828 resultados para State government publications.
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The Centre for Native Floriculture (CNF) commenced in May 2003 at The University of Queensland, Gatton. The CNF is a joint initiative with the Queensland State Government, with funding for an initial 3-year period. The phase-out of bush-picking under the South East Queensland Forests Agreement was a catalyst for the Centres establishment. The CNF vision is: ‘to help create an internationally competitive and environmentally sustainable native floriculture industry that provides significant employment opportunities in Queensland’. The Centre is comprised of three research, development and extension programs. The Value Chain Program assists native floriculture industry groups in developing efficient consumer-orientated production, handling and marketing systems for select high potential species. These value chain systems will serve as models for realizing the market potential of and regional fiscal returns on other native ornamental species identified as crop ideotypes that are sought after by end-users (e.g. florists). The Floriculture Program supports the value chain by working to enhance germplasm for the native floriculture industry through selection and breeding, optimize cultivation protocols and overcome any technical barriers that arise. Such barriers include propagation constraints, disease problems and post-harvest limitations. The Capacity Building Program operates to transfer technology and other skills (e.g. value chain management principles) to industry members, train operatives for the industry and promote native floriculture. Conservation of native flora is encouraged through cultivation and community engagement. Protection of biodiversity is advocated via regional production systems that spare natural areas and educate the public as to the biological, floricultural and aesthetic values of native flora. Eco-agricultural tourism focused on wildflowers both in nature and in cultivation is also advocated by the CNF.
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-scale vary from a planetary scale and million years for convection problems to 100km and 10 years for fault systems simulations. Various techniques are in use to deal with the time dependency (e.g. Crank-Nicholson), with the non-linearity (e.g. Newton-Raphson) and weakly coupled equations (e.g. non-linear Gauss-Seidel). Besides these high-level solution algorithms discretization methods (e.g. finite element method (FEM), boundary element method (BEM)) are used to deal with spatial derivatives. Typically, large-scale, three dimensional meshes are required to resolve geometrical complexity (e.g. in the case of fault systems) or features in the solution (e.g. in mantel convection simulations). The modelling environment escript allows the rapid implementation of new physics as required for the development of simulation codes in earth sciences. Its main object is to provide a programming language, where the user can define new models and rapidly develop high-level solution algorithms. The current implementation is linked with the finite element package finley as a PDE solver. However, the design is open and other discretization technologies such as finite differences and boundary element methods could be included. escript is implemented as an extension of the interactive programming environment python (see www.python.org). Key concepts introduced are Data objects, which are holding values on nodes or elements of the finite element mesh, and linearPDE objects, which are defining linear partial differential equations to be solved by the underlying discretization technology. In this paper we will show the basic concepts of escript and will show how escript is used to implement a simulation code for interacting fault systems. We will show some results of large-scale, parallel simulations on an SGI Altix system. Acknowledgements: Project work is supported by Australian Commonwealth Government through the Australian Computational Earth Systems Simulator Major National Research Facility, Queensland State Government Smart State Research Facility Fund, The University of Queensland and SGI.
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Este trabalho discute a importância de uma nova perspectiva em defesa dos interesses dos trabalhadores para os sindicatos no Brasil, o sindicato-cidadão. O sindicalismo no Brasil nasceu envolvido por um regime capitalista, sofrendo com isso um processo ideológico particular. Em um País em que o Estado por anos - atualmente também - manteve sob o seu controle indireto a maioria dos sindicatos, os embates mais significativos se fizeram de forma inexpressiva, causando em muitos casos a perda por parte dos trabalhadores na constante luta entre capital e trabalho. Essa perda não se reflete somente em questões financeiras, mas sim, e mais importante ainda, em perdas de desenvolvimento do trabalhador em seu nível técnico e mais preocupante em seu nível social. Procurando entender a participação das entidades sindicais na recuperação da força do trabalhador é que se propôs este trabalho, analisando os programas de qualificação do governo geridos por órgãos de caráter sindical. Foram examinados os dados do programa PLANFOR, PNQ e Caravana do Trabalho do Governo do Estado de São Paulo e também os dados disponibilizados pelo Instituto de Estudos e Pesquisas do Setor Energético IEPE, como órgão gerador dos programas de qualificação desenvolvidos e financiados pelo Estado com recursos do FAT. Esta análise visa detalhar, por meio de uma pesquisa qualitativa descritiva, as necessidades levantadas pelos programas do Governo e também dos programas de qualificação profissional aplicados pelo IEPE, além de uma entrevista em profundidade com três presidentes de entidades sindicais. A coleta de dados deu-se através de dados secundários provenientes de pesquisa documental e bibliográfica em fontes públicas. Com este levantamento buscou-se analisar se os programas atendem as reais necessidades dos indivíduos e mais, se além de qualificar tecnicamente estas pessoas, se estes programas fomentam noções de cidadania. Foi possível entender que existe divergência quanto ao real objetivo do sindicato-cidadão perante os entrevistados, tornando possivelmente vulneráveis as ações de capacitação aplicadas tanto pelo governo, quanto pelo sindicato, o que torna dificultoso alcançar o objetivo maior a que se propõe o sindicato-cidadão, de fomentar a inserção social através da qualificação.(AU)
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Este estudo visa analisar as interferencias do Banco Mundial na Educacao Brasileira a partir do estudo de seis teses (aqui identificadas pelas iniciais A,B,C, D, E e F) de doutorado relativas ao tema, defendidas na Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp), sendo quatro delas (A, B, C, e D) voltadas a area de educacao e duas (E e F) a area de Ciencias Sociais e Economia. O estudo das teses parte dos objetivos de cada uma, que podem ser resumidos da seguinte forma: a Tese A - ¡ªA Mundializacao da Educacao: o Projeto Neoliberal de Sociedade e de Educacao no Brasil e na Venezuela. (MELO, 2003) -, sob a orientacao do Prof. Dr. Nilson Joseph Demange, teve como objetivo investigar o processo de mundializacao da educacao como elemento de uma nova fase de internacionalizacao e acumulacao capitalista, conduzida hegemonicamente pelos sujeitos politicos coletivos que assumem o projeto neoliberal de sociabilidade, especialmente o Fundo Monetario Internacional e o Banco Mundial, que buscam ser condutores das reformas estruturais para a America Latina e Caribe; a Tese B . ¡ªO Capital Financeiro e a Educacao no Brasil. (DEITOS, 2005) -, sob a orientacao da Profa. Dra. Maria Elizabete Sampaio Prado Xavier, teve como objetivo definir quais as consequencias da consolidacao do projeto, para a redefinicao das politicas educacionais na America Latina e Caribe; a Tese C . ¡ªGlobalizacao e Descentralizacao: o Processo de Desconstrucao do Sistema Educacional Brasileiro pela Via da Municipalizacao. (ROSAR, 1995) -, sob a orientacao do Prof. Dr. Demerval Saviani, teve como objetivo analisar as reformas educacionais empreendidas no Brasil, no periodo de 1995-2002, particularmente a politica educacional nacional para o ensino medio e profissional, com financiamento externo do Banco Internacional para Reforma e Desenvolvimento (BIRD); a Tese D . ¡ªAs Politicas Educacionais para o Desenvolvimento e o Trabalho Docente. (SOUZA, 1999) ., sob a orientacao da Profa. Dra. Liliana Rolisen Petrilli Segnini, trata da politica educacional para o ensino de 1¨¬ grau, tracada segundo a visao de seu autor no ambito de projetos federais, com o objetivo de induzir a municipalizacao do ensino, transferindo encargos para o municipio, sem a realizacao de investimentos financeiros satisfatorios nessa instancia; a Tese E . ¡ªEconomia, poder e influencias externa: O Grupo Banco Mundial e as Politicas de Ajustes Estruturais na America Latina, nas Decadas de Oitenta e Noventa. (COELHO, 2002) ., sob a orientacao do Prof. Dr. Sebastiao Carlos Velasco e Cruz, teve como objetivo analisar as relacoes entre o projeto educacional implementado pelo governo estadual, no periodo entre 1995 e 1998 e suas concepcoes de politicas educacionais; a Tese F - ¡ªA Questao Social e os Limites do Projeto Liberal no Brasil. (GIMENES, 2007) ., sob a orientacao do Prof. Dr. Carlos Alonso Barbosa de Oliveira, teve como objetivo analisar a relacao entre a economia, o poder politico e a influencia externa, focalizando o Grupo Banco Mundial e os programas de ajustamento estrutural na America Latina. Por fim este estudo mescla teses brasileiras advindas da area da Educacao e da Economia; foca o banco mundial e sua influencia no Brasil, oferecendo uma visao das conexoes logicas existentes entre elas. Como conclusao deste trabalho, apresentaremos as consideracoes finais de cada uma das teses, bem como as limitacoes e sugestoes para
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Purpose – This paper aims to consider how climate change performance is measured and accounted for within the performance framework for local authority areas in England adopted in 2008. It critically evaluates the design of two mitigation and one adaptation indicators that are most relevant to climate change. Further, the potential for these performance indicators to contribute to climate change mitigation and adaptation is discussed. Design/methodology/approach – The authors begin by examining the importance of the performance framework and the related Local Area Agreements (LAAs), which were negotiated for all local areas in England between central government and Local Strategic Partnerships (LSPs). This development is located within the broader literature relating to new public management. The potential for this framework to assist in delivering the UK's climate change policy objectives is researched in a two-stage process. First, government publications and all 150 LAAs were analysed to identify the level of priority given to the climate change indicators. Second, interviews were conducted in spring 2009 with civil servants and local authority officials from the English West Midlands who were engaged in negotiating the climate change content of the LAAs. Findings – Nationally, the authors find that 97 per cent of LAAs included at least one climate change indicator as a priority. The indicators themselves, however, are perceived to be problematic – in terms of appropriateness, accuracy and timeliness. In addition, concerns were identified about the level of local control over the drivers of climate change performance and, therefore, a question is raised as to how LSPs can be held accountable for this. On a more positive note, for those concerned about climate change, the authors do find evidence that the inclusion of these indicators within the performance framework has helped to move climate change up the agenda for local authorities and their partners. However, actions by the UK's new coalition government to abolish the national performance framework and substantially reduce public expenditure potentially threaten this advance. Originality/value – This paper offers an insight into a new development for measuring climate change performance at a local level, which is relatively under-researched. It also contributes to knowledge of accountability within a local government setting and provides a reference point for further research into the potential role of local actions to address the issue of climate change.
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A magyar gazdaság új növekedési pályára állása a kilencvenes évek végére tehető, s ebben meghatározó szerepe volt a pótlólagos erőforrásként szolgáló külföldi működőtőke-befektetéseknek. A nemzetközi tőkeáramlás ezredfordulót követő módosulása (csökkenő volumen, változó irányultság) kedvezőtlenül érintette a hazai gazdaságot, aminek egyik következménye a beruházások csökkenése és a növekedési ütem lassulása, másik következménye viszont – a jövedelemkiáramlást semlegesítő hatás elmaradása miatt – a fizetési mérleg romlása. Ebben a helyzetben halaszthatatlanná vált az államháztartási egyensúlyromlás megállítása, illetve a gazdasági fejlődés új alapokra helyezése. A szerző elemzésében – a hazai versenyszektor eredményességi és vagyoni jellemzőinek értékelésével – azt szeretné jelezni, hogy az egyensúlytalansági állapot megszüntetése nem szorítkozhat az államháztartási rendszerre, vagyis az ország helyzetének stabilizálása, majd új növekedési pályára állás nem képzelhető el a gazdaság átfogó modernizációja nélkül. Vizsgálata a ténylegesen működő (343 ezer) hazai társas vállalkozás 2000–2008. évi pénzügyi beszámolóinak adataira épül. Álláspontja szerint a mintavétel nagysága ellensúlyozza az esetleges torzító hatásokat (lásd: helyenként előforduló kreatív beszámolók), így a vállalkozások mennyiségi gyarapodása, méret szerinti megoszlása, a gazdasági tevékenység jellege, a teljesítmények és eredmények alakulása, a vállalkozói vagyon módosulása megbízhatóan értékelhető, illetve a tapasztalatok alapján a korrekciós intézkedések igénye és azok tartalma is jól körvonalazható. Tanulmányát így ajánljuk a téma iránt érdeklődőknek, a versenyszektor szereplőinek, de leginkább a gazdaságpolitika formálóinak. _________ The economic performance during the transition period was characterized by the alternations of fulfilled hopes and unrealized expectations. The economic restructuring and changes in market relations took place during the first decade, while new – mostly foreign – investment groups entered on the new market. As a result the economy was stabilized and was put to a new growth path. But after the millennium the foreign investment based economy development strategy was no more adequate. The new engine for the growth should have been the domestic small and medium enterprise sector (SsME), but despite the subsidies this sector was not strengthened to take this role. The author – the researcher of BCE, and the ex-president of APpEH – analyses the characteristics of the domestic business demography, performance and effectiveness, based on the 2000–2008 annual financial statements of the business sector. In the author’s analysis – with assessment of the domestic business sector and financial performance characteristicst - he would like to point out that the imbalance can not be confined to the elimination of state government system, that is, the country’s situation to stabilize, and then post a new growth path is not conceivable without the modernization of the economy overall. In his view, the sample size outweighed the possible distortionary effects (see occurring in places of creative accounts), so the growth of business volume, size distribution, the nature of economic activity, the evolution of performance and results, a reliable assessment of changes in the business of property and the experience on the basis of the need for corrective action, and its contents are also well delineated. Sstudy it is recommended for those interested in the topic, the business sector actors, but most of the economic policy makers.
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This study examined the perceptions of state governmental officials and administrators from the state university system, community college system, and independent institutions concerning the ability of various groups to influence state-level higher education policy formation. The study was conducted in Florida for the period 1989-94. Florida has a history of legislative involvement in higher education, a unique system of state universities and community colleges, and a limited number of private institutions of higher education. This study was grounded in the works of Mortimer and McConnell (1978), Millett (1987), Marshall, Mitchell, and Wirt (1989) and Finitfer, Baldwin, and Thelin (1991).^ The study represented the application of an embedded, single-case design. A survey was the primary collection instrument. Respondents were asked questions concerning: (a) personal involvement in higher education, (b) perceptions of the ability of various groups to influence higher education policy, (c) the names of particular individuals considered key players in higher education policy formation, (d) important state-level documents, (e) personal knowledge of key areas of policy formation, and (f) emerging higher education issues in Florida. Quantitative and qualitative methods were used to analyze the different sections of the survey.^ The findings indicated that a power and influence hierarchy exists among the various groups that attempt to influence higher education policy and that this hierarchy is recognized by state government officials and higher education administrators. While an analysis of variance of the various groups revealed a few differences between state government officials and higher education personnel, the high overall agreement was an important finding. Leading members of the legislature, especially the Chair of the Senate Higher Education Committee, and key staff members, especially from the Senate Ways & Means Committee, were considered the most influential. Representatives from higher education institutions and research organizations were considered among the least influential. Emerging issues identified by the respondents included: (a) the political nature of state-level policy formation, (b) the role of legislative staff, (c) the competition for state moneys, (d) legislative concern for state-wide budgetary efficiency, and (e) legislative attempts to define quality and supervise academic program development for higher education. ^
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Desegregation of social and public spaces was the most visible result of the Civil Rights Movement. After 1960, the integration of schools in Mississippi became a source of conflict. The social change of Civil Rights attacked the social order of White Resistance that supported the state superstructure. The public schools were a place for the discovery of identity for Blacks. The integrated on of the schools caused many Whites to leave rather than be integrated with Blacks. Desegregation of schools was also a slow process because the local and state government could not enforce the decisions of the US Courts, leading Blacks to realize their place in American society could only be secured through individual action. ^ This work explains the role of schooling during the integration of the Holly Springs Separate School System. The process of forging a new identity by local Blacks is examined against the forces of social change and resistance. I addition, this work examines the perils for the Blacks as they faced the uncertainty of change in the crucial Civil Rights years between 1964 and 1974. ^ This work analyzes how the Black community dealt with the problems triggered by the desegregation of the school system in Holly Springs, of a constructed social condition, a psychological state of being, the realities of racism and segregation, and the change and resistance between the individual and the collective. It is based on six months of field work investigation. Although the schools were a crucial aspect of community life for Blacks and Whites, Blacks did form their identity in them. Other institutions, such churches were more crucial. Second, the aspect of politeness and belief in law made the experience in Holly Springs unique to that place, and thus, warrants further study to determine its place within the Civil Rights Movement. Finally, while the political and economic control of Holly Springs remained with Whites, desegregation led to the resegregation of the public schools: as Whites left to private schools. ^
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This dissertation is a comparative case study of regional cooperation in the field of economic development. In the 21st century global economy, proponents of regionalism have put forth fresh arguments for collective action. A regional approach to economic development activity presents a classic social dilemma: How can local officials collectively improve the economic prospects of a region, and remain autonomous to act in the best interest of the local community? This research examines the role of social capital in overcoming this social dilemma. ^ Three (3) comparable Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) form the empirical basis of this research. The Houston MSA, the Atlanta MSA and the Miami MSA present distinct variations of regionalized economic development activity. This dissertation seeks to explain this disparity in the dependent variable. The hypothesis is that accrued social capital is crucial to obtaining economic development cooperative agreements.^ This qualitative research utilized secondary demographic and economic databases, survey instruments, interviews, field observations, and a review of legislative and administrative decisions to formulate a clear understanding of the factors influencing the current state of regional economic development cooperation within each region. The study concludes that the legislative and executive decisions of state government exert inordinate influence on the capacity of local officials to cooperate regionally for economic development purposes.^
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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: (1) hyper militarization, (2) intimidation,(3) coercion, (4) criminalization, (5) panoptic surveillance, (6) plenary security measures, and (7) unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: (1) official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; (2) militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and (3) case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-à-vis the relationship between US security and global security.
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This study examined the perceptions of state governmental officials and administrators from the state university system, community college system, and independent institutions concerning the ability of various groups to influence state-level higher education policy formation. The study was conducted in Florida for the period 1989-94. Florida has a history of legislative involvement in higher education, an unique system of state universities and community colleges, and a limited number of private institutions of higher education. This study was grounded in the works of Mortimer and McConnell (1978), Millett (1987), Marshall, Mitchell, and Wirt (1989) and Finitfer, Baldwin, and Thelin (1991). The study represented the application of an embedded, single-case design. A survey was the primary collection instrument. Respondents were asked questions concerning: (a) personal involvement in higher education, (b) perceptions of the ability of various groups to influence higher education policy, (c) the names of particular individuals considered key players in higher education policy formation, (d) important state-level documents, (e) personal knowledge of key areas of policy formation, and (f) emerging higher education issues in Florida. Quantitative and qualitative methods were used to analyze the different sections of the survey. The findings indicated that a power and influence hierarchy exists among the various groups that attempt to influence higher education policy and that this hierarchy is recognized by state government officials and higher education administrators. While an analysis of variance of the various groups revealed a few differences between state government officials and higher education personnel, the high overall agreement was an important finding. Leading members of the legislature, especially the Chair of the Senate Higher Education Committee, and key staff members, especially from the Senate Ways & Means Committee, were considered the most influential. Representatives from higher education institutions and research organizations were considered among the least influential. Emerging issues identified by the respondents included: (a) the political nature of state-level policy formation, (b) the role of legislative staff, (c) the competition for state moneys, (d) legislative concern for state-wide budgetary efficiency, and (e) legislative attempts to define quality and supervise academic program development for higher education.
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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: 1., hyper militarization, 2., intimidation, 3., coercion, 4., criminalization, 5., panoptic surveillance, 6., plenary security measures, and 7., unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: 1., official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; 2., militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and 3., case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-a-vis the relationship between US security and global security.
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The Environmental Education is a plural and diversified knowledge field, composed by a group of social agents of specific State, government and civil society sectors, with different world views and theoretical matrices that exercised and influenced its genealogy and constitutive dynamic. The Environmental Education – while specific knowledge field – has been produced, systematized and diffused in Brazil in the last decades by official State organisms, through public policies, as well as by social movements of popular education, and constitutes a large and historical movement about the environmental question, that was worldwide projected in the 1960 decade (the environmentalist movement). Concerning the creation of public policies and specific programs to the Environmental Education, in the scope of the governmental initiative, the approval of the National Policy of Environmental Education, by means of the Law n. 9.795/99 – together with its regulatory decree, the Decree nº 4.281 – represents the consolidation of a inclusion process of the environmental dimension in the educational field. These normative acts, beyond charging the public power with the incumbency to define public policies that incorporate the environmental dimension and to promote the Environmental Education in all education levels, also charge the educational institution with the duty of promoting this component in an integrated and articulated way with the educational programs that such institutions develop. In this context, it is aimed to identify and analyze under the light of the dialectical and historical materialism, the practices and concepts developed under the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN), with regard to its institutional policy on Environmental Education, relating it to establishing the Pnea. The analysis by means specific legislation on the subject and institutional documents UFRN. The research showed that, in general, the National Environmental Education Policy has limits to its effectiveness given the absence of specific funding for this purpose and the little government involvement in that the Brazilian State assumes, by through effective policies, the material conditions of financing actions with respect to this field of education. The fragmented and disjointed way the analyzed actions are developed constitutes a limit to the challenge for the UFRN implement, consistently and objectively, an Environmental Education policy, which can be monitored and evaluated as an effective public policy, both landmarks major goal of own Pnea as the demands of development whose agenda a critical environmental perspective.
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On the evening of April 1, 1981, the city of Santa Cruz was taken by a flood that destroyed the spillway weir Santa Cruz and much of the city, causing the population of the lower areas to abandon their homes. Residences and closest to the dam, the river and the creek Trairi Sin streets were totally affected, and many of the houses and public buildings completely destroyed. Located in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, the city of Santa Cruz is marked by a very hot climate and semi-arid. With an average normal rainfall of 498.7 mm per year, the city is affected by drought since the beginning of its foundation, around the year 1831. For its development had continued, it was necessary that the population actualize various environmental interventions Nature, especially as regards the storage and distribution of water. Considering the process of occupying the space in question, as well as the relationships that human groups have with the natural environment, we aim to analyze how human interventions affect the environment around them, modifying it to meet their needs and interests. Thus, we intend to understand how media coverage enabled the construction of a framework of tragedy. We intend to observe how the occupation of Santa Cruz led to the modification of their surroundings, trying to discuss the effects of human intervention on natural disasters. Among the research sources include newspapers A República, Diário de Natal, Tribuna do Norte, O Poti and Folha de São Paulo, as well as interviews with the then mayor of Santa Cruz, Hildebrando Teixeira de Souza, and with the couple José Henrique de Pontes and Severina Aguida de Pontes, whose house was hit by the flood. We will also take messages from the state government, the minutes of the city council of Santa Cruz and reports produced by DNOCS on the construction of the weir and its survey after the flood.
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The paper is about the role played by the municipalities in the literacy teacher continuing education policies. It is a research conducted in Ceará municipalities, Brazil, having the period between 2003 and 2006 as a contextual sample. The study brings the notion of intergovernmental relations and cooperative mechanisms as theoretical and central tools and, through interrelated stages of bibliographical and document analysis as well as fieldwork, it is carried out the analysis of the interrelation between the municipal policies and the policies developed by the Federal and/or State Government for literacy teacher continuing education. The research reveals that in the field of the realities examined taking care of the literacy teacher continuing education policies is not an exclusive municipal role, but it is a common competence of the federated entities within the Brazilian cooperative federalism.