955 resultados para Beecher Island, Battle of, Colo., 1868.


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Letter outlining the firsthand account of the Battle of Queenston Heights describing the day that General Brock was killed [a copy of this letter (taken from Mr. Thorburn’s files) has been published in the book The Story of Laura Secord and Canadian Reminiscences by Emma A. Currie and it is also printed in History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier in the year 1812 by Lieutenant Colonel E. Cruikshank] (7 handwritten pages) written by W. Woodruff and addressed to David Therburn [Thorburn] of Queenston. There are 3 handwritten copies of this account. A transcript of this letter has been included in the file, July 29, 1840.

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- The first part of the document traces Mr. Haile’s lineage. His father, James Haile was a farmer. His grandfather, Amos Haile was a sailor for the early part of his life. He was placed on a British man-of- war in about 1758. He escaped and settled in Putney. (p.1) - His father’s mother’s maiden name was Parker. His mother’s maiden name was Campbell. Her father was a captain in the Revolutionary Army. (p.2) - His earliest memories revolve around the death of his aunt and the funeral of General Washington (although he did not witness this). At the time, his father was a Lieutenant in a regiment militia of Light Dragoons who wore red coats. (p.3) - In 1804, an addition was added to the Haile house which necessitated that William was to stay home to help with the building. He continued to study and read on his own. He was particularly interested in Napoleon Bonaparte’s victories. In that same year he was sent to Fairfield Academy where Reverend Caleb Alexander was the principal. (p.4) - On June 1, 1812, William was appointed as an Ensign in the Infantry of the Army of the United States. He was put into the recruiting service at Nassau (20 miles east of Albany) where he remained until September. (p.4) - He was assigned to the 11th Regiment of the W.S. Infantry and directed to proceed to Plattsburgh to report to Colonel Isaac Clark. (p.7) - He was assigned to the company commanded by Captain Samuel H. Halley who was not in the best of health and often absent. For a good part of the time William was in charge of the company. (p.8) - The 11th Regiment was encamped beside the 15th Regiment commanded by Col. Zebulon Montgomery Pike [Pike’s Peak was named after him]. Col. Pike generously drilled and disciplined the 11th Regiment since their officers didn’t seem capable of doing so. (p.8) - The first brigade to which William’s regiment was attached to was commanded by Brigadier General Bloomfield of New Jersey. Brigadier Chandler of Maine commanded the second brigade. (p.9) - At the beginning of November, Major General Dearborn took command of the army. He had been a good officer in his time, but William refers to him as “old and inefficient” earning him the nickname “Granny Dearborn” (p.9) - On November 17th, 1812, General Dearborn moved north with his army. The troops ended up in Champlain. There was no fighting, only a skirmish between a party of men under Colonel Pike and a few British troops who he succeeded in capturing. (p.10) - The troops were moved to barracks for the winter. Colonel Pike’s troops were put into suitable barracks and kept healthy but another part of the army (including the 11th Regiment) were sent to a barracks of green lumber north of Burlington. Disease soon broke out in the damp barracks and the hundreds of deaths soon followed. One morning, William counted 22 bodies who had died the previous night. He puts a lot of this down to an inexperienced commanding officer, General Chandler. (p.11) - At the beginning of 1813, William was stationed as a recruiter on the shore of Shoreham across from Fort Ticonderoga. In February, he returned to Burlington with his recruits. In March he received an order from General Chandler to proceed to Whitehall and take charge of the stores and provisions. In April and May it was decided that his half of the regiment (the First Battalion) should march to Sackett’s Harbour, Lake Ontario. They arrived at Sackett’s Harbour about the 10th of June, a few days after the Battle of Sackett’s Harbour. (p.12) - He was camped near the site of Fort Oswego and got word to head back to Sackett’s Harbour. A storm overtook the schooner that he was on. (p.14) - William was involved in the Battle of Williamsburg (or Chrysler’s Farm) which he calls a “stupid and bungling affair on the part of our generals”.(p. 18) - General Covington was wounded and died a few days after the battle. (p.19) - William speaks of being ill. The troops were ordered to march to Buffalo, but he is able to go to his father’s house in Fairfield where his mother nursed him back to health (p.23) - Upon arrival at Buffalo, the “old fogy Generals” were replaced with younger, more efficient men. (p.25) - On page 27 he sums up a few facts: In 1812, the army was assembled on Lake Champlain with the intention of capturing Montreal, and then Quebec. That year, under General Dearborn the army marched as far as Champlain, then turned back and went into winter quarters. In 1813, the army was assembled at Sackett’s Harbour and that year the campaign ended at French Mills which was 70 or 80 miles from Montreal. In 1814, the army at Buffalo were some 400 miles from Montreal with still the same object in view. - He says that these facts make “a riddle – difficult to explain”. (p.27) - On the evening of July 2nd they embarked on the boats with the objective of capturing Fort Erie. The enemy were all made prisoners of war (p.27) - On July 4th they went to Street’s Creek, 2 miles above the Chippewa [Chippawa] River (p.28) - Page 29 is titled The Battle of Chippewa [Chippawa] - He speaks of 2 drummers who were fighting over the possession of a drum when a cannonball came along and took of both of their heads (p.29) - He proclaims that this was one of the “most brilliant battles of the war”. The battle was fought and won in less than an hour after they left their tents. He credits General Scott with this success and states that was due to his rapid orders and movements. (p.30) - The dead of the battle remained on the field during the night. He describes this as quite gloomy seeing friend and foe lying side by side. At daybreak they set to work digging trenches to bury the dead. (p.31) - Colonel Campbell was wounded and advised to have his leg amputated. He refused, and subsequently died. (p.32) - It is said that the British threw several of their dead into the river and they went over the Falls. (p.32) - His troops repaired the bridge over Chippawa which the enemy had partially destroyed and then pursued the British as far as Queenston Heights. (p.32) - On pages 33 and 34 he speaks about meeting an old friend of his, Philip Harter. - The account ends at Queenston Heights

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L’Amérique centrale, théâtre des dernières batailles rangées de la guerre froide, est aujourd’hui la région la plus violente au monde, selon les Nations unies. Notre étude s’intéresse à la forme de guerre irrégulière livrée par l’État guatémaltèque contre sa propre population pendant la deuxième moitié du vingtième siècle. À la lumière de rares témoignages d’exécutants et d’archives militaires et policières, nous examinons un mécanisme clandestin de répression dont les trois principales composantes – les enlèvements, la torture et les exécutions sommaires – pouvaient s’abattre sur toute personne soupçonnée, à tort ou à raison, de conspirer contre un statu quo d’exclusion. Au moment de leur articulation, ces moyens répressifs ont constitué un dispositif qui, à partir de 1966, s’est avéré d’une redoutable efficacité. Arme de prédilection des adeptes de la guerre antisubversive pendant plus de vingt ans, le dispositif permettait, telle une chaîne de production, l’accumulation des renseignements jugés indispensables à cette forme de guerre, ainsi que les cadavres dont l’absence éternelle ou la présence outrageuse sur la place publique servaient d’avertissement funeste à l’ensemble du corps social. Où chercher les origines d’un tel dispositif? À partir des ouvrages de référence cités dans le manuel de guerre contre-subversive de l’armée guatémaltèque, la réponse à cette question nous fera découvrir des parachutistes français pour qui la défaite militaire en Indochine et en Algérie pendant les années 1950 n’était pas une option et pour qui la victoire justifiait absolument tous les moyens. Le penchant de ces pionniers de la guerre hors-norme pour les cours magistraux, les entrevues et les articles, nous a permis d’étudier les méthodes qu’ils préconisaient et de repérer leurs traces au Guatemala. Alors que la guerre qui avait servi de prétexte au maintien du dispositif est terminée, sa très réputée efficacité assure encore aujourd’hui sa pérennité auprès de ceux qui peuvent s’offrir le service. En ce sens, la contre-insurrection se poursuit, et ce, malgré l’absence depuis une quinzaine d’années d’un conflit armé. Cette thèse aborde l’histoire de la guerre irrégulière et son déroulement au Guatemala. Les archives et les témoignages à notre disposition contredisent le déni des crimes commis dans les villes et les campagnes guatémaltèques, dont le génocide de 1982. Finalement, certains signes avant-coureurs indiquent que la violence et l’impunité actuelles au pays pourraient mener à la répétition de tels crimes à l’avenir.

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Le 18 juin 1815, Napoléon fut renversé à Waterloo, mais son art de la guerre survécut. Il s'agit de cet art militaire qu'il avait révolutionné et dont d'autres firent de nombreuses applications longtemps après sa disparition. S'inspirant des méthodes des théoriciens du XVIIIe siècle, il avait privilégié la stratégie d'anéantissement dans la conduite d'opérations militaires et se classait ainsi dans la catégorie des stratèges recherchant avant tout la bataille décisive en vue de détruire les forces ennemies. À la lumière des tactiques et stratégies que Bonaparte utilisa dans ses plus célèbres campagnes, cette thèse tentera de dégager les méthodes napoléoniennes qui furent le plus souvent utilisées au cours de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. Les conflits étudiés durant cette période seront la guerre de Crimée (1853-1856), la campagne d'Italie (1859), la guerre de Sécession américaine (1861-1865), la guerre austro-prussienne (1866) et la guerre franco-prussienne (1870-1871). Cette recherche tiendra compte non seulement de l'influence des progrès de l'armement et des moyens de transport et de communication sur l'art de la guerre en général, mais aussi du contexte économique, financier, politique et militaire des États bélligérants de cette époque. Parmi les nombreux exégètes de Bonaparte du XIXe siècle, deux théoriciens militaires en particulier, Clausewitz et Jomini, se distinguèrent dans l'interprétation savante de la guerre napoléonienne. Tout en analysant l'impact des méthodes de l'Empereur dans les guerres selectionnées, nous allons déterminer dans quelle mesure la vision jominienne des campagnes de Bonaparte divergeait de celle de Clausewitz en ce qui concerne les conflits traités. Nous aborderons ensuite l'influence napoléonienne sur l'administration, l'organisation et les marches des armées impliquées dans les guerres en question et nous porterons une attention particulière à l'impact du système militaire de Bonaparte sur certains aspects du déroulement même des combats. Nous terminerons cette étude par un bref aperçu sur les enseignements que les militaires au XIXe siècle purent dégager des campagnes napoléoniennes pour la conduite des guerres de l'avenir.

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Les études sur la mémoire, qui connaissent une grande popularité depuis les années 1980, ont mené à un intérêt pour l’histoire de l’histoire et pour la création de figures héroïques. Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’inscrit dans ces courants de recherche en étudiant le sort qu’une historiographie plurinationale a réservé à trois officiers français du théâtre nord-américain de la guerre de Sept Ans. Nous observerons comment les ouvrages britanniques, français, américains, canadiens-anglais et canadiens-français ont traité de Vaudreuil, Bougainville et Lévis. Nous pourrons ainsi exploiter la richesse de l’historiographie relative à cette guerre, qui date du XVIIIe siècle jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Il s’agira de suivre les regards croisés que les historiens des différentes époques et allégeances nationales ont porté sur nos personnages. C’est que ces trois hommes incarnent trois postures que l’historiographie interprétera de façon variable. En effet, comme cette production historique est surtout marquée par des rivalités entre les personnages qui prennent des allures de conflits nationaux, nos héros seront surtout jugés selon une perspective nationale. Vaudreuil, le gouverneur canadien né dans la colonie y devient donc le champion de son «pays», Bougainville, le métropolitain critique des conditions coloniales, futur navigateur et homme des Lumières, est jugé en fonction de ses propos sur le Canada, alors que Lévis, le métropolitain discret dans ses écrits, sera surtout jugé en fonction de sa victoire à Sainte-Foy en 1760.

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El interés que presenta esta investigación es analizar la manera en que la inversión española influye en la economía cubana para generar en la isla perspectivas de transición económica desde 1991. Se explica la situación de expectativa en relación con la posible transición económica cubana por las reformas legislativas, los lazos económicos generados con nuevos socios y la reentrada en escena de la propiedad privada en el entorno cubano. No obstante, el embargo económico estadounidense, la persistencia del régimen castrista, su aparente falta de voluntad hacia el cambio y la no ejecución de algunas decisiones de la Asamblea Nacional actúan como obstáculos para dicho proceso de transición. La metodología de investigación es de tipo descriptivo-analítico, en donde se emplean conceptos de relaciones internacionales para alcanzar un mayor grado de comprensión.

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Revisión crítica de la ‘versión heredada’ sobre el resurgir del pragmatismo norteamericano. Aquí sostengo que ésta es una narrativa sobre la historia de la filosofía que puede ser usada para “reivindicar” la continuidad o para “añorar” la pérdida de esa tradición. Presento tres argumentos a favor de mi tesis sobre la versión heredada: i) es insuficiente para explicar el surgimiento del pragmatismo; ii) es un tipo de narrativa que hace plausible una imagen de la filosofía; iii) impide apreciar que la formación del canon obedece a los propósitos de los seguidores del movimiento.

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Esta monografía se centra en evaluar mediante un enfoque constructivista, y a partir de una serie de hechos históricos, cómo la identidad construida por Rusia y Georgia fue el detonante de la Guerra de Osetia del Sur en 2008. Para tal objetivo, se partirá del supuesto que este conflicto fue el resultado de las diferencias entre ambos actores que desarrollaron una serie de políticas antagónicas, enmarcadas en una cultura de anarquía hobbesiana la cual se configuró tras la Revolución de las Rosas y la posterior llegada de Mijaíl Saakashvili al poder, puesto que Georgia se convertiría en el principal aliado de occidente en el Cáucaso, basado en un rol anti ruso y disidente de la influencia del Kremlin en la zona, divergiendo con el liderazgo de Rusia el cual se fundamenta en una identidad construida a raíz de su pasado imperial y hegemónico.

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Common Loon (Gavia immer) is considered an emblematic and ecologically important example of aquatic-dependent wildlife in North America. The northern breeding range of Common Loon has contracted over the last century as a result of habitat degradation from human disturbance and lakeshore development. We focused on the state of New Hampshire, USA, where a long-term monitoring program conducted by the Loon Preservation Committee has been collecting biological data on Common Loon since 1976. The Common Loon population in New Hampshire is distributed throughout the state across a wide range of lake-specific habitats, water quality conditions, and levels of human disturbance. We used a multiscale approach to evaluate the association of Common Loon and breeding habitat within three natural physiographic ecoregions of New Hampshire. These multiple scales reflect Common Loon-specific extents such as territories, home ranges, and lake-landscape influences. We developed ecoregional multiscale models and compared them to single-scale models to evaluate model performance in distinguishing Common Loon breeding habitat. Based on information-theoretic criteria, there is empirical support for both multiscale and single-scale models across all three ecoregions, warranting a model-averaging approach. Our results suggest that the Common Loon responds to both ecological and anthropogenic factors at multiple scales when selecting breeding sites. These multiscale models can be used to identify and prioritize the conservation of preferred nesting habitat for Common Loon populations.

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This paper illustrates the opportunities afforded by the adoption of postcolonial discourse in development geography, drawing specifically on issues of transnationalism, hybridity and inbetweeness. The utility of such notions and associated approaches is illustrated by the authors' current research on the migration of young, second generation and foreign-born 'Bajan-Brits' to the small Caribbean island nation of Barbados, the homeland of their parents. Focussing on issues of 'race' and gender, the paper examines the experiences of return migration among this cohort from an interpretative perspective framed within postcolonial discourse. It argues that notwithstanding the considerable sociocultural problems of adjustment encountered, these Bajan-Brit 'returnees' may be seen as occupying positions of relative economic privilege. Theirs is a liminal space derived by virtue of having been born and/or raised in the UK and being of the black 'race'. Accordingly, they are demonstrated to be both advantaged and disadvantaged; both transnational and national; and black but, in some senses, symbolically white.

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The “natural laboratory” of mountainous Dominica (15°N) in the trade wind belt is used to study the physics of tropical orographic precipitation in its purest form, unforced by weather disturbances or by the diurnal cycle of solar heating. A cross-island line of rain gauges and 5-min radar scans from Guadeloupe reveal a large annual precipitation at high elevation (7 m yr^{−1}) and a large orographic enhancement factor (2 to 8) caused primarily by repetitive convective triggering over the windward slope. The triggering is caused by terrain-forced lifting of the conditionally unstable trade wind cloud layer. Ambient humidity fluctuations associated with open-ocean convection may play a key role. The convection transports moisture upward and causes frequent brief showers on the hilltops. The drying ratio of the full air column from precipitation is less than 1% whereas the surface air dries by about 17% from the east coast to the mountain top. On the lee side, a plunging trade wind inversion and reduced instability destroys convective clouds and creates an oceanic rain shadow.