TRAJETÓRIA DE ALUNOS DO PROUNI NO CONTEXTO DA EXPANSÃO E DEMOCRATIZAÇÃO DO ENSINO SUPERIOR NO BRASIL

Este trabalho buscou estudar o contexto da expansão e democratização do acesso ao ensino superior no Brasil, no período que coincide com a posse do primeiro Presidente eleito pelo voto direto, depois da Ditadura Militar, até 2007. Para isso analisamos, aos olhos de importantes autores brasileiros, a LBD, Lei de Diretrizes e Bases, o Plano Nacional de Educação, o Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio, o Financiamento Estudantil e o Programa Universidade para Todos. Especificamente, o estudo objetivou buscar respostas a duas questões: a distribuição de bolsas de estudo integral ou parcial tem garantido o acesso e permanência dos que adentram ao ensino superior por meio delas? Que estratégias os bolsistas desenvolvem para concluírem o curso? Para tanto, analisamos três narrativas autobiográficas de estudantes de um curso de pedagogia de uma universidade privada da Grande São Paulo. Os resultados indicaram que a distribuição de bolsas tem garantido o acesso e a permanência de estudantes, porém não dá conta de equacionar os problemas relacionados, especialmente, aos conteúdos curriculares não trabalhados anteriormente com as bolsistas, ao preconceito, à relação professor aluno e, sobretudo, ao desenvolvimento pleno dos princípios de cidadania legalmente adquiridos.

O PSC E A NOÇÃO DE “FAMÍLIA TRADICIONAL” COMO IDENTIDADE PARTIDÁRIA E RELIGIOSA: ANÁLISE DO PROCESSO ELEITORAL DE 2014

A presente dissertação analisa como o Partido Social Cristão (PSC), ao longo do tempo, se apropriou da identidade religiosa de seus atores políticos que na sua maioria são membros da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica, os quais defendem no espaço público a “família tradicional”, em detrimento da pluralidade de arranjos familiares na contemporaneidade. Para explicitar o objeto - “família tradicional” e PSC -, foi necessário retroceder no tempo e investigar na historiografia os primórdios da inserção dos evangélicos na política brasileira. Em vista disso, analisamos a participação dos evangélicos nos respectivos períodos do Brasil: Colônia, Império e República. A dificuldade da entrada de evangélicos na política partidária, dentre outros fatores, se deve àinfluência do catolicismo no Estado. Assim sendo, averiguamos em todas as Constituições (1824, 1891, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1967, 1969 e 1988) o que a mesma diz no que tange a proibição e a liberdade religiosa no país. Logo, verificamos entre as Eras Vargas e República Populista, que ocorreu com intensidade a transição do apoliticismo para o politicismo entre os evangélicos brasileiros, porém, eles não recebiam o apoio formal de suas igrejas. Em seguida, a participação dos evangélicos na arena política durante a ditadura militar foi investigada com destaque para o posicionamento de vanguarda da IECLB, através do Manifesto de Curitiba e, também com a presença de parlamentares evangélicos no Congresso Nacional. A politização pentecostal é ressaltada em nosso trabalho, através do pioneirismo de Manoel de Mello e, depois na Redemocratização quando as instituições evangélicas se organizaram para eleger seus candidatos à Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. E, com o fim do regime militar, o PSC surge como partido “nanico”, contudo, deixa o anonimato e ganha visibilidade midiática quando o pastor e deputado, Marco Feliciano, assume a presidência da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias, em 2013. Esse é o pano de fundo histórico que projetou o PSC e seus atores no pleito de 2014 com o mote “família tradicional”.

Concepções de formação profissional técnica de nível médio adotadas pelo IFRN: especificidades e (des)continuidades

The thesis deals with the concepts of technical tra ining of middle level adopted by the Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of R io Grande do Norte (IFRN). Discusses these concepts from the four political-pedagogical projects built in the period 1970 to 2010, spanning three institutionalities: Federal Technica l School of Rio Grande do Norte (1970- 1998), Federal Center of Technological Education of Rio Grande do Norte (1999-2008) and IFRN (from 2008) as well as three important politic al contexts of the country: Civil-Military Dictatorship, New Republic and Period of neoliberal ideas in Brazil. The goal is to analyze the configuration of the conceptions of training adopte d in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN, with emphasis on the specificities and (dis) contin uities, placing them in the context of political, economic and educational change in development in t he country. Addresses the relationship work, education and human development in capitalist society, in order to grasp the concept of employee training engendered by that company as wel l as the possibility of a counter- hegemonic formation. We analyze the formation of mi d-level concepts outlined in the educational reforms implemented in the country. We investigate the concepts of training outlined in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN . Makes use of the historical-dialectical materialism, the literature review, the documentary research and interviews were conducted with subjects who participated in the working group coordinator of the drafting of the political- institutional educational projects. The results sho w that the training of workers in capitalist society has a unilateral character; that the traini ng required by the working class is the omnilateral training; that the formative ideas that permeated the educational reforms in the country between 1970 and 2010 were all envisaged by unilateral training; that, in certain contexts, conceptions of technical training medium level outlined in the political-pedagogical projects IFRN reflect the formative perspectives th at guide educational reforms in the country (unilateral training) and, at other times, the inst itution adopts concepts (training omnilateral) that are not consistent with such prospects; and th at between the political-pedagogical projects built from 1970 to 2010 there are more continuities than breaks in relation to the concepts of training adopted. We conclude that the challenge is to institutionalize the IFRN their educational actions omnilateral designing training undertaken in the political-pedagogical project 2009.

A OAB no processo de transformação da sociedade brasileira: a seccional potiguar como espaço de redemocratização (1979-1988)

The period known as the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985) was a period of history marked by Brazil's control of state power by the Armed Forces together, this started with the Civil-Military Coup of April 1964. Was characterized as a time where political freedoms of expression and were placed in check by authoritarian and repressive measures taken by the military governments. The sectional potiguar of the Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB / RN), and the Federal Council of the institution, supported the establishment of this scam, but from the 1970s undertook measures that sought to corroborate the struggles around democracy the country, which has consolidated its image as a defender of democratic order. With the title inspired by the XII Meeting of OAB in October 1988, the research aims to analyze the participation of OAB / RN and its members within the Brazilian democratization. This analysis begins in 1979 with the participation of the entity in discussions Amnesty Policy to the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution, since the Constitution is the beginning of a full rule of law. We seek to understand the object as a space for democratization, combining the concepts of History, Memory and Politics. In the analyzes are guided theoretically by Jacques Le Goff, Pierre Nora, Maurice Halbwachs, Pierre Bourdieu and Hannah Arendt. Be rebuilt the period of democratic rule in the land potiguares birthing shares of OAB / RN, particularly in the following events: Amnesty Policy 1979, the mobilizations around the campaign of "Direct Now" and the 1988 Constitution We make use of legislation. minutes, papers and interviews built on Oral History.

Fundamentos dos cuidados com crianças e adolescentes: um olhar sobre o Rio Grande do Norte entre 1964 e 1988

Childhood and adolescence care has frequently caused theoretical and methodological discussions. At national level, the way of dealing with this public has always been on the agenda, either by maintaining a paternalistic treatment, or by coercive and repressive expression with which this public is treated. Given the above, this research presents a thorough study of social policies focused on children and adolescents in Brazil, with the overall purpose of investigating how this process of implementation of public policies for poor children and adolescents in the state of Rio Grande do Norte was. In previous studies, it was identified that there are no official records regarding the policy implementation process for this population in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. A retrospective study about the care towards children and adolescents in Brazil was held. It ranged from the XXVIII century, through the period of assistance, until the historical period in which the child started to be considered from the perspective of a policy. Thus, a certain period was framed, so that, through the historical research method, this study could focus on gathering data about the attention focused on childhood and adolescence in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, between the years 1964 and 1988. Data was listed from newspaper files that circulated in the state during period mentioned above. This time framing corresponds to the regency of the National Policy of Child Welfare. In the state of Rio Grande do Norte, the implementation of institutions such as FUNBERN and then FEBEM did not differ from the national standard, since many projects and care programs for poor children and teenagers were executed in this period. The implementation of these institutions revealed the concern of the state in solving the problem of “minors” regarding to situations of abandonment or "delinquency" which they were involved with. However, the kind of protection provided by the state toward this population was based on the current ideology that supported the political system at the time: the military dictatorship. Thus, the main way to provide care to this population was through its institutionalization, through taking children to daycare centres and adolescents to “reeducational” institutes for “minors”.

Matizes de cultura de massa na obra de Caio Fernando Abreu

The Brazilian writer, Caio Fernando Abreu, was strongly influenced by a period of changes in social values and perspectives. When he enters the Brazilian literary scene using a writing style free from form and content, he applies in his works all the affliction of the contemporary values. His work embodies all the spirit of a generation that, despite its anxiety for freedom, was still suffocated by the military dictatorship period. Abreu’s narrative also reveals an author with an extreme ability to shift between the erudite and the popular. In his short stories, he develops a performative language mingled by references that turns his text into a sort of Pop Art iconography. Just like Pop Art paintings, full of Coke images, cigarettes, tooth paste and food cans, Abreu’s literary discourse is painted by many symbolical references to modern consumerism, as well as to movies, music and to pop stars. This trace in the writer’s works exerts a great deal of attractiveness on the contemporary reader. In this work, we attempt to analyze this resource in Abreu’s literature under the concepts of cultural studies; thus, we aim at analyzing the various forms of the mass culture expression inside Abreu’s literature, recognizing his allusions as a stylish resource in his writings and highlighting its relevance in the study of the author work. In order to do so, we are based essentially on the reflections of theoreticians: Lipovetsky (1996) and Adorno (2011) who debate the culture and social formation in contemporaneity.

Análise do discurso sobre o "bom" professor de História no Brasil contemporâneo: uma questão de cidadania...

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

A COMUNICAÇÃO POPULAR NA CONSTRUÇÃO E PRESERVAÇÃO DA MEMÓRIA DAS LUTAS POPULARES NO BRASIL (décadas de 1970 e 1980)

Nas décadas de 1970 e 1980 houve a eclosão de experiências comunicacionais populares, em todo Brasil, com vasta produção de materiais, especialmente arquivados pelos centros de documentação. Em sua maioria, criados e financiados por setores progressistas da Igreja Católica e Protestante. Entre eles, o Centro de Pastoral Vergueiro (CPV) e o Centro de Comunicação e Educação Popular de São Miguel Paulista (CEMI) que também tiveram importante papel na construção e preservação da memória das lutas populares no período de reorganização social, no contexto de distensão da ditadura militar. No entanto, tais acervos estão em iminente risco, por falta de investimento e vontade política. O que seria um prejuízo histórico e científico para movimentos sociais atuais e à pesquisa acadêmica. O objetivo do estudo é identificar a que se deve este desinteresse. A abordagem se dá pelo método da história oral e como técnicas de investigação adotamos a pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e a pesquisa de campo, por meio da entrevista em profundidade. A falta de uma política pública que garanta a preservação dos documentos é sinal de que no Brasil predomina uma cultura que não privilegia a memória, sobretudo das camadas empobrecidas da população. Além do que, a memória pode ser subversiva. Afinal tais documentos expressam a força da participação popular no processo de transformação social e podem despertar novas ações, o que não interessa aos grupos que estão no poder.

Francisco Campos and the Brazilian Authoritarianism. A Hidden Dialogue with Carl Schmitt

This article propose to analyse the theoretical sources which constitutes the political culture of the Brazilian authoritarianism in the 20th century, principally in the work of Francisco Campos and his connection with the “integralismo” and its catholic conservatism ways. The hypothesis is that the mentioned connection which had inspired the ideological political culture which make possible all the sources and historical conditions to the implementation of the Brazilian dictatorship in the year 1964. This article has analysed the facist inspiration of the Campos´s theory and how it has happened, his hidden dialogue with Carl Schmitt, settling issuing lines of understanding on contemporary authoritarianism whose spreading still proceed, but now standing under new figures, discourses, rhetorics, symbologies and enemies.

Os Deputados Assistentes Sociais na Assembleia Nacional e na Assembleia da República Portuguesa: principais intervenções parlamentares entre 1949 e 2011

A presente dissertação é relativa aos assistentes sociais que exerceram funções de deputados em Portugal Continental, na Assembleia Nacional e na Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Procedeu-se à sua caracterização e à análise dos seus principais discursos parlamentares. A pertinência da investigação é justificada pela inexistência de trabalhos acerca da temática escolhida e pela reduzida produção académica no que respeita à vasta dimensão política do Serviço Social em Portugal. A investigação alicerçou-se numa pesquisa bibliográfica sobre os temas em foco, e documental, na análise das fichas biográficas dos deputados identificados e das transcrições textuais das sessões da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa, onde constam os discursos destes deputados. Estas fontes primárias estão acessíveis no sítio oficial da Assembleia da República (www.parlamento.pt). Pretende-se com este estudo abordar o lugar atribuído à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa nos respetivos regimes de ditadura e democracia e identificar e caracterizar académica, profissional e politicamente os assistentes sociais que exerceram estas funções. Objetiva-se ainda a análise das principais intervenções destes deputados no contexto da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Apurou-se que o número de deputadas à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa não variou significativamente nos regimes políticos abordados. Foram identificadas cinco deputadas à Assembleia Nacional, da V à XI legislatura (de 1949 a 1974 – 25 anos), sendo que a primeira deputada identificada exerceu funções ao longo da V e VI legislaturas da Assembleia Nacional. Após a queda do regime ditatorial e depois de 21 anos em democracia, assistentes sociais voltaram a exercer funções de deputados. Entre 1995 e 2011 exerceram funções seis deputados à Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Um deles desenvolveu atividades ao longo da X e XI legislaturas. Os resultados da investigação mostram que a maioria destes deputados são mulheres, havendo apenas um homem. Relativamente à formação académica dos deputados constatou-se que antes de 1974 o estabelecimento que formou mais assistentes sociais deputadas foi o Instituto de Serviço Social de Lisboa (3), seguido do Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas Ultramarinas (1) e do Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, em Luanda (1). Os deputados à Assembleia da República formaram-se no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Coimbra (2); no Instituto Superior Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social do Porto (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Lisboa (1) e no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, Luanda (1). As deputadas que exerceram funções durante o Estado Novo pertenciam à União Nacional e Acção Nacional Popular, sendo que uma delas pertencia à Ala Liberal da ANP. Quanto aos deputados que exerceram funções no período democrático percebe-se que todos eram vinculados a partidos do bloco central e da direita: uma deputada do PSD, uma do CDS e quatro deputados do PS. No que respeita às intervenções parlamentares dos deputados identificados, observou-se que as deputadas à Assembleia Nacional apresentaram e fundamentaram propostas de medidas de política social apoiando-se na sua experiência profissional, principalmente em debates em que o tema foi a família ou a pobreza. Os deputados à Assembleia da República direcionaram os seus discursos para o apoio e/ou complemento das iniciativas propostas pelo governo, pois quatro destes deputados exerceram funções enquanto o partido a que pertenciam estava na liderança do governo. Face á vastidão da temática abordada, a presente dissertação constitui-se como um primeiro contributo para a produção de bibliografia no âmbito da dimensão política do Serviço Social, reconhecendo-se a necessidade de aprofundar mais o tema. / This thesis is on social workers who acted as deputies in Portugal, on the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Characterization and analysis of its key parliamentary speeches was the chosen procedure. The relevance of the research is justified by the lack of previous work on the chosen theme and the reduced academic outputs with respect to the vast political dimension of social work in Portugal. Research has its foundations in a literature research on the topics in focus, and also documentary, by the analysis of the biographical records of Members discussed and the verbatim transcripts of the sessions of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, which contains the speeches of such Members. These primary sources include legislative sessions and are available on the Assembly of the Republic (www.parlamento.pt) official website. The study aims to address the place assigned to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, regarding the respective regimes of dictatorship and democracy and to identify and characterize academically, professionally and politically, the social workers who have exercised these functions. Furthermore on the objective is the analysis of the main interventions in the context of such Members of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. It was found that the number of deputies to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic did not significantly vary in both political regimes. Five deputies to the National Assembly were identified on the legislatures V to XI (1949-1974 - 25 years), with the first identified lady holding positions along the V and VI legislatures of the National Assembly. After the fall of the dictatorship and after 21 years of democracy, social workers returned to act as deputies. Between 1995 and 2011 held office six members of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. One developed activities along the X and XI legislatures of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Research results show that the majority of these are women, and only one man. Regarding the academic training of the deputies, it was found that before 1974 the establishment that formed most of the social workers was, the Institute of Social Service of Lisbon (3), followed by the School of Social Science and Policy Overseas (1) and the Higher Institute of Social Service Pius XII in Luanda (1). Members of Parliament formed in the Institute of Social Service of Coimbra (2), the Higher Institute Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1), the Institute of Social Service of Porto (1), the Higher Institute of Social service of Lisbon (1) and the Institute of Social service Pius XII, Luanda(1). Deputies who held office during the New state belonged to the National Union and National People's Action parties, one of which belonged to the Liberal Wing of the ANP. As for the deputies who held office in the democratic period one realizes that all parties were bound to the central block and right wing: A Member of the PSD, one of CDS and four members of the PS. Regarding the parliamentary speeches of identified Members, it was noted that the National Assembly deputies presented and substantiated proposals for social policy measures relying on their professional experience, primarily on the debates in which the theme was family or poverty. Members of Parliament have directed their speeches to support and / or complement the initiatives proposed by the government, since four of these deputies exercise their functions while the party they belonged was in governmental leadership. Given the vastness of the topic addressed in this thesis, it constitutes itself as a first contribution to the production of literature within the political dimension of social work, recognizing the need to go deeper into the subject.

Os programas de incentivo à cultura e o processo de fomento às organizações culturais no Rio Grande do Norte: o caso da Casa da Ribeira em Natal

Since the emergence of the first demands for actions that were intended to give greater attention to culture in Brazil, came the first discussions which concerned the way the Brazilian government could have a positive influence in encouraging the culture, as is its interaction with the actors interested and involved with the cause. During the military dictatorship, there were programs which relied on the direct participation of the State to ensure that right, from the viewpoint of its support and implementation of public resources in developing the "cultural product" to be brought to society in its various forms of expression - all this, funded by the government. It is an example of "EMBRAFILMES" and "Projeto Seis e Meia", continued until the present day in some regions of the country, though maintained by entities not directly connected with the administration or the government. However, it was from the period of democratization and the end of the dictatorship that the Brazilian government began to look at the different culture, under its guarantee to the society. Came the first incentive laws, led by "Lei Sarney" Nº 7.505/86, which was culture as a segment which could receive foreign assistance in order to assist the government in fulfilling its public duty. After Collor era and the end of the embargo through the encouragement of culture incentive laws, consolidated the incentive model proposed in advance of Culture "Lei Sarney" and the federal laws, state and local regimentares as close to this action. This applies to the Rouanet Law (Lei Rouanet), Câmara Cascudo Law (Lei Câmara Cascudo) and Djalma Maranhão Cultural Incentive Law (Lei de Incentivo à Cultura Djalma Maranhão), existing in Natal and Rio Grande do Norte. Since then, business entities could help groups and cultural organizations to keep their work from the political sponsorship under control and regiment through the Brazilian state in the form of their Cultural Incentive Law. This framework has contributed to the strengthening of NGOs and with the consolidation of these institutions as the linchpin of Republican guaranteeing the right to access to culture, but corporate social responsibility was the one who took off in the segment treated here, through the actions of Responsibility Cultural enterprises arising from the Cultural Organizations. Therefore, in the face of this discourse, this study ascertains the process of encouraging the Culture in Rio Grande do Norte from the Deviant Case Analysis at the Casa da Ribeira, the main Cultural Organization that operates, focused action in Natal in order to assess the relationships established between the same entity and the institutions which are entitled to maintain the process of encouraging treated in this study - Enterprise, from the viewpoint of corporate sponsorship and Cultural Responsibility and State in the form of the Laws Incentive Funds and Public Culture Incentive

Elementos para uma política externa do Portugal democrático

A queda da ditadura, a 25 de Abril de 1974, veio colocar a Portugal múltiplos desafios. A par da definição da nova ordem a instituir, por determinar estava também a situação de Portugal no mundo, questão que ganha particular acuidade num momento em que se preparava o encerramento do seu ciclo imperial. É nosso objetivo analisar o contributo de José Medeiros Ferreira para a definição dos elementos da política externa do Portugal democrático, centrando a nossa atenção nas reflexões e iniciativas que desenvolve na qualidade de Secretário de Estado dos Negócios Estrangeiros (1975-1976) do VI Governo Provisório e Ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros (1976-1977) do I Governo Constitucional.

Arquitetura residencial em João Pessoa-PB a experiência moderna nos anos 1970

In the mid-1980s, the magazine Projeto published the Actual Brazilian Architecture catalogue presenting texts by Hugo Segawa and Ruth Verde Zein with a corpus of works and engaged architects of the 1960s and 1970s. To comprehend the Brazilian architectural production post-1964, in those years of the 1980s, became a significant mission to reactivate the Brazilian architectural debate weakened by the military dictatorship. In his doctoral thesis Spadoni (2003) deals with the different ways which characterizes the Brazilian architectural production of the 1970s. Marked by inventiveness, this production was in tune with the modern thinking and in the transition period between the 1970s and the 1980s it synchronized with the international debate about post-modern architecture. Considering Spadoni s doctoral thesis, this work deals with the modern experience observed in the one-family-houses built in the seventies in João Pessoa. Some modern experiences were not clear outside, to observe it, it was necessary to search for the type of experience into the spatial disposition and of the know-how constructive, because into the appearance some houses not make explicit the use of the modern language. Other observed experiences allude to the repertoire of the Brazilian period in the years 1940s-1960s, to the experience of the modern architecture in São Paulo of the 1960s, to the experiences in which the climate of the Northeastern region strongly influenced the architectural conception. We can also find in a reduced number of houses a particular experience: it refers to experiences that expose the constructive doing, which leave the material apparent and apply to the residential type the experience of the industrial pre-fabricated buildings

Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo e a sociedade portuguesa

Sendo certo que as estruturas sociais condicionam e, muitas vezes, determinam a identidade dos indivíduos que se inserem numa sociedade e cultura específica, pareceu-nos importante analisar o modo como Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo conseguiu romper com algumas estruturas de pensamento e criar novas práticas sociais que conferiram à mulher um novo papel social. Em que medida a transformação política, económica, social e cultural que ocorreu em Portugal na segunda metade do século XX, possibilitou a Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo a representação do papel de mulher, técnica, representante política e eclesial? Quais as estruturas culturais que entretanto se alteraram e influenciaram o desenvolvimento da condição da mulher na sociedade portuguesa? Como é que a sociedade nacional e internacional representa Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo? A pesquisa documental e bibliográfica que realizámos permitiu a análise dos códigos culturais que regularam as práticas sociais vigentes na sociedade portuguesa durante a ditadura do Estado Novo. Numa época e num país em que as mulheres se viam arredadas da participação ativa na vida política, Maria de Lourdes destaca-se. Acreditamos que, para o prestígio e projeção que alcançou a nível nacional e internacional, muito contribuiu a sua constante necessidade de confrontação, a sua criatividade intelectual e a sua fé.