construction of the motorway A-40 in Spain (497 Km.) which runs across three regions without passing though Madrid City. This may in turn lead to the relocation of labor and capital due to the improvement of accessibility of markets or inputs. The result suggests the existence of direct and indirect effects in other regions derived from the improvement of the transportation infrastructure, and confirms the relevance of road freight transport in some regions. We found that the changes in regional employment are substantial for some regions (increasing or decreasing jobs), but a t the same time negligible in other regions. As a result,the approach provides broad guidance to national governments and other transport-related parties about the impacts of this transport policy.

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Among the main features that are intended to become part of what can be expected from the Smart City, one of them should be an improved energy management system, in order to benefit from a healthier relation with the environment, minimize energy expenses, and offer dynamic market opportunities. A Smart Grid seems like a very suitable infrastructure for this objective, as it guarantees a two-way information flow that will provide the means for energy management enhancement. However, to obtain all the required information, another entity must care about all the devices required to gather the data. What is more, this entity must consider the lifespan of the devices within the Smart Grid—when they are turned on and off or when new appliances are added—along with the services that devices are able to provide. This paper puts forward SMArc—an acronym for semantic middleware architecture—as a middleware proposal for the Smart Grid, so as to process the collected data and use it to insulate applications from the complexity of the metering facilities and guarantee that any change that may happen at these lower levels will be updated for future actions in the system.

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El tema de estudio de esta tesis son las propuestas urbanas que Andrea Branzi ha desarrollado durante los últimos cincuenta años, centrándose especialmente en aquellas más elaboradas y completas: la No-Stop City (1970-71), que elabora como miembro del grupo radical Archizoom, y dos de sus modelos de urbanización débil, Agronica (1995) y el Master Plan para el Strijp Philips de Eindhoven (2000). Se trata de una parte de su obra que ha mantenido constante, a lo largo del tiempo, una propuesta de disolución de la arquitectura de notable consistencia que puede describirse con la fórmula “città senza architettura”, acuñada por él mismo. Una voluntad que ya se apunta en la muy variada producción de Archizoom previa a la No-Stop City, y que cristaliza y se hace explícita en este proyecto que aspiraba a: “liberar al hombre de la arquitectura”. A pesar de la continuidad de esta idea en el tiempo, la ciudad sin arquitectura de Branzi ha evolucionado claramente dando lugar a distintos tipos de disolución. Una disolución que, obviamente, no supone la efectiva desaparición de la disciplina, sino la formulación de una arquitectura “otra” basada en un replanteamiento radical de la naturaleza y el papel de la misma. Esta agenda contra la disciplina se ha desplegado a través de una serie de temas que socavan el objeto arquitectónico canónico (su vaciamiento expresivo, la pérdida de importancia de la envolvente y la forma acabada, el carácter anticompositivo, la independencia entre forma y función, la mutabilidad en el tiempo…), pero va más allá al poner en crisis el rol que la propia arquitectura ha tenido en la configuración material, política y simbólica del hábitat humano. Una pérdida de protagonismo y centralidad en la sociedad contemporánea que, en el discurso del arquitecto, implica necesariamente un papel subordinado. De este proceso de disolución surge un nuevo tipo de ciudad en la que la forma urbana o se ha perdido o se ha convertido en superflua, en la que se ha disuelto la zonificación funcional, cuyos espacios interiores se hallan en un proceso de permanente reprogramación que ignora las tipologías, que trasciende la división entre lo urbano y lo agrícola y que es, ante todo, un espacio de flujos y servicios. La crisis de la ciudad tradicional implica, en definitiva, un cambio en la naturaleza misma de lo urbano que pasa de considerarse un lugar físico y construido, a convertirse en una condición inmaterial y virtualmente omnipresente que se despliega independientemente de su soporte físico. En las investigaciones urbanas de Branzi convergen, además, muchas de las reflexiones que el arquitecto ha desarrollado sobre, y desde, las distintas “escalas” de la actividad profesional: diseño, arquitectura y urbanismo. Estas propuestas no sólo cuestionan las relaciones establecidas entre objetos, edificios, ciudades y territorios sino que ponen en cuestión estas mismas categorías. Unas ciudades sin arquitectura que se basan, en última instancia, en plantear preguntas que son muy sencillas y, por otra parte, eternas: ¿Qué es un edificio? ¿Qué es una ciudad? ABSTRACT The subject of study of this thesis are the urban proposals developed by Andrea Branzi over the last fifty years, with a special focus on the more developed and comprehensive ones: the No- Stop City (1970-1971), produced as a member of the architettura radicale group Archizoom, and two of his “weak urbanization models”: Agronica (1995) and the Master Plan for Philips Strijp in Eindhoven (2000). This area of his work has kept, over time, a remarkably consistent proposal for the dissolution of architecture that can be described with the motto città senza architettura (city without architecture), coined by himself. A determination, already latent in the very diverse production of Archizoom prior to No-Stop City, that crystallizes and becomes explicit in this project which was aimed to "liberate man from the architecture." Despite the continuity of this idea over time, Branzi’s city without architecture has clearly evolved leading to different types of dissolution. A dissolution that, obviously, does not mean the effective demise of the discipline, but rather, the formulation of an architecture autre based on a radical rethinking of its nature and role. This agenda against the discipline has been developed through a number of issues that undermine the canonical architectural object (its expressive emptying, the loss of importance of the envelope and the finished shape, the anticompositional character, the independence between form and function, the mutability over time...), but goes beyond it by putting into crisis the role that architecture itself has had in the material, political and symbolic configuration of the human habitat. A loss of prominence and centrality in contemporary society that, in the architect’s discourse, implies a subordinate role. From this dissolution process, a new type of city arises: a city where urban form has been lost or has become superfluous, in which functional zoning has dissolved, whose interiors are in a permanent process of reprogramming that ignores typologies, that transcends the division between urban and agricultural and becomes, above all, a space of flows and services. Ultimately, the crisis of the traditional city implies a change in the very nature of the urban that moves from being regarded as a physical and built place, to become an immaterial and virtually omnipresent condition that unfolds regardless of its physical medium. Many of the ideas Branzi has developed on, and from, the different "scales" of professional activity (design, architecture and urbanism) converge in his urban research. These proposals not only question the relations between objects, buildings, cities and territories but also these very categories. Cities without architecture that are based, ultimately, on raising simple questions that are, on the other hand, eternal: What is a building? What is a city?

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The third Training School of the Action took place in Vitoria-Gasteiz (Basque country, Spain) from 24th to 26th September 2014. Vitoria-Gateiz has experimented an important urban outgrowth in the last decade, mainly through the planning and development of two new neighborhoods, Zabalgana and Salburúa, situated at the eastern and western border of the city, by the Greenbelt. These new development are well-equipped and designed according to sustainability principles. Nevertheless, among the main problems they present is their over-dimensioned public space, which creates some areas lacking enough density and mix of uses. On the other hand it is very expensive for the municipality to maintain these public space with the high Vitorian urban standards for public space. The proposed solution for this problem is a strategy of "re-densification" through the insertion of new uses The debate has arisen about which are the most adequate uses to insert in order to get an increasing of urban vitality, specially considering that housing has reached its peak and that Vitoria-Gasteiz is well served with social and sport amenities. The main goal of the TS was to offer an opportunity for the reflection about how urban agriculture might be an optimal alternative for the re-qualifying of this over-dimensioned public space in the new neighbourhoods, especially considering it synergic potential as a tool for production, leisure and landscaping, including the possibility of energy crops within the limits of urban space. Continuity with rural and natural surrounding area through alternatives for urban fringe at the small scale is a relevant issue to be considered as well within the reflection. Taking Zabalgana neighbourhood as a practical field for experiment, the Training School is conceived as a practical and intensive design charrette to be held during a whole day after two days of local knowledge-deepening through field visits and presentations.

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La reticula de Nueva York ha sido un formato de nuevos planteamientos de "hacer ciudad" desde hace dos siglos. Esta ultima decada ha suspuesto un periodo fructifero para el espacio publico neoyorkino bajo la administracion de Michael Bloomerg. Esta revitalizacion no habria podido ser posible sin la reactivacion de factores de espacio publico que ya existian: la reticula, la legislacion publica y el rol del ciudadano. El ciudadano juega un papel fundamental en la ciudad, ya que es usuario, critico y promotor de espacio publico. Sin embargo, en ocasiones no es evidente para quien o quienes estan pensados los nuevos espacios publicos en la ciudad. Desde esta perspectiva, podemos identificar diferentes usuarios en la ciudad y analizar formulas recientes de espacio publico para cada uno de ellos: el vecino, el ciudadano, y el visitante. En palabras de Jane Jacobs: " las ciudades tienen la capacidad de proveer algo para todo el mundo, solo porque, y solo cuando, han sido proyectadas por todo el mundo".

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English Summary: Both in the remote origin of the city and the more recent one of urbanism as a remedial discipline conceived as a means of tackling with the urban and territorial impacts of industrialisation, the relatively balanced relation between town and country was a constant which endured until the progressive fragmentation and separation among the different areas of knowledge and action contributed to create a gap between them both, with disastrous consequences in environmental, social and economical terms. The tasks at hands from the perspective of integral sustainability is to promote a reunion throughout a new culture of territory. Resumen Tanto en los orígenes remotos de la ciudad como en los recientes del urbanismo como disciplina surgida para mitigar el impacto urbano y territorial del industrialismo, la relación relativamente equilibrada entre campo y ciudad fue una constante que se mantuvo hasta que la progresiva fragmentación entre áreas de conocimiento y de intervención contribuyó a un paulatino desencuentro entre ambos, de desastrosas consecuencias en términos sociales, ambientales y económicos. La tarea que se presenta desde la óptica de la sostenibilidad integral es propiciar el reencuentro a través de una nueva cultura del territorio

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In 2015, it will be thirty years since Spanish Historic Heritage Law from 1985 was approved. The results after three decades under this law are necessarily positive and witness how the complex autonomous regional legislation has been promoted, guided and organized in this Heritage field. In addition, the law enforcement has brought into the scene how the numerous public and private initiatives involved in caring, managing, protecting and restoring our cultural heritage have been channeled and regulated, as well as monitoring the impact these initiatives produce on urban archaeology. During this long period of Spanish recent history, cultural heritage -understood as an important development tool, especially when related to cultural tourism- has succeeded in channeling resources for developing the historical research projects, both documental and archaeological, that the Spanish monumental urban ensembles were requiring. In this context, the case of the city of Madrid is a clear example of the significant development that urban Historical Archaeology has experienced in Spain over the last thirty years, especially when dealing with the study of the Middle Ages (8th to 15th centuries) and the Modern Age (16th to 18th centuries). Given the number of interventions and the important results obtained by many of them, Madrid urban archaeology is an extraordinary example of the consequences of implementing new management models, changing criteria and operating procedures, and also, of course, of the conflicts and debates raised regarding heritage, as well as the importance these interventions have implied, which is the main aim of this work.