741 resultados para Single women -- India -- Public opinion


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Wydział Nauk Społecznych: Instytut Socjologii

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Esta investigación se centra en un análisis comparativo de dos medios de circulación nacional, Diario El Telégrafo y Diario El Universo, con el fin de determinar el tratamiento de la noticia que cada rotativo le dio a un tema de interés general: el 30 de Septiembre de 2010. En el capítulo I realizamos un acercamiento a la relación entre la Prensa y el Gobierno. Se pudo evidenciar quehistóricamente en nuestro país, Ecuador, han existido roces entre ambos;por lo que creímos pertinente consultar autores y diarios de distintas épocas, que expongan esta situación y contextualicen nuestro trabajo. En el capítulo II, parasustentar la investigación, se revisaron varios teóricos; entre ellos, JürgenHabermas, con sus teorías de la Acción Comunicativa y de la de Opinión Pública, así como Elizabeth Noelle Neumann con la Espiral del Silencio. Nuestra tesis se apoya también en las teorías de la Aguja Hipodérmica y de la Semiótica. En el capítulo III, se inicia el análisis comparativo del tratamiento de la noticia entre Diario “El Universo” y Diario “El Telégrafo”, tomando como herramienta metodológica principal elanálisis de contenido, que sirve de base para el estudio de cada una de las ediciones de los periódicos revisados. En el capítulo IV se realizó el análisis de contenido desde lo cuantitativo en base a tablas estadísticas.Durante el tiempo investigado (30 de septiembre al 31 de octubre de 2010) se tomaron en cuenta todas las notas relacionadas a los acontecimientos que nos atañen. Finalmente, las conclusiones nos remiten a los siguientes conceptos después de la investigación: Diario El Universo y Diario El Telégrafo, son medios ideológicamente opuestos, aunque su agenda mediática ante una situación de tal magnitud se parece mucho. En el tratamiento que le da cada rotativo a las noticias, se evidenció en general mayor contundencia y análisis de los hechos en Diario El Universo, por la cantidad de información presentada, así como por el contraste de fuentes; sin que esto signifique el desmerecimiento al trabajo periodístico llevado a cabo por Diario El Telégrafo.

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The current study presents the characteristics of self-efficacy of students of Administration course, who work and do not work. The study was conducted through a field research, descriptive, addressed quantitatively using statistical procedures. Was studied a population composed of 394 students distributed in three Higher Education Institutions, in the metropolitan region of Belém, in the State of Pará. The sampling was not probabilistic by accessibility, with a sample of 254 subjects. The instrument for data collection was a questionnaire composed of a set of questions divided into three sections: the first related to sociodemographic data, the second section was built to identify the work situation of the respondent and the third section was built with issues related to General Perceived Self-Efficacy Scale proposed by Schwarzer and Jerusalem (1999). Sociodemographic data were processed using methods of descriptive statistics. This procedure allowed characterizing the subjects of the sample. To identify the work situation, the analysis of frequency and percentage was used, which allowed to classify in percentage, the respondents who worked and those that did not work, and the data related to the scale of self-efficacy were processed quantitatively by the method of multivariate statistics using the software of program Statistical Package for Social Sciences for Windows - SPSS, version 17 from the process of Exploratory Factor Analysis. This procedure allowed characterizing the students who worked and the students who did not worked. The results were discussed based on Social Cognitive Theory from the construct of self-efficacy of Albert Bandura (1977). The study results showed a young sample, composed the majority of single women with work experience, and indicated that the characteristics of self-efficacy of students who work and students who do not work are different. The self-efficacy beliefs of students who do not work are based on psychological expectations, whereas the students who work demonstrated that their efficacy beliefs are sustained by previous experiences. A student who does not work proved to be reliant in their abilities to achieve a successful performance in their activities, believing it to be easy to achieve your goals and to face difficult situations at work, simply by invest a necessary effort and trust in their abilities. One who has experience working proved to be reliant in their abilities to conduct courses of action, although know that it is not easy to achieve your goals, and in unexpected situations showed its ability to solve difficult problems

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This book presents the main results of an electoral panel study which is both unique and innovative not only in French political research but also among Western European electoral studies. The survey was conducted among a sample of 1,846 French voters interviewed on four separate occasions (2007 Presidential and Legislative elections). Electoral trajectories can thus be observed revealing the main trends in electoral behaviour and voting patterns across the electorate. The analysis of such trajectories and patterns mobilizes not only the usual explanatory factors (demographics, political leanings and identifications) but also another set of political variables (issues, the campaign and the media, the candidates' image, how electoral decisions are made, hesitation in voting intentions).This study also provides interesting findings on electoral volatility, including abstention. (Résumé éditeur)

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This research is based on the hypothesis that law and order model is displacing the procedura justice system in Spain. After a thorough review of the international literature, one can observe that the traditional structure of the penal system does not seem to be capable of containing the new forms of crime. The new penal model assumes that public opinion is alarmed and unwilling to understand rational approaches to crime, so it will be likely to accept measures aimed at calming the fear of crime, through extensive control policies and penal tools to manage uncivil behavior. Objectives and methodology A measuring instrument has been developed to confirm this hypothesis, consisting of ten features that characterize the law and order model. This instrument has been used to identify examples of its ten features in the rules and practices developed at each phase of the Spanish criminal justice system. The analysis has focused specifically on public discourse about delinquency, criminal policy decisions, legislative processes, police routines, judicial dynamics, and prison system practices. Main results The investigation has shown that there are many processes and practices indicating that the law and order model is consolidating itself in the Spanish penal system. Nevertheless this process has a different intensity at each phase, being stronger at the legislative stage and softer in the penitentiary enforcement phase. One of the main conclusions is, therefore, that the designed instrument is ideal for measuring the degree of penetration of the model throughout the system. Some of the most striking results of the reasearch will be presented at the conference. Finally, proposals arise that could prevent the new model is fully seated in our criminal justice system, finding that the trend toward more severe penalties shown already unsustainable.

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Debido a que el riesgo reputacional cada vez cobra más importancia a nivel mundial por las implicaciones y consecuencias que afectan la imagen, buen nombre y permanencia de las empresas, surgió el interés de realizar esta investigación que explora y analiza cómo se gestiona el riesgo reputacional en empresas grandes de la ciudad de Medellín (Colombia) -- El estudio se diseñó bajo un enfoque cualitativo, con alcance exploratorio a partir de la revisión y posterior construcción de un marco teórico para comprender los conceptos fundamentales relacionados con el tema de reputación y de riesgos -- Se indagó en las empresas acerca de los factores internos y externos que originan riesgos y sus posibles consecuencias, prácticas que llevan a cabo para gestionar el riesgo reputacional, metodologías y herramientas que utilizan para la misma y modelos de medición -- Los resultados de la investigación constituyen una guía para la gestión del riesgo reputacional y podrían servir como modelo para la implementación en otras empresas

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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Comunicação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação, 2016.

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The comparative analysis of Polish and Spanish political discourse in the multilingual context of European institutions is challenging not only due to linguistic, cultural, geopolitical and social differences, but also because of a relatively short history of such contacts in the EU framework. Intercultural communication, as a dynamic social practice is a fascinating object of investigation. Bidirectional comparative analysis of Polish and Spanish oral texts allows define the barriers of such communication. It encompasses the discursive act together with its objectives, strategies and consequences, and also its raison d’être. It explains why different strategies reflected through discursive categories were used. Consequently it describes both, conditions and outcomes of identity negotiation. The latter is a political competence perceived and evaluated by the direct interlocutors, the participants of the political debate, and indirectly, by a public opinion of the European Union. That proves it is two-level communication. The negotiation of political identity through discourse, according to the Ting-Toomey theory, can lead to maintaining, loosing, recovering or reinforcing it282. The Identity Negotiation Theory includes the construction and development of personal, relational, role and desired identity and is one of the methodological axes of this investigation. Political identity consists of exhibiting necessary competences to efficiently participate in the legislation process, for example, in order to present amendments, promote a given ideology, participate in controversial discussions and manage conflicts, and, finally, gain the support of public opinion. The analysis of creation, negotiation, maintenance, recovery and promotion of the political identity is performed through the identification and description of discursive categories proposed by Van Dijk283 and adapted to the needs of this study. This is the second methodological axe of the investigation. The following questions arise: which discursive strategies, used by Polish and Spanish politicians, will be communication facilitators and which will be barriers hampering communication? Which strategies show political competencies of the speaker, his or her influence in the legal EU reality through discourse?...

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The aim of this study is to determine which social agents are involved in the political debate on Twitter and whether the interpretive hegemony of actors that have traditionally been the most prominent is tempered by the challenge of framing shared with audiences. The relationship between the interpretations expressed and the profiles of participants is analyzed in comparison with the frames used by mainstream media. The chosen methodology combines content analysis and discourse analysis techniques on a sample of 1,504 relevant tweets posted on two political issues –the approval of the education law LOMCE and the evictions caused by the crisis, which have also been studied in the front pages of four leading newspapers in Spain. The results show a correlation between political issue singularities, frames and the type of discussion depending on the participants.

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L’intégration des nouveaux immigrants pose un défi, et ce, particulièrement dans les nations infra-étatiques. En effet, les citoyens vivant dans ces contextes ont davantage tendance à percevoir les immigrants comme de potentielles menaces politiques et culturelles. Cependant, les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires ne représentent pas tous le même degré de menace. Cette étude cherche à déterminer si les citoyens francophones québécois perçoivent différemment les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires, et s’ils entretiennent des attitudes plus négatives envers ces groupes, comparativement aux autres Canadiens. Dans la mesure où ces attitudes négatives existent, l’étude cherche à comprendre si ces dernières sont basées principalement sur des préjugés raciaux ou sur des inquiétudes culturelles. Se fondant sur des données nationales et provinciales, les résultats démontrent que les francophones Québécois sont plus négatifs envers les minorités religieuses que les autres canadiens mais pas envers les minorités raciales, et que ces attitudes négatives sont fondées principalement sur une inquiétude liée la laïcité et à la sécurité culturelle. L’antipathie envers certaines minorités observée au sein de la majorité francophone au Québec semble donc être dirigée envers des groupes spécifiques, et se fondent sur des principes de nature davantage culturelle que raciale.

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L’appui à la souveraineté du Québec diminue-t-il avec l’âge, ou est-il le reflet de préférences générationnelles ? Cette recherche se base sur les théories du changement générationnel et de la socialisation politique pour répondre à cette question. À l’aide de données de sondages de 1985 à 2014, nous mesurons l’impact de l’âge et de la génération sur l’appui à cette option constitutionnelle chez les Québécois francophones. Nos deux hypothèses de recherche sont confirmées dans une certaine mesure. Premièrement, les Québécois ont moins tendance à appuyer la souveraineté en vieillissant. La relation négative entre ces variables devient par contre plus faible au début des années 2000. Deuxièmement, les Baby boomers (nés entre 1945 et 1964) ont une probabilité plus élevée d’être souverainistes que les autres générations, et ce peu importe leur âge. Ils sont suivis, dans l’ordre, par les Aînés (nés en 1944 et moins), la Génération X (nés entre 1965 et 1979) et les Milléniaux (nés en 1980 ou plus).

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L’intégration des nouveaux immigrants pose un défi, et ce, particulièrement dans les nations infra-étatiques. En effet, les citoyens vivant dans ces contextes ont davantage tendance à percevoir les immigrants comme de potentielles menaces politiques et culturelles. Cependant, les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires ne représentent pas tous le même degré de menace. Cette étude cherche à déterminer si les citoyens francophones québécois perçoivent différemment les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires, et s’ils entretiennent des attitudes plus négatives envers ces groupes, comparativement aux autres Canadiens. Dans la mesure où ces attitudes négatives existent, l’étude cherche à comprendre si ces dernières sont basées principalement sur des préjugés raciaux ou sur des inquiétudes culturelles. Se fondant sur des données nationales et provinciales, les résultats démontrent que les francophones Québécois sont plus négatifs envers les minorités religieuses que les autres canadiens mais pas envers les minorités raciales, et que ces attitudes négatives sont fondées principalement sur une inquiétude liée la laïcité et à la sécurité culturelle. L’antipathie envers certaines minorités observée au sein de la majorité francophone au Québec semble donc être dirigée envers des groupes spécifiques, et se fondent sur des principes de nature davantage culturelle que raciale.

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L’appui à la souveraineté du Québec diminue-t-il avec l’âge, ou est-il le reflet de préférences générationnelles ? Cette recherche se base sur les théories du changement générationnel et de la socialisation politique pour répondre à cette question. À l’aide de données de sondages de 1985 à 2014, nous mesurons l’impact de l’âge et de la génération sur l’appui à cette option constitutionnelle chez les Québécois francophones. Nos deux hypothèses de recherche sont confirmées dans une certaine mesure. Premièrement, les Québécois ont moins tendance à appuyer la souveraineté en vieillissant. La relation négative entre ces variables devient par contre plus faible au début des années 2000. Deuxièmement, les Baby boomers (nés entre 1945 et 1964) ont une probabilité plus élevée d’être souverainistes que les autres générations, et ce peu importe leur âge. Ils sont suivis, dans l’ordre, par les Aînés (nés en 1944 et moins), la Génération X (nés entre 1965 et 1979) et les Milléniaux (nés en 1980 ou plus).

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The purpose of this work in progress study was to test the concept of recognising plants using images acquired by image sensors in a controlled noise-free environment. The presence of vegetation on railway trackbeds and embankments presents potential problems. Woody plants (e.g. Scots pine, Norway spruce and birch) often establish themselves on railway trackbeds. This may cause problems because legal herbicides are not effective in controlling them; this is particularly the case for conifers. Thus, if maintenance administrators knew the spatial position of plants along the railway system, it may be feasible to mechanically harvest them. Primary data were collected outdoors comprising around 700 leaves and conifer seedlings from 11 species. These were then photographed in a laboratory environment. In order to classify the species in the acquired image set, a machine learning approach known as Bag-of-Features (BoF) was chosen. Irrespective of the chosen type of feature extraction and classifier, the ability to classify a previously unseen plant correctly was greater than 85%. The maintenance planning of vegetation control could be improved if plants were recognised and localised. It may be feasible to mechanically harvest them (in particular, woody plants). In addition, listed endangered species growing on the trackbeds can be avoided. Both cases are likely to reduce the amount of herbicides, which often is in the interest of public opinion. Bearing in mind that natural objects like plants are often more heterogeneous within their own class rather than outside it, the results do indeed present a stable classification performance, which is a sound prerequisite in order to later take the next step to include a natural background. Where relevant, species can also be listed under the Endangered Species Act.

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Since 2002 the SCDE has administered the parent survey to a sample of parents whose children attended public schools in South Carolina. From its inception, the parent survey contains items regarding parent perceptions of the learning environment in the school, home and school relations, and the social and physical environment of the school. Additional questions document characteristics of the parents and the children of the parents responding to the survey. The parents of students in the highest grade at all elementary, middle and high schools are surveyed. Annually, the EOC has analyzed the results of the parent survey and issued reports.