979 resultados para Cultura moral


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One important issue in moral psychology concerns the proper characterization of the folk understanding of the relationship between harmful transgressions and moral transgressions. Psychologist Elliot Turiel and associates have claimed with a broad range of supporting evidence that harmful transgressions are understood as transgressions that are authority independent and general in scope, which, according to them, characterizes these transgressions as moral transgressions. Recently, many researchers questioned the position advocated by the Turiel tradition with some new evidence. We entered this debate proposing an original, deflationary view in which perceptions of basic-rights violation and injustice are fundamental for the folk understanding of harmful transgressions as moral transgressions in Turiel’s sense. In this article, we elaborate and refine our deflationary view, while reviewing the debate, addressing various criticisms raised against our perspective, showing how our perspective explains the existent evidence, and suggesting new lines of inquiry.

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This paper begins by describing the moral panics that have tended to emerge sporadically in Northern Ireland over the last few years with regard to young people’s involvement in sectarian violence in Belfast. Within this, while these young people have been cast in the traditional role of folk devils, the paper will show how younger children also tend to be explicitly identified and named in an ambiguous way through such moral panics; playing a deviant role as participators, and sometimes instigators, of sectarian violence but also carrying the symbolic responsibility of representing Belfast’s future. It will be shown that it is because of this ambiguous position that it is adults rather than the children themselves that tend to be held responsible for their actions; either as rioters using the children as political pawns or as parents guilty of neglect. With this as a starting point the paper then explores the perspectives and experiences of two groups of 10-11 year old children living in Belfast and the impact of these moral panics on them. One group of children, living in affluent middle class areas were found to be appropriating and re-working these broader moral panics into more general discourses of derision that tended to pathologize working class children and communities more generally. For the other group of children, living in economically deprived areas with high levels of sectarian tensions and violence, their experiences of such violence and their participation in it are discussed. It will be shown that for these children, the broader moral panics that exist tend to have the effect of reinforcing the processes that tend to segregate and exclude them.

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Americans have been shown to attribute greater intentionality to immoral than to amoral actions in cases of causal deviance, that is, cases where a goal is satisfied in a way that deviates from initially planned means (e.g., a gunman wants to hit a target and his hand slips, but the bullet ricochets off a rock into the target). However, past research has yet to assess whether this asymmetry persists in cases of extreme causal deviance. Here, we manipulated the level of mild to extreme causal deviance of an immoral versus amoral act. The asymmetry in attributions of intentionality was observed at all but the
most extreme level of causal deviance, and, as we hypothesized, was mediated by attributions of Blame/credit and judgments of action performance. These findings are discussed as they support a multiple-concepts interpretation of the asymmetry, wherein blame renders a naïve concept of intentional action (the outcome matches the intention) more salient than a composite concept (the outcome matches the intention and was brought about by planned means), and in terms of their implications for cross-cultural research on judgments of agency.

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In this paper we report a study conducted in Mongolia on the scope of morality, that is, the extent to which people moralize different social domains. Following Turiel’s moral-conventional task, we characterized moral transgressions (in contrast to conventional transgressions) in terms of two dimensions: authority independence
and generality of scope. Different moral domains are then defined by grouping such moral transgressions in terms of their content (following Haidt’s classification of morally relevant domains). There are four main results of the study. First, since all five Haidtian domains were moralized by the Mongolian participants, the study provides
evidence in favour of pluralism about moral domains. However, the study also suggests that the domain of harm can be reduced to the fairness domain. Furthermore, although the strong claim about reduction of all moral domains to the domain of fairness seems not to hold, a significant number of participants did indicate considerations of fairness across domains. Finally, a significant amount of participants moralized conventional transgressions a la Turiel, but it did not reach a statistical significance.

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Dissertação, Mestrado, Gestão Pública, Instituto Politécnico de Santarém, Escola Superior de Gestão e Tecnologia, 2014

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Los trabajos reunidos en este libro pretenden ser una aproximación, más que un estudio exhaustivo, a algunos aspectos que nos parecen relevantes en el conocimiento, así sea parcial, de un grupo humano. El primer trabajo es un acercamiento, a partir de la estructura agraria, de lo que ha sido el esfuerzo del indígena de Chimborazo por acceder a la tierra. Algunos aspectos han sido tratados con un poco más de profundidad otros solo han sido señalados esperando ser retomados en otra ocasión incluyendo elementos tan importantes como lo subjetivo y la constitución de símbolos, en especial aquellos que guardan especial relación con las luchas por la tierra. El segundo es un estudio aproximativo al sistema de creencias de los indígenas de Chimborazo. Más que un análisis antropológico, el artículo quiere clasificar o contextualizar algunas narraciones e informaciones brindadas por indígenas de esta provincia y, mediante un acercamiento a algunos autores, tratar de impugnar ciertas ideas que, como estereotipos, se manejan muy ligeramente en el momento de valorar cierto tipo de manifestaciones culturales.

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Alfredo Mires asumió en 1982 la conducción de la Red de Bibliotecas Rurales de Cajamarca. Apuntaló desde entonces la organícidad y principios que ahora caracterizan este movimiento. Desde antes ya habia acompañado procesos de rescate cultural y sustentó el inicio de esta tarea al interior de la Red. En 1986, via asambleas y reuniones con campesinos y en las propias comunidades, fundó el Proyecto Enciclopedia Campesina. Fruto de esos andares es este trabajo, reflexión de la experiencia que afirma la convicción de mirar hacia las raices para seguir creciendo. Aquí se suman muchas lunas y soles, armadas con Ia hoja sagrada y caminatas interminables acompañando este proceso éducativo-cultural desde y con las propias comunidades campesinas. Lo que cuento no es mi cuento fue concebido inicialmente como una tesis, pero revisado y ampliado, precisa la concepción y la experiencia sostenida. Porque hablar del saber andino y de las experiencias mencionadas, es habitual de una población que vive, recrea, fortalece y recupera de manera permanente y desde siempre el equilibrio sagrado entre sociedad y naturaleza.

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Este librito quiere ser memoria del II Encuentro ecuménico de teólogos del tercer mundo, realizado en la Paz-Bolivia, organizado por ASETT. Recoge unos documentos o testimonios de la teología india de Abya-Yala (América)

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En el territorio ancestral del Valle del Chota – La Concepción y Salinas, enclavado en el límite político administrativo de las provincias de Imbabura y Carchi, al norte del ecuador, habita una población de origen africano que fue introducida por la orden de Loyola a finales del siglo XVI en condición de esclavizado, destinados al cultivo de caña de azúcar, a quienes se les negó su condición humana. Para justifica la explotación económica en el ejercicio de la colonialidad del poder, los esclavizadores europeos, blancos, católicos y “Civilizados” se sustentaron en la falsa creencia etnocéntrica que la moral, los valores, la tecnología, la historia y la cultura de ellos, eran superiores a las de las personas esclavizadas. Desde entonces la sociedad ecuatoriana ha desconocido nuestros aportes económicos, sociales, culturales, religiosos y militares al país y, hasta hace poco, en la práctica, nuestros derechos de ciudadanía. Esto se conoce como racismo estructural.