El incierto sentido del trabajo en la sociedad de riesgo global

Partiendo de los objetivos propuestos, el artículo pone de manifiesto la profunda crisis estructural en la que ha entrado el trabajo en la Posmodernidad. Esto ha supuesto, la pérdida de su seguridad en el contexto del cuestionamiento de la prosperidad de la economía, del Estado de Bienestar, del propio Estado y de la democracia. Cierto, el trabajo se presenta hoy con riesgo, precario, inseguro, incierto, desespacializado, fragmentado, acelerado, flexible, desregulado, informalizado, impactado por las nuevas tecnologías, “brasileñizado”, jerarquizado, desigual, individualizado y con el carácter corroído del trabajador. De esta forma, el trabajo se desvaloriza, se convierte en ilegible y pierde su sentido. Además, si se tiene en cuenta que los remedios puestos encima de la mesa en Occidente son claramente insuficientes y poco creativos, parece que nos encontremos ante el colapso o el final de una etapa, del trabajo, del propio capitalismo y del Estado social-liberal-democrático.

Paraconsistent Multivalued Logic and Coincidentia Oppositorum: Evaluation with Complex Numbers

Paraconsistent logic admits that the contradiction can be true. Let p be the truth values and P be a proposition. In paraconsistent logic the truth values of contradiction is . This equation has no real roots but admits complex roots . This is the result which leads to develop a multivalued logic to complex truth values. The sum of truth values being isomorphic to the vector of the plane, it is natural to relate the function V to the metric of the vector space R2. We will adopt as valuations the norms of vectors. The main objective of this paper is to establish a theory of truth-value evaluation for paraconsistent logics with the goal of using in analyzing ideological, mythical, religious and mystic belief systems.

Fixation pattern analysis with microperimetry in nystagmus patients

Objective: To assess the usefulness of microperimetry (MP) as an additional objective method for characterizing the fixation pattern in nystagmus. Design: Prospective study. Participants: Fifteen eyes of 8 subjects (age, 12–80 years) with nystagmus from the Lluís Alcanyís Foundation (University of Valencia, Spain) were included. Methods: All patients had a comprehensive ophthalmologic examination including a microperimetric examination (MAIA, CenterVue, Padova, Italy). The following microperimetric parameters were evaluated: average threshold (AT), macular integrity index (MI), fixating points within a circle of 1° (P1) and 2° of radius (P2), bivariate contour ellipse area (BCEA) considering 63% and 95% of fixating points, and horizontal and vertical axes of that ellipse. Results: In monocular conditions, 6 eyes showed a fixation classified as stable, 6 eyes showed a relatively unstable fixation, and 3 eyes showed an unstable fixation. Statistically significant differences were found between the horizontal and vertical components of movement (p = 0.001), as well as in their ranges (p < 0.001). Intereye comparison showed differences between eyes in some subjects, but only statistically significant differences were found in the fixation coordinates X and Y (p < 0.001). No significant intereye differences were found between microperimetric parameters. Between monocular and binocular conditions, statistically significant differences in the X and Y coordinates were found in all eyes (p < 0.02) except one. No significant differences were found between MP parameters for monocular or binocular conditions. Strong correlations of corrected distance visual acuity (CDVA) with AT (r = 0.812, p = 0.014), MI (r = –0.812, p = 0.014), P1 (r = 0.729, p = 0.002), horizontal diameter of BCEA (r = –0.700, p = 0.004), and X range (r = –0.722, p = 0.005) were found. Conclusions: MP seems to be a useful technology for the characterization of the fixation pattern in nystagmus, which seems to be related to the level of visual acuity achieved by the patient.

Impacto de la mutilación genital femenina en los objetivos del milenio

Objetivo: Relacionar la Mutilación Genital Femenina como factor negativo para la consecución de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio 1, 3, 4, 5 y 6. Métodos: Se ha realizado la recogida de datos a través de una revisión integradora de la literatura en los años 2014 y 2015. Se consultaron las bases de datos Medline/PubMed, Web of Science, LILACS, SCIELO, Tesis Doctorales TESEO y en las webs de WOK, UNICEF, UNAF y WHO utilizando los descriptores: circuncisión femenina, objetivos de desarrollo del milenio y mutilación genital femenina. Se incluyeron artículos publicados entre los años de 2010 y 2015, y se seleccionaron finalmente 24 artículos. Resultados: La Mutilación Genital Femenina es una práctica basada en discriminaciones de género que refuerza e incentiva el círculo de la pobreza. Provoca complicaciones físicas que pueden repercutir en la mortalidad y morbilidad infantil, así como en complicaciones en el embarazo y el parto y en la adquisición del virus de la inmunodeficiencia humana. Conclusión: La lucha contra la Mutilación Genital Femenina contribuye a la consecución de cinco de los ocho Objetivos del Milenio.

Do more with less: a framework for e-government

Dissertação apresentada ao Instituto Politécnico de Castelo Branco para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Desenvolvimento de Software e Sistemas Interactivos, realizada sob a orientação científica do Doutor Arminda Guerra Lopes Professor Doutor do Departamento de Informática do Instituto Politécnico de Castelo Branco

Who reads Tocqueville today?

Esta comunicação irá ser publicada no próximo número da Newsletter do RC16 Sociological Theory da International Sociological Association, em Dezembro de 2016.

Armanents duplication in Europe: a quantitative assessment. CEPS Policy Brief No. 297, 16 July 2013 [is another Brief with no. 297]

Effectively addressing the issue of duplication in Europe’s defence systems will require a considerable amount of political will and, more importantly, a far-sighted vision of the way to go. Difficult choices will have to be made, and EU member states will have to invest in a complex exercise of coordination of defence and industrial policies and planning. However, the efficient management of EU defence budgets and the maintenance of a viable industrial base demand such efforts. After all, what is at stake is the EU’s ability to guarantee its own security. The author makes a series of proposals to address this issue ahead of the European Council of December 2013, which will be devoted to matters of security and defence.

The Arab Spring: A Litmus Test for the EU’s Women’s Rights Policy in the Euro-Mediterranean Area? Bruges Regional Integration & Global Governance Paper 1/2013

The promotion of women’s rights is described as a priority within the external action of the European Union (EU). As a result of the Arab Spring uprisings which have been ongoing since 2011, democracy and human rights have been pushed to the forefront of European policy towards the Euro-Mediterranean region. The EU could capitalise on these transformations to help positively reshape gender relations or it could fail to adapt. Thus, the Arab Spring can be seen to serve as a litmus test for the EU’s women’s rights policy. This paper examines how and to what extent the EU diffuses women’s rights in this region, by using Ian Manners’ ‘Normative Power Europe’ as the conceptual framework. It argues that while the EU tries to behave as a normative force for women’s empowerment by way of ‘informational diffusion’, ‘transference’ ‘procedural diffusion’ and ‘overt diffusion’; its efforts could, and should, be strengthened. There are reservations over the EU’s credibility, choice of engagement and its commitment in the face of security and ideological concerns. Moreover, it seems that the EU focuses more intently on women’s political rights than on their social and economic freedoms.

La relation entre le climat scolaire, le contexte scolaire et l'adoption des différents rôles lors d’une situation de violence scolaire

Le sujet de la présente étude est la violence scolaire, phénomène complexe et polysémique qui préoccupe légitimement le monde de l’éducation depuis plus de trente ans. À partir des analyses factorielles exploratoires, analyses de variance factorielle et finalement analyses multivariées de covariance, cette recherche vise plus précisément à dégager la relation entre le climat scolaire, le contexte scolaire et les différents rôles adoptés par les élèves du niveau secondaire lors d’une situation de violence scolaire. Les données de la présente étude ont été collectées par Michel Janosz et son équipe pendant l’année 2010, dans quatre établissements éducatifs provenant d’une commission scolaire de la grande région de Montréal. L’échantillon de départ est composé de 1750 élèves qui fréquentent des classes ordinaires et spéciales du premier et deuxième cycle du secondaire âgés entre 10 et 18 ans. Pour fins d’analyse, deux petites écoles ainsi que les classes spéciales ont été retirées. Il demeure donc 1551 élèves dans l’échantillon initial analysé. Les résultats des analyses permettent de constater d’une part, la relation significative existante entre les dimensions du climat scolaire et l’adoption des différents rôles lors d’une situation de violence scolaire, les climats d’appartenance et de sécurité étant les plus importants, et d’autre part d’observer des différences dans les perceptions que les élèves ont de la violence scolaire selon le niveau et selon l’école.

Bringing South Caucasus Closer to Europe: Achievements and Challenges in ENP Implantation. Natolin Research Paper 03/March 2011

While the initial Commission Communication on Wider Europe (March 2003) did not include Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan in the forthcoming policy for the EU’s new neighbourhood, the Southern Caucasus region has now gained considerable attention in the framework of the ENP and beyond, not least because of security considerations. The ENP undoubtedly represents a step forward in the EU’s policy towards Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, yet its implementation highlights major differences between the three countries and important weaknesses in all three of them. The Eastern Partnership addresses some of these weaknesses and it also significantly strengthens the EU’s offer to South Caucasus countries, which is now fully in line with the perspectives proposed to the Western NIS. The paper highlights five main conclusions and recommendations: • Political, economic, social and diplomatic developments in the South Caucasus in the 2000's highlight both diverging trends and the persistence of tensions between the three countries. They also have different aspirations vis-à-vis the EU and different records in ENP implementation. The EU should therefore mainly rely upon an individual approach towards each country. • While bilateral relations should form the basis of the EU's approach, most of the challenges faced by Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan are not confined to national borders and require regional solutions. This applies primarily, but not exclusively, to the unresolved conflicts. The EU should promote targeted regional cooperation including, inter alia, confidence-building measures to address indirectly the protracted conflicts and measures supporting drivers of change, which play a critical role in the confidence-building process; • Under the ENP, especially since the opening of negotiations for association agreements and with the perspective of DCFTA, trade-related issues, market and regulatory reform have become prominent in the EU's relations with all three Caucasus countries. At the same time, the priorities identified when the ENP was launched, i.e. good governance and the rule of law, still correspond to major challenges in the South Caucasus. The EU should more clearly prioritise good governance and the rule of law as the basis of both the ENP and successful reforms; • In all partner countries (but even more so in the South Caucasus), ENP implementation has been adversely affected by poor administrative capacities and weak institutional coordination. The EU should increasingly focus on institutional reform/capacity building in its support to partner countries and ensure that the link between the ENP and domestic reform processes is strengthened; • In the South Caucasus the EU has recently concentrated on a few assistance tools such as budget support, Twinning and TAIEX. While these instruments undoubtedly bring an added value, they should be better combined with tools allowing for greater flexibility and targeting non-governmental actors, e.g. EIDHR/NSA.

The Danish Flexicurity Model - a Lesson for the US? ACES Working Paper No. 2, May 2007

Within recent years, increasing international competition has caused an increase in job transitions worldwide. Many countries find it difficult to manage these transitions in a way that ensures a match between labour and demand. One of the countries that seem to manage the transitions in a successful way is Denmark, where unemployment has been dropping dramatically over the last decade without a drop in job quality. This success is ascribed the so-called Danish flexicurity model, where an easy access to hiring and firing employees (flexibility) is combined with extensive active and passive labour market policies (security). The Danish results have gained interest not only among other European countries, where unemployment rates remain high, but also in the US, where job loss is often related to lower job quality. It has, however, been subject to much debate both in Europe and in the US, whether or not countries with distinctively different political-economic settings can learn from one another. Some have argued that cultural differences impose barriers to successful policy transfer, whereas others see it as a perfectly rational calculus to introduce 'best practices' from elsewhere. This paper presents a third strategy. Recent literature on policy transfer suggests that successful cross national policy transfer is possible, even across the Atlantic, but that one must be cautious in choosing the form, content and level of the learning process. By analysing and comparing the labour market policies and their settings in Denmark and the US in detail, this paper addresses the question, what and how the US can learn from the Danish model. Where the US and Denmark share a high degree of flexibility, they differ significantly on the level of security. This also means that the Danish budget for active and passive labour market policies is significantly higher than the American, and it seems unlikely that political support for the introduction of Danish levels of security in the US can be established. However, the paper concludes that there is a learning potential between the US and Demnark in the different local level efficiency of the money already spent. A major reason for the Danish success has been the introduction of tailor made initiatives to the single displaced worker and a stronger coordination between local level actors. Both of which are issues, where a lack of efficiency in the implementation of American active labour market policies has been reported.

The Baltic states on the conflict in Ukraine. OSW Commentary [no doc #] 2015-01-23

Before Russia began its aggression against Ukraine, including the annexation of Crimea, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia had felt a higher level of security due to their membership in NATO and the EU. This has now changed. The authorities of these states claim that Russia has been pursuing an aggressive policy towards them for a long time, using various instruments of pressure. They claim that Russia is now able to organise acts of sabotage against them in several areas and that these could threaten both their internal stability and the territorial integrity of the region. The Baltic states’ reaction to the threat from Russia has demonstrated that the level of cooperation between them is low. It has also revealed certain weaknesses in several areas of how these states function, which Moscow may be willing to use for its own purposes. Paradoxically, this has created a chance for the Baltic states’ governments to take measures which in different political circumstances would meet with resistance from society, such as strengthening the military sector and the level of energy security.

A Fresh Start for the European Union after Brexit. CEPS Commentary, 29 June 2016

I am still trying to process the shock of the UK referendum, which has dealt a historic blow to the European Union and has alerted us to the danger of the wave of anti-establishment and anti-elite sentiments shaking up developed nations, and bringing about disastrous decisions that cannot be easily reversed. These movements are present in many European countries; we cannot underestimate the dangers of tumbling down the slippery slope of nationalism, which could put the very survival of the Union into question. A response from the EU, or from a smaller circle of its founding or main members, is necessary – as long as we can identify meaningful goals.

Caracterização experimental de uma bomba ejetora

A opção de futuro incide sobre os processos de combustão em regime pobre e com baixos índices de formação de poluentes. Neste contexto, o presente trabalho estuda um ejetor de um queimador de gás propano, que equipa uma marmita utilizada para confeção de alimentos no Exército Português, para compreender o mecanismo de arrastamento de ar, com vista a identificar as causas que possam contribuir para uma diminuição da razão de equivalência da mistura ar/combustível. Estes queimadores são dispositivos de funcionamento estritamente mecânico e de conceção simples que permitem uma gama de potências caloríficas compreendidas entre 8 e 22 kW. Permitem uma boa estabilidade de chama que é um requisito fundamental de segurança. A regulação de potência é executada através de uma válvula de ajuste, contendo três posições, uma em que a alimentação se encontra cortada e as outras duas permitindo funcionar na potência mínima e máxima. De modo a efetuar o estudo do ejetor, numa primeira fase, submeteu-se o sistema a uma caracterização experimental do campo de escoamentos à entrada de ar do ejetor, a partir da técnica de diagnóstico Particle Image Velocimetry (PIV). Assim avalia-se de que forma o escoamento de ar exterior influencia o comportamento do escoamento da mistura de ar/combustível à saída do queimador. Numa segunda fase, recorre-se à técnica de diagnóstico Quimiluminescência para medição de espécies químicas, para avaliar o comportamento do ejetor a alterações de vários parâmetros, tais como caudal de combustível, área de entrada de ar e área de saída da mistura do difusor. Conclui-se que o ejetor mostrase "insensível" a alterações da área de saída e de entrada de ar, em relação ao valor médio da razão de equivalência. Porém observa-se que as misturas de ar/combustível são mais homogéneas quando as áreas de entrada, da saída e da garganta têm valores próximos.

Co-authorship Networks in Swiss Political Research

Co-authorship is an important indicator of scientific collaboration. Co-authorship networks are composed of sub-communities, and researchers can gain visibility by connecting these insulated subgroups. This article presents a comprehensive co-authorship network analysis of Swiss political science. Three levels are addressed: disciplinary cohesion and structure at large, communities, and the integrative capacity of individual researchers. The results suggest that collaboration exists across geographical and language borders even though different regions focus on complementary publication strategies. The subfield of public policy and administration has the highest integrative capacity. Co-authorship is a function of several factors, most importantly being in the same subfield. At the individual level, the analysis identifies researchers who belong to the “inner circle” of Swiss political science and who link different communities. In contrast to previous research, the analysis is based on the full set of publications of all political researchers employed in Switzerland in 2013, including past publications.