A importância do ensino do direito penal-criminal nos cursos (também) jurídicos num Portugal mais ético e menos corrupto

Em notícia doutros órgãos de comunicação social, v.g. TVI, 3/12/13, dizia-se o seguinte: “Portugal manteve, em 2013, o 33.º lugar no Índice de Perceção da Corrupção da organização Transparência Internacional, mas perdeu pontuação”. Abstract: In news from other media, eg TVI, 12/03/13, it was said the following: "Portugal maintained in 2013, the 33 place in the Perception Index of Transparency International Corruption, but lost points."

A distributed platform for the volunteer execution of workflows on a local area network

Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Computer Science

A intervenção dos orgãos de polícia criminal em sede de julgamento

Currently, Portugal assumes itself as a democratic rule of substantive law State, sustained by a legal system seeking the right balance between the guarantee of fundamental rights and freedoms constitutional foreseen in Portugal’s Fundamental Law and criminal persecution. The architecture of the penal code lies with, roughly speaking, a accusatory basic structure, “deliberately attached to one of the most remarkable achievements of the civilizational democratic progress, and by obedience to the constitutional commandment”, in balance with the official investigation principle, valid both for the purpose of prosecution and trial. Regarding the principle of non self-incrimination - nemo tenetur se ipsum accusare, briefly defined as the defendant’s right of not being obliged to contribute to the self-incrimination, it should be stressed that there isn’t an explicit consecration in the Portuguese Constitution, being commonly accepted in an implicit constitutional prediction and deriving from other constitutional rights and principles, first and foremost, the meaning and scope of the concept of democratic rule of Law State, embedded in the Fundamental Law, and in the guidelines of the constitutional principles of human person dignity, freedom of action and the presumption of innocence. In any case, about the (in) applicability of the principle of the prohibition of self-incrimination to the Criminal Police Bodies in the trial hearing in Court, and sharing an idea of Guedes Valente, the truth is that the exercise of criminal action must tread a transparent path and non-compliant with methods to obtain evidence that violate the law, the public order or in violation of democratic principles and loyalty (Guedes Valente, 2013, p. 484). Within the framework of the penal process relating to the trial, which is assumed as the true phase of the process, the witness represents a relevant figure for the administration of criminal justice, for the testimonial proof is, in the idea of Othmar Jauernig, the worst proof of evidence, but also being the most frequent (Jauernig, 1998, p. 289). As coadjutant of the Public Prosecutor and, in specific cases, the investigating judge, the Criminal Police Bodies are invested with high responsibility, being "the arms and eyes of Judicial Authorities in pursuing the criminal investigation..." which has as ultimate goal the fulfillment of the Law pursuing the defense of society" (Guedes Valente, 2013, p. 485). It is in this context and as a witness that, throughout operational career, the Criminal Police Bodies are required to be at the trial hearing and clarify the Court with its view about the facts relating to occurrences of criminal context, thus contributing very significantly and, in some cases, decisively for the proper administration of the portuguese criminal justice. With regards to the intervention of Criminal Police Bodies in the trial hearing in Court, it’s important that they pay attention to a set of standards concerning the preparation of the testimony, the very provision of the testimony and, also, to its conclusion. Be emphasized that these guidelines may become crucial for the quality of the police testimony at the trial hearing, thus leading to an improvement of the enforcement of justice system. In this vein, while preparing the testimony, the Criminal Police Bodies must present itself in court with proper clothing, to read before and carefully the case files, to debate the facts being judged with other Criminal Police Bodies and prepare potential questions. Later, while giving his testimony during the trial, the Criminal Police Bodies must, summing up, to take the oath in a convincing manner, to feel comfortable, to start well by convincingly answering the first question, keep an attitude of serenity, to adopt an attitude of collaboration, to avoid the reading of documents, to demonstrate deference and seriousness before the judicial operators, to use simple and objective language, to adopt a fluent speech, to use nonverbal language correctly, to avoid spontaneity responding only to what is asked, to report only the truth, to avoid hesitations and contradictions, to be impartial and to maintain eye contact with the judge. Finally, at the conclusion of the testimony, the Criminal Police Bodies should rise in a smooth manner, avoiding to show relief, resentment or satisfaction, leaving a credible and professional image and, without much formality, requesting the judge permission to leave the courtroom. As final note, it’s important to stress that "The intervention of the Police Criminal Bodies in the trial hearing in Court” encloses itself on a theme of crucial importance not only for members of the Police and Security Forces, who must welcome this subject with the utmost seriousness and professionalism, but also for the proper administration of the criminal justice system in Portugal.

El comportamiento penalmente relevante en el delito de defraudación tributaria: una propuesta político-criminal

El sistema tributario es fundamental en el Estado social y democrático de Derecho, pues el ejercicio y efectivo disfrute de muchos derechos fundamentales depende del correcto funcionamiento de la actividad tributaria. Además de esto, la situación económica actual demanda una adecuada política en contra del fraude tributario, lo que necesariamente implica analizar si el modelo penal vigente es el más adecuado para enfrentar el fraude fiscal. Teniendo en cuenta que muchas de las características de la criminalidad tributaria no son exclusivas de un país, pues ésta trasciende habitualmente las fronteras de los países por medio del recurso a empresas multinacionales o la localización de empresas en “paraísos fiscales”, el análisis del fraude tributario no debe limitarse al examen jurídico del modelo legislativo español, debiendo trascender a un estudio de política criminal que vincula consideraciones criminológicas y jurídicas. En consecuencia, en esta investigación se propone un análisis que no se reduce a los debates exclusivamente jurídicos. Se busca, además, efectuar un examen que tenga por fundamento una perspectiva criminológica y de Law in action a fin de evaluar críticamente la respuesta a la criminalidad tributaria por parte del modelo de regulación penal vigente en España. Esta orientación permitirá una más amplia comprensión del fenómeno de la criminalidad tributaria, así como de las categorías jurídicas adecuadas político criminalmente para su prevención. Este estudio interdisciplinario nos conducirá, al final de la investigación, tanto a proponer la interpretación del modelo de legislación penal vigente, como una reforma al mismo que pretenda solucionar algunos de los problemas de prevención que a lo largo de la investigación se señalan.

Iowa Uniform Crime Report, Iowa Department of Public Safety, 1997

In 1974, the 65th Iowa General Assembly enacted a provision of Chapter 749 B of the Code of Iowa requiring law enforcement agencies to submit reports of crime and arrests to the Bureau of Criminal Investigation. The following language now is contained in section 692.15 Code of Iowa concerning Uniform Crime Reports: If it comes to the attention of a sheriff, police department or other law enforcement agency that a public offense has been committed in its jurisdiction, the law enforcement agency shall report information concerning such a public offense to the department on a form to be furnished by the department not more than thirty-five days from the time the public offense first comes to the attention of the law enforcement agency. The reports shall be used to generate crime statistics. The department shall submit statistics to the governor, the general assembly, and the division of criminal and juvenile justice planning of the department of human rights on a quarterly and yearly basis.

Iowa Uniform Crime Report, Iowa Department of Public Safety, 1998

If it comes to the attention of a sheriff, police department or other law enforcement agency that a public offense has been committed in its jurisdiction, the law enforcement agency shall report information concerning such a public offense to the department on a form to be furnished by the department not more than thirty-five days from the time the public offense first comes to the attention of the law enforcement agency. The reports shall be used to generate crime statistics. The department shall submit statistics to the governor, the general assembly, and the division of criminal and juvenile justice planning of the department of human rights on a quarterly and yearly basis.

Iowa Uniform Crime Report, Iowa Department of Public Safety, 1999

If it comes to the attention of a sheriff, police department or other law enforcement agency that a public offense has been committed in its jurisdiction, the law enforcement agency shall report information concerning such a public offense to the department on a form to be furnished by the department not more than thirty-five days from the time the public offense first comes to the attention of the law enforcement agency. The reports shall be used to generate crime statistics. The department shall submit statistics to the governor, the general assembly, and the division of criminal and juvenile justice planning of the department of human rights on a quarterly and yearly basis.

Iowa Uniform Crime Report, Iowa Department of Public Safety, 2000

If it comes to the attention of a sheriff, police department or other law enforcement agency that a public offense has been committed in its jurisdiction, the law enforcement agency shall report information concerning such a public offense to the department on a form to be furnished by the department not more than thirty-five days from the time the public offense first comes to the attention of the law enforcement agency. The reports shall be used to generate crime statistics. The department shall submit statistics to the governor, the general assembly, and the division of criminal and juvenile justice planning of the department of human rights on a quarterly and yearly basis.

Iowa Uniform Crime Report, Iowa Department of Public Safety, 2002

If it comes to the attention of a sheriff, police department or other law enforcement agency that a public offense has been committed in its jurisdiction, the law enforcement agency shall report information concerning such a public offense to the department on a form to be furnished by the department not more than thirty-five days from the time the public offense first comes to the attention of the law enforcement agency. The reports shall be used to generate crime statistics. The department shall submit statistics to the governor, the general assembly, and the division of criminal and juvenile justice planning of the department of human rights on a quarterly and yearly basis.

The prosecution service function within the spanish criminal justice system

The Spanish judicial system is independent and headed by the Supreme Court. Spain has a civil law system. The criminal procedure is governed by the legality principle--by opposition to the opportunity or expediency principle--which implies that prosecution must take place in all cases in which sufficient evidence exists of guilt. Traditionally, the role of the PPS in Spain has been very limited during the investigative stage of the process. That stage is under the responsibility of the Examining Magistrate (EM). Since the end of the 1980s, a series of modifications has been introduced in order to extend the functions of the PPS. In 1988, the PPS received extended competences which allow them to receive reports of offenses. Upon knowing of an offense (reported or known to have been committed), the PPS can initiate the criminal proceeding. The PPS is also allowed to lead a sort of plea bargain under a series of restrictive conditions and only for some offenses. At the same time, the PPS received extended competences in the juvenile justice criminal proceeding in 2000. With all this said, the role of the PPS has not changed radically and, during the investigative stage of the process, their main role remains the presentation of the accusation, playing a more active role during the trial stage of the proceeding. In this article the national criminal justice system of Spain is described. Special attention is paid to the function of the PPS within this framework and its relationship to police and courts. The article refers to legal provisions and the factual handling of criminal cases.

Long-Range Goals for Iowa's Criminal & Juvenile Justice Systems, 2000

Iowa Code Section 216A.135 requires the Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning Advisory Council (CJJPAC) to submit a long-range plan for Iowa's justice system to the Governor and General Assembly every five years. The first plan developed after the creation of the Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning was issued in 1990 and annually updated through 1994. Since 1992, appropriation law has required the CJJPAC to coordinate their planning activities with those of the Iowa Juvenile Justice Advisory Council (JJAC).

Juvenile Crime and the Welfare of Youth, 1999

This staff report on various factors regarding juvenile issues and crime was prepared by the Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning (CJJP). It was prepared to help the Juvenile Justice Advisory Council (JJAC) prepare their 3-Year Strategy as prescribed by the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act (JJDP Act).

The application of Fick's law to evaluate the period of stay of mega-olivines in alkaline lavas

The integration of the differential equation of the second law of Fick applied to the diffusion of chemical elements in a semi-infinite solid made it easier to estimate the time of stay of olivine mega-cristals in contact with the host lava The results of this research show the existence of two groups of olivine. The first remained in contact with the magmatic liquid during 19 to 22 days, while the second remained so during only 5 to 9 days. This distinction is correlative to that based on the qualitative observation.

Long-Range Goals for Iowa's Criminal& Junvenile Justice Systems, 2005

The attached plan builds upon work done over the last decade. The first plan developed after the creation of the Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning in 1986 was issued in 1990 and annually updated through 1994. Since 1992, the CJJPAC has been required to coordinate their planning activities with those of the Iowa Juvenile Justice Advisory Council (JJAC). In 1995, these two councils developed a new plan consisting of a set of long-range justice system goals to assist policy makers and justice system practitioners as they plan and operate the justice system through the next twenty years. The statutory mandate for such long-range planning required the identification of goals specific enough to provide guidance, but broad enough to be of relevance over a long period of time. The long-range goals adopted by these councils in 1995 covered a wide variety of topics and offered a framework within which current practices could be defined and assessed. Collectively, these long-range goals were meant to provide a single source of direction to the complex assortment of practitioners and policymakers whose individual concerns and decisions collectively define the nature and effectiveness of Iowa’s justice system. The twenty-year goals established in 1995 were reviewed by the councils in 2000 to assess their current relevance. It was determined that, with a few revisions, the goals established in 1995 should be restated in 2000 with a renewed emphasis on their long-range status. This plan builds upon those issued in 1995 and 2000, continuing much of the emphasis of plans, with some new directions charted as appropriate.

CRIMINAL JUSTICE, VICTIM SUPPORT CENTERS, AND THE EMOTIONAL WELLBEING OF CRIME VICTIMS

SUMMARY (Français au-dessous)After the Second World War, the role of the victim in criminal conflict became an objectof interest for academics. But it was only in the 1960s that the importance of providingprotection and assistance to crime victims was highlighted in particular by the victims'movement, which inaugurated a new era of criminal justice in systems throughout the world.Moving beyond just the role of controlling crime and punishing the offender, the criminaljustice system also began to contribute to the victims' rehabilitation and to help the victim tomove on from the event psychologically and emotionally.Although some criminological research has been conducted, to date the effect that thecriminal justice system and victim support services have on the well-being of crime victims isstill uncertain.The current study sought to understand better the healing process of victims of crime, thepotential consequences of their participation on the criminal justice system, and the supportof victim centers. Moreover, it aimed to find out whether the existence of a Victim SupportAct would change the treatment that the victim receives in the criminal justice system. Thusthis research was conducted based in two countries - Switzerland and Brazil - where theoutcome of the victims' movement on the criminal justice system was different, as was theparticipation of the victim in the criminal justice system and the government's provision ofsupport.In order to conduct this research we employed the qualitative method, which is the mostefficient to gather sensitive information. Interviews with crime victims were the main sourceof information. Hearing observation and document research were used as complementarysources.The results of this research show that victims who have contact with the criminal justicesystem and victim services are not more likely to recover than those who had no contact. Thisis to say, the support offered has no major effects; the influence of the criminal justice systemand the victim support services in the emotional well-being of crime victims is rather neutral.However, considering that the sample is not representative, findings are not expected to begeneralized. Instead, findings may give insight to practitioners or to future criminal justicepolicy makers, suggesting what may work to improve the emotional well-being of crimevictims, as well as suggesting further studies.________________________________________________________________________________RÉSUMÉAprès la deuxième guerre mondiale, le rôle de la victime est devenu un objet d'intérêtpour les académiciens. Par contre, c'est seulement dans les années 60 que l'importance defournir de la protection et de l'appui aux victimes d'infractions a été accentuée, en particulierpar un mouvement ― victims' mouvement ―, qui a inauguré un nouveau temps dans lajustice pénale des systèmes juridiques du monde entier. A part la fonction de contrôler lecrime et de punir le délinquant, le système de justice pénale joue également un rôle dans laréhabilitation des victimes.Malgré la réalisation de plusieurs recherches criminologiques sur ce sujet, les effets que lesystème de la justice pénale et les centres d'aides aux victimes ont sur le bien-être desvictimes d'infractions est encore incertain.Ainsi cette étude cherche à mieux comprendre le processus de réhabilitation des victimesd'infraction, les conséquences de leur participation dans le système de justice pénale ainsique la portée de l'appui des centres d'aide. De plus, l'étude vise à découvrir si l'existenced'une loi d'aide aux victimes, particulièrement la Loi d'Aide aux Victimes d'InfractionsLAVI, est susceptible de changer le traitement que la victime reçoit dans le système de lajustice pénale. Pour cela, elle a été conduite dans deux pays - la Suisse et le Brésil - où lesconséquences du mouvement des victimes sur le système de la justice pénale a eu undéveloppement différent; il en va de même pour la participation de la victime dans laprocédure pénale et pour l'appui offert par l'Etat.Cette étude utilise la méthode qualitative qui est la plus efficace pour le recueild'informations sensibles. La plus importante source des données sont les interviews avec lesvictimes. L'observation des audiences et l'analyse de documents ont été utilisés en tant quesources d'information complementáire.Les résultats de cette recherche montrent que les victimes qui ont porté plainte et qui ontreçu l'appui des centres d'aides ne sont pas mieux rétablies que celles qui n'ont rien fait. C'estainsi que nous avons conclu que les services offerts n'ont aucune influence dans ce processus.Cependant, considérant que notre échantillon n'est pas représentatif, il n'est pas possible degénéraliser nos résultats. Néanmoins, ceux-ci peuvent éclairer les praticiens ou les futursdécideurs politiques de la justice pénale, suggérant ce qui peut fonctionner pour lerétablissement des victimes d'infraction, aussi bien que suggérer d'autres études.