Kansankirkko, uskonnonvapaus ja valtio : Suomen evankelis-luterilaisen kirkon kirkolliskokouksen tulkinta uskonnonvapaudesta 1963-2003

A national church, freedom of religion, and the state The interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland in reference to the relationship between the Church and the state from 1963 to 2003 This paper discusses the interpretation of freedom of religion formulated by the Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland during the years 1963-2003. The effect of these formulations and decisions made by the Synod on the relationship between the Church and the state is also discussed as the relationship has been a central issue in the debate about freedom of religion in Finland. Active co-operation with the state caused a dispute in the Church during this period. Another cause for concern for the Synod, a strong defender of the national church, was the weakening position of the Church in a society undergoing many changes. As the Synod of 1963 discussed the status of the Church, the Church began to reflect upon its identity as a national church, and to evaluate freedom of religion in the country, as well as the relationship between the Church and the state. Some of the radicals of the 1960s and 1970s presented the Church as an obstacle to freedom of religion. The Synod was keen to emphasize that, in accordance with international agreements on human rights, freedom of religion means the freedom to have and follow a religion, and also that freedom of religion was a right of the majority in Finnish society. As an active guardian of the rights of its members, the Synod defended such issues as the teaching of religion in schools. Throughout the dispute, the Church focused on its right to act freely and, according to its identity, to express spirituality in the society. At the end of the 1960s, several efforts to reform the law on the freedom of religion and the relationship between the Church and the state gained favour in the Synod. These formulations of the Church were the basis for the work of a parliamentary committee in the 1970s, but no significant changes resulted. Instead, freedom of religion in Finland was judged to be fairly good. The committee paper did, however, lead to preparations for greater independence of the Church. The Synod at the time chose to react to the changes presented to it, but it was not before the 1990s that the Synod became an active force of reform in these matters. Though the Synod, particularly from the 1970s onwards, began clearly to favour the improvement of the position of other religious communities in Finland, it felt it had reason to be cautious as each church and religious community had the freedom to decide individually its relationship with the state. Any changes that would have weakened the position of the Church in Finnish society were met with disapproval in the Synod. Even though some theological concerns regarding the national identity of the Church were raised, the Synod emphasized issues of church policy. Keen to preserve and protect its legal status in society, the Synod judged that this status supported the freedom of action enjoyed by the Church as well as the freedom of religion.

Manuscript Items relating to the Civil War, including letters

Digital image

Legacies of War--[Ten percent terror]

Ten Percent Terror brings together leading creatives from the fields of contemporary theatre, contemporary dance, music theatre, circus and digital arts in the first collaboration of its kind. Commissioned by Brisbane Powerhouse, with support from the Anzac Centenary Arts and Culture Fund and in partnership with Dancenorth and Company 2, this is an inter-disciplinary work that combines theatrical narrative with eloquent physicality, through circus and dance, to express certain truths of the soldiers' experience. This production will be a circus-narrative that uses the form and language of circus to express the key themes of risk, panic and brotherhood. Ten Percent Terror is intended to be a work of scale, yet also intimacy: of stillness and panic, inertia and chaos. Project partners, Dancenorth and Company 2, share the vision to use contemporary artistic disciplines to connect younger and modern audiences to the ANZAC legacy, perhaps offering a connection for those audiences that they may not find through more traditional art forms. The development process has included a community research project in Townsville, conducted by Shane Pike, which explored contemporary Australians’ stories through interviews with serving military personnel and the local community, as well as collecting photographic documentation and other artefacts from around Townsville. This was followed by an archival research project in Brisbane, where Pike reviewed letters, photographs and personal accounts of soldiers from WW1. The results of these projects will be used by the creative team to inform the development of Ten Percent Terror. Given Townsville’s reputation as Australia’s ‘garrison’ city, the project partners plan to deliver the world premiere performance of Ten Percent Terror in Townsville in late 2015. It is intended that Ten Percent Terror will receive its Brisbane premiere in November 2015 at Brisbane Powerhouse, as part of a four-performance season. This expert panel included discussion of the project and its place in analysing key aspects of Australia's wartime history.

Concordia-lehti Lutherin ja luterilaisen ortodoksian teologian tulkitsijana 1994-2003

Concordia-lehti alkaessaan ilmestyä 1994 herätti ristiriitaisia reaktioita esimerkiksi SLEY:n henkilöstön keskuudessa. Alusta alkaen avainhenkilöitä ovat olleet Hannu Lehtonen, Hannu Halonen, Simo Kiviranta ja Sakari Korpinen. Ekumeniaan Concordia on suhtautunut kriittisesti arvioidessaan Porvoon sopimusta ja Yhteistä julistusta vanhurskauttamisesta. Keskeisiä teemoja tässä lehdessä ovat olleet tutkittavana aikana yleinen ja uskon kautta tapahtuva vanhurskauttaminen, Raamatun arvovallan korostaminen, sakramenttien merkityksen esillä pitäminen ja tietyt moraaliset ja eettiset periaatteet ja näkökulmat. Concordiassa on esiintynyt runsaasti sitaatteja Martti Lutherin teoksista, melko paljon myös luterilaisen ortodoksian edustajilta, kuten Martin Chemnitziltä ja Johann Gerhardilta. Ylivoimaisesti eniten artikkeleja kymmenen vuoden aikana on tehnyt päätoimittaja, pastori Hannu Lehtonen. Kirjoittajien joukossa maallikkojen osuus on ollut huomattava. Karismaattisia ilmiöitä arvioitaessa nähtiin osan armolahjoista kuuluneen ennen kaikkea alkukirkon aikaan, vaikka samalla todettiin ihmeitä voivan tapahtua nykyaikanakin. Concordian kirjoittajat eivät hyväksyneet läheskään kaikkia Suomen evankelis-luterilaisessa kirkossa tapahtuneita päätöksiä, asioita ja ilmiöitä. Voimakkaasti todettiin, että kirkossa ei tulisi samanaikaisesti sallia sekä totuutta että erilaisia harhaoppeja. Myös evankelisen liikkeen tai muiden herätysliikkeiden toimintaa ei aina pidetty tarpeeksi rohkeana, vaan katsottiin niiden mukautuneen liikaa yhteiskuntaan ja yleiseen ja valtaa pitävään kirkollisuuteen. Esimerkiksi Helsingin yliopistossa käytettyä historiallis-kriittistä metodia parempana metodina pidettiin historiallis-dogmaattista. Opetusta maailman syntymisestä pitkän evoluutio-prosessin seurauksena ei Concordiassa hyväksytty, vaan opetettiin Jumalan luoneen maailman kuudessa päivässä. Concordiassa kirjoittajina on esiintynyt myös useita tunnustuksellisen luterilaisuuden edustajia lähinnä Yhdysvalloista ja Pohjoismaista. Tutkitun lehden merkitys kirkollisessa kentässä ei ole tilaajamäärän pienuuden vuoksi kovin merkittävä, mutta eräänlaisena taustalla vaikuttajana ja keskustelun herättäjänä vaikutus on ollut suurempi. Concordian näkemyksen mukaan suuri enemmistö ei läheskään aina ole ollut oikeassa hengellisissä kysymyksissä. Evankeliseen liikkeeseen Concordian kirjoittajilla on ollut tietynlainen viha-rakkaussuhde, vaikka se on ollut monen kirjoittajan hengellinen koti. Lehdessä esiintynyttä pietismin arviointia tutkimus ei ole kovin paljon käsitellyt, koska se ei olisi kovin hyvin sopinut eri lukujen otsi- koiden alle. Helluntailaisuuden eri opinkäsityksiä Concordia on myös pyrkinyt kumoamaan. Lehti on halunnut koko ajan perustella opetuksensa selkeillä raamatunkohdilla ja edistää näin luterilaisen uskon ja opin tuntemusta. Tässä tutkimuksessa on ollut tietoinen valinta käyttää samoja raamatunkohtia lähteenä, joita Concordian kirjoittajat ovat itse käyttäneet. Kirkkohistoriaan kuuluvassa opinnäytteessä ei ole yleensä tyypillistä käyttää näin paljon viittauksia Raamattuun, mutta tällainen dogmatiikan mukaan ottaminen on perusteltua, koska se on niin olennainen osa Concordia-lehden teologiaa ja tapaa tuoda esille asioita. Tiivistetysti todeten ihmisten ainoa vapahtaja ja pelastaja on ollut tutkitun lehden mukaan ja on edelleen Jeesus Kristus.

The Soviet Union, Finland and the Cold War : The Finnish Card in Soviet Foreign Policy, 1956-1959

From the Soviet point of view the actual substance of Soviet-Finnish relations in the second half of 1950s clearly differed from the contemporary and later public image, based on friendship and confidence rhetoric. As the polarization between the right and the left became more underlined in Finland in the latter half of the 1950s, the criticism towards the Soviet Union became stronger, and the USSR feared that this development would have influence on Finnish foreign policy. From the Soviet point of view, the security commitments of FCMA-treaty needed additional guarantees through control of Finnish domestic politics and economic relations, especially during international crises. In relation to Scandinavia, Finland was, from the Soviet point of view, the model country of friendship or neutrality policy. The influence of the Second Berlin Crisis or the Soviet-Finnish Night Frost Crisis in 1958-1959 to Soviet policy towards Scandinavia needs to be observed from this point of view. The Soviet Union used Finland as a tool, in agreement with Finnish highest political leadership, for weakening of the NATO membership of Norway and Denmark, and for maintaining Swedish non-alliance. The Finnish interest to EFTA membership in the summer of 1959, at the same time with the Scandinavian countries, seems to have caused a panic reaction in the USSR, as the Soviets feared that these economic arrangements would reverse the political advantages the country had received in Finland after the Night Frost Crisis. Together with history of events, this study observes the interaction of practical interests and ideologies, both in individuals and in decision-making organizations. The necessary social and ideological reforms in the Soviet Union after 1956 had influence both on the legitimacy of the regime, and led to contradictions in the argumentation of Soviet foreign policy. This was observed both in the own camp as well as in the West. Also, in Finland a breakthrough took place in the late 1950's: as the so-called counter reaction lost to the K-line, "a special relationship" developed with the Soviet Union. As a consequence of the Night Frost Crisis the Soviet relationship became a factor decisively defining the limits of domestic politics in Finland, a part of Finnish domestic political argumentation. Understood from this basis, finlandization is not, even from the viewpoint of international relations, a special case, but a domestic political culture formed by the relationship between a dominant state, a superpower, and a subordinate state, Finland.

State Agent, Identity and the "New World Order" : Reconstructing Polish Defence Identity after the Cold War Era

National identity signifies and makes state s defence- and foreign policy behaviour meaningful. National consciousness is narrated into existence by narratives upon one s own exceptionalism and Otherness of the other nations. While national identity may be understood merely as a self-image of a nation, defence identity refers to the borders of Otherness and issues that have been considered as worth defending for. As national identities and all the world order models are human constructions, they may be changed by the human efforts as well; states and nations may deliberately promote communitarian or even cosmopolitan equality and tolerance without borders of Otherness. The main research question of the thesis is: How does Poland constitute herself as a nation and a state agent in the current world order and to what extent have contextual foreign and defence policy interactions changed the Polish defence identity during the post-Cold War era? The main empirical argument of the thesis is: Poland is a narrated idea of a Christian Catholic nation-state, which the Polish State, the Catholic Church of Poland, the Armed Forces of Poland as well as a majority of the Polish nation share. Polish defence identity has been almost impenetrable to contextual foreign and defence policy interactions during the post-Cold War era. While Christian religious ontology binds corporate Poland together, allowing her to survive any number of military and political catastrophes, it simultaneously brings her closer to the USA, raises tensions in the infidel EU-context, and restrains corporate Poland s pursuit of communitarian, or even cosmopolitan, global equality and tolerance. It is not the case that corporate Poland s foreign and defence policy orientation is instinctively Atlanticist by nature, as has been argued. Rather, it has been the State s rational project to overcome a habituated and reified fear of becoming geopolitically sandwiched between Russian and German Others by leaning on the USA; among the Polish nation, support for the USA has been declining since 2004. It is not corporate Poland either that has turned into a constructive European , as has been argued, but rather the Polish nation that has, at least partly, managed to emancipate itself from its habituation to a betrayal by Europe narrative, since it favours the EU as much as it favours NATO. It seems that in the Polish case a truly common European CFSP vis-à-vis Russia may offer a solution that will emancipate the Polish State from its habituated EU-sceptic role identity and corporate Poland from its narrated borders of Otherness towards Russia and Germany, but even then one cannot be sure whether any other perspective than the Polish one on a common stand towards Russia would satisfy the Poles themselves.

Reconstituting identity and history in post-war Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina

This paper by Carl Grodach demonstrates the careful unravelling of complexity, diversity, contestation and contradictions involved in the reconstruction of symbolic urban spaces after violent conflict, and the allied processes of cultural reinterpretation, political reconfiguration and material revaluation which accompany it. The paper analyses the reconstruction and redevelopment of the 16th-century historic centre of Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina, following the Bosnian Wars of 1992–1995. Reconstruction efforts centre around Stari Most, the 16th-century Ottoman bridge destroyed by Bosnian Croat military in 1993. In Mostar, both international and local organizations are in the process of reinterpreting Bosnia’s legacy of Ottoman city spaces. This research and analysis illuminates how such spaces can be central to contemporary projects to redefine group identities and conceptions of place. It provides insight into the ways various groups are attempting to reshape outside perceptions of the city—and Bosnia’s ethnic conflict—to articulate a new definition of local identity and ethnic relations and to remake a stable tourist economy through Mostar’s urban spaces.

Tracking brand positioning for an emerging destination: 2003 to 2015

Few published studies have monitored destination brand image over time. This temporal aspect is an important gap in the literature, given consensus around the role perceptions play in consumers’ decision making, and the ensuing emphasis on imagery in destination branding collateral. Whereas most destination image studies have been a snapshot of perceptions at one point in time, this paper presents findings from a survey implemented four times between 2003 and 2015. Brand image is the core construct in modelling destination branding performance, which has emerged as a relatively new field of research in the past decade. Using the consumer-based brand equity (CBBE) hierarchy, the project has benchmarked and monitored destination brand salience, image and resonance for an emerging regional destination, relative to key competitors, in the domestic Australian market; and the survey instrument has been demonstrated to be reliable in the context of short break holidays by car. What is particularly interesting to date is there has been relatively little change in the market positions of the five destinations, in spite of over a decade of marketing communications by the regional tourism organisations and their stakeholders, and more recently the mass of user-generated travel content on social media. The project didn’t analyse the actual marketing communications for each of the DMOs. Therefore an important implication is that irrespective of the level of marketing undertaken the DMOs seem to have had little control over the perceptions held in their largest market during this time period. Therefore it must be recognised any improvement in perceptions will likely take a long period of time, and so branding needs to be underpinned by a philosophy of a long term financial investment as well as commitment to a consistency of message over time; which given the politics of DMO decision making represents a considerable challenge.

Ballistic Trauma in Finland : An Epidemiologic and Clinical Study of Firearm and Explosion Injuries

The occurrence and nature of civilian firearm- and explosion-injuries in Finland, and the nature of severe gunshot injuries of the extremities were described in seven original articles. The main data sources used were the National Hospital Discharge Register, the Cause-of-Death Register, and the Archive of Death Certificates at Statistics Finland. The present study was population based. Epidemiologic methods were used in six and clinical analyses in five papers. In these clinical studies, every original hospital record and death certificate was critically analyzed. The trend of hospitalized firearm injuries has slightly declined in Finland from the late 1980s to the early 2000s. The occurrence decreased from 5.1 per 100 000 person-years in 1990 to 2.6 in 2003. The decline was found in the unintentional firearm injuries. A high incidence of unintentional injuries by firearms was characteristic of the country, while violence and homicides by firearms represented a minor problem. The incidence of fatal non-suicidal firearm injuries has been stable, 1.8 cases per 100 000 person-years. Suicides using firearms were eight times more common during the period studied. This is contrary to corresponding reports from many other countries. However, the use of alcohol and illegal drugs or substances was detected in as many as one-third of the injuries studied. The median length of hospitalization was three days and it was significantly associated (p<0.001) with the type of injury. The mean length of hospital stay has decreased from the 1980s to the early 2000s. In this study, there was a special interest in gunshot injuries of the extremities. From a clinical point of view, the nature of severe extremital gunshot wounds, as well as the primary operative approach in their management, varied. The patients with severe injuries of this kind were managed at university and central hospital emergency departments, by general surgeons in smaller hospitals and by cardiothoracic or vascular surgeons in larger hospitals. Injuries were rarities and as such challenges for surgeons on call. Some noteworthy aspects of the management were noticed and these should be focused on in the future. On the other hand, the small population density and the relatively large geographic area of Finland do not favor high volume, centralized trauma management systems. However, experimental war surgery has been increasingly taught in the country from the 1990s, and excellent results could be expected during the present decade. Epidemiologically, explosion injuries can be considered a minor problem in Finland at present, but their significance should not be underestimated. Fatal explosion injuries showed up sporadically. An increase occurred from 2002 to 2004 for no obvius reason. However, in view of the historical facts, a possibility for another rare major explosion involving several people might become likely within the next decade. The national control system of firearms is mainly based on the new legislations from 1998 and 2002. However, as shown in this study, there is no reason to assume that the national hospitalization policies, or the political climate, or the legislation might have changed over the study period and influenced the declining development, at least not directly. Indeed, the reason for the decline to appear in the incidence of unintentional injuries only remains unclear. It may derive from many practical steps, e.g. locked firearm cases, or from the stability of the community itself. For effective reduction of firearm-related injuries, preventive measures, such as education and counseling, should be targeted at recreational firearm users. To sum up, this study showed that the often reported increasing trend in firearm as well as explosion-related injuries has not manifested in Finland. Consequently, it can be recognized that, overall, the Finnish legislation together with the various strategies have succeeded in preventing firearm- and explosion-related injuries in the country.

Reengaging, reenacting and reenvisaging discourses of disaster through public space performance: Austerity, art, and the art of protest

This paper offers a mediation on disaster, recovery, resilience, and restoration of balance, in both a material and a metaphorical sense, when ‘disaster’ befalls not the body politic of the nation but the body personal. In the past few decades, of course, artists, activists and scholars have deliberately tried to avoid describing personal, physical and phenomenological experiences of the disabled body in terms of difficulty and disaster. This has been part of a political move, from a medical model, in which disability, disease and illness are positioned as personal catastrophes, to a social model, in which disability is positioned as a social construct that comes from systems, institutions and infrastructure designed to exclude different bodies. It is a move that is responsible for a certain discomfort people with disabilities, and artists with disabilities, today feel towards performances that deploy disability as a metaphor for disaster, from Hijikata, to Theatre Hora. In the past five years, though, this particular discourse has begun rising again, particularly as people with disabilities fact their own anything but natural disasters as a result of the austerity measures now widespread across the US, UK, Europe and elsewhere. Measures that threaten people’s ability to live, and take part in social and institutional life, in any meaningful way. Measures that, as artist Katherine Araniello notes, also bring additional difficulty, danger, and potential for disaster as they ripple outwards across the tides of familial ties, threatening family, friends, and careers who become bound up in the struggle to do more with less. In this paper, I consider how people with disabilities use performance, particularly public space interventionalist performance, to reengage, renact and reenvisage the discourse of national, economic, environmental or other forms of disaster, the need for austerity, the need to avoid providing people with support for desires and interests as well as basic daily needs, particularly when fraud and corruption is so right, and other such ideas that have become an all too unpleasant reality for many people. Performances, for instance, like Liz Crow’s Bedding Out, where she invited people into her bed – for people with disabilities a symbolic space, which necessarily becomes more a public living room restaurant, office and so forth than a private space when poor mobility means they spend much time it in – to talk about their lives, their difficulties, and dealing with austerity. Or, for instance, like the Bolshy Divas, who mimic public and political policy, reports and advertising paranoia to undermine their discourses about austerity. I examine the effects, politics and ethics of such interventions, including examination of the comparative effect of highly bodied interventions (like Crow’s) and highly disembodied interventions (like the Bolshy Diva’s) in discourses of difficulty, disaster and austerity on a range of target spectator communities.

Performing immobility / protesting immobility: The risks & rewards of public space protest performances

Though there is much interest in mobilities and performing mobilities as a characteristic of modern, urban, social life today, this is not always matched by attention to immobilities, as the flipside of mobility in modern life. In this paper, I investigate public space performances designed to draw attention to precisely this counterpoint to current discourses of mobilities – performances about the socially produced immobilities many people with disabilities find a more fundamental feature of day-to-day life, the fight for mobility, and the freedom found when accommodations for alternative mobilities are made available. Although public policy is increasingly aligned with a social model of disability, which sees disability as socially constructed through systems, institutions and infrastructure deliberately designed to exclude specific bodies – stairs, curbs, queues and so forth – and although governments in the US, UK, and to a lesser degree Australia, New Zealand and other Commonwealth nations aim to address these inequalities, the experience of immobility is still every-present for many people. This often comes not just from pain, or from impairment, or event from lack of accommodations for alternative mobilities, but from fellow social performers’ antipathy to, appropriation of, or destruction of accommodations designed to facilitate access for a range of different bodies in public space, and thus the public sphere. The archetypal instance of this tension between the mobile, and those needing accommodations to allow mobility, is, of course, the antipathy many able bodied people feel towards the provision of disabled parking spaces. A cursory search online shows thousands of accounts of antagonism, vitriol, and even violence prompted by disputes which began when a disabled person asked an able person to exit a designated disabled parking space. For many, it seems, expecting them to pass by such parks so others can experience the mobility they take for granted is too much. In this paper, I examine a number of protest performances in public space in which activist present actions – for example, placing wheelchairs in every regular parking space in a precinct – to give bystanders, passersby and spectators, as well as antagonistic fellow social performers, a sense of what socially produced immobility feels like. I examine responses to such protest performances, and what they say about the potential social, political and ethical impacts of such protests, in terms of their potential to produce new attitudes to mobility, alternative mobility, and access to alternative modes of mobility.

Eye movements and road hazard detection: Effects of blur and distractors

Purpose To examine the effects of optical blur, auditory distractors and age on eye movement patterns while performing a driving hazard perception test (HPT). Methods Twenty young (mean age 27.1 ± 4.6 years) and 20 older (73.3 ± 5.7 years) drivers with normal vision completed a HPT in a repeated-measures counterbalanced design while their eye movements were recorded. Testing was performed under two visual (best-corrected vision and with +2.00DS blur) and two distractor (with and without auditory distraction) conditions. Participants were required to respond to road hazards appearing in the HPT videos of real-world driving scenes and their hazard response times were recorded. Results Blur and distractors each significantly delayed hazard response time, by 0.42 and 0.76s respectively (p<0.05). A significant interaction between age and distractors indicated that older drivers were more affected by distractors than young drivers (response with distractors delayed by 0.96 and 0.60s respectively). There were no other two- or three-way interaction effect on response time. With blur, both groups fixated significantly longer on hazards before responding compared to best-corrected vision. In the presence of distractors, both groups exhibited delayed first fixation on the hazards and spent less time fixating on the hazards. There were also significant differences in eye movement characteristics between groups, where older drivers exhibited smaller saccades, delayed first fixation on hazards, and shorter fixation duration on hazards compared to the young drivers. Conclusions Collectively, the findings of delayed hazard response times and alterations in eye movement patterns with blur and distractors provide further evidence that visual impairment and distractors are independently detrimental to driving safety given that delayed hazard response times are linked to increased crash risk.