The relation between the general maxim of causality and the principle of uniformity in hume's theory of knowledge

ABSTRACT When Hume, in the Treatise on Human Nature, began his examination of the relation of cause and effect, in particular, of the idea of necessary connection which is its essential constituent, he identified two preliminary questions that should guide his research: (1) For what reason we pronounce it necessary that every thing whose existence has a beginning should also have a cause and (2) Why we conclude that such particular causes must necessarily have such particular effects? (1.3.2, 14-15) Hume observes that our belief in these principles can result neither from an intuitive grasp of their truth nor from a reasoning that could establish them by demonstrative means. In particular, with respect to the first, Hume examines and rejects some arguments with which Locke, Hobbes and Clarke tried to demonstrate it, and suggests, by exclusion, that the belief that we place on it can only come from experience. Somewhat surprisingly, however, Hume does not proceed to show how that derivation of experience could be made, but proposes instead to move directly to an examination of the second principle, saying that, "perhaps, be found in the end, that the same answer will serve for both questions" (1.3.3, 9). Hume's answer to the second question is well known, but the first question is never answered in the rest of the Treatise, and it is even doubtful that it could be, which would explain why Hume has simply chosen to remove any mention of it when he recompiled his theses on causation in the Enquiry concerning Human Understanding. Given this situation, an interesting question that naturally arises is to investigate the relations of logical or conceptual implication between these two principles. Hume seems to have thought that an answer to (2) would also be sufficient to provide an answer to (1). Henry Allison, in his turn, argued (in Custom and Reason in Hume, p. 94-97) that the two questions are logically independent. My proposal here is to try to show that there is indeed a logical dependency between them, but the implication is, rather, from (1) to (2). If accepted, this result may be particularly interesting for an interpretation of the scope of the so-called "Kant's reply to Hume" in the Second Analogy of Experience, which is structured as a proof of the a priori character of (1), but whose implications for (2) remain controversial.

The Finnish Paper Workers' Union at a crossroads: Labor union representativeness in a changing environment, 1980-2008

This thesis consists of four articles and an introductory section. The main research questions in all the articles refer to the changes in the representativeness of the Finnish Paper Workers' Union. Representativeness stands for the entire entity of external, internal, legal and reputational factors that enable the labor union to represent its members and achieve its goals. This concept is based on an extensive reading of quantitative and qualitative industrial relations literature, which includes works based on Marxist labor-capital relations (such as Hyman's industrial relations studies), and more recent union density studies as well as gender- and ethnic diversity-based 'union revitalization' studies. Müller-Jentsch's German studies of industrial relations have been of particular importance as well as Streeck's industrial unionism and technology studies. The concept of representativeness is an attempt to combine the insights of these diverse strands of literature and bring the scientific discussion of labor unions back to the core of a union's function: representing its members. As such, it can be seen as a theoretical innovation. The concept helps to acknowledge both the heterogeneity of the membership and the totality of a labor union organization. The concept of representativeness aims to move beyond notions of 'power'. External representativeness can be expressed through the position of the labor union in the industrial relations system and the economy. Internal representativeness focuses on the aspects of labor unions that relate to the function of the union as an association with members, such as internal democracy. Legal representativeness lies in the formal legal position of the union – its rights and instruments. This includes collective bargaining legislation, co-decision rules and industrial conflict legislation. Reputational representativeness is related to how the union is seen by other actors and the general public, and can be approximated using data on strike activity. All these aspects of representativeness are path-dependent, and show the results of previous struggles over issues. The concept of representativeness goes beyond notions of labor union power and symbolizes an attempt to bring back the focus of industrial relations studies to the union's basic function of representing its members. The first article shows in detail the industrial conflict of the Finnish paper industry in 2005. The intended focus was the issue of gender in the negotiations over a new collective agreement, but the focal point of the industrial conflict was the issue of outsourcing and how this should be organized. Also, the issue of continuous shifts as an issue of working time was very important. The drawn-out conflict can be seen as a struggle over principles, and under pressure the labor union had to concede ground on the aforementioned issues. The article concludes that in this specific conflict, the union represented its' female members to a lesser extent, because the other issues took such priority. Furthermore, because of the substantive concessions. the union lost some of its internal representativeness, and the stubbornness of the union may have even harmed the reputation of the union. This article also includes an early version of the representativeness framework, through which this conflict is analyzed. The second article discusses wage developments, union density and collective bargaining within the context of representativeness. It is shown that the union has been able to secure substantial benefits for its members, regardless of declining employment. Collective agreements have often been based on centralized incomes policies, but the paper sector has not always joined these. Attention is furthermore paid to the changing competition of the General Assembly, with a surprisingly strong position of the Left Alliance still. In an attempt to replicate analysis of union density measures, an analysis of sectoral union density shows that similar factors as in aggregate data influence this measure, though – due to methodological issues – the results may not be robust. On this issue, it can be said that the method of analysis for aggregate union density is not suitable for sectoral union density analysis. The increasingly conflict-ridden industrial relations predicted have not actually materialized. The article concludes by asking whether the aim of ever-increasing wages is a sustainable one in the light of the pressures of globalization, though wage costs are a relatively small part of total costs. The third article discusses the history and use of outsourcing in the Finnish paper industry. It is shown using Hyman's framework of constituencies that over time, the perspective of the union changed from 'members of the Paper Workers' Union' to a more specific view of who is a core member of the union. Within the context of the industrial unionism that the union claims to practice, this is an important change. The article shows that the union more and more caters for a core group, while auxiliary personnel is less important to the union's identity and constituencies, which means that the union's internal representativeness has decreased. Maintenance workers are an exception; the union and employers have developed a rotating system that increases the efficient allocation of these employees. The core reason of the exceptional status of maintenance personnel is their high level of non-transferable skills. In the end it is debatable whether the compromise on outsourcing solves the challenges facing the industry. The fourth article shows diverging discourses within the union with regard to union-employer partnership for competitiveness improvements and instruments of local union representatives. In the collective agreement of 2008, the provision regulating wage effects of significant changes in the organization or content of work was thoroughly changed, though this mainly reflected decisions by the Labor Court on the pre-2008 version of the provision. This change laid bare the deep rift between the Social Democratic and Left Alliance (ex-Communist) factions of the union. The article argues that through the changed legal meaning of the provision, the union was able to transform concession bargaining into a basis for partnership. The internal discontent about this issue is nonetheless substantial and a threat to the unity of the union, both locally and at the union level. On the basis of the results of the articles, other factors influencing representativeness, such as technology and EU law and an overview of the main changes in the Finnish paper industry, it is concluded that, especially in recent years, the Finnish Paper Workers' Union has lost some of its representativeness. In particular, the loss of the efficiency of strikes is noted, the compromise on outsourcing which may have alienated a substantial part of the union's membership, and the change in the collective agreement of 2008 have caused this decline. In the latter case, the internal disunion on that issue shows the constraints of the union's internal democracy. Furthermore, the failure of the union to join the TEAM industrial union (by democratic means), the internal conflicts and a narrow focus on its own sector may also hurt the union in the future, as the paper industry in Finland is going through a structural change. None of these changes in representativeness would have been so drastic without the considerable pressure of globalization - in particular changing markets, changing technology and a loss of domestic investments to foreign investments, which in the end have benefited the corporations more than the Finnish employees of these corporations. Taken together, the union risks becoming socially irrelevant in time, though it will remain formally very strong on the basis of its institutional setting and financial situation.

Julkiset palveluhankinnat - Hankintayksikön velvollisuudet tarjoajia kohtaan hankintapäätöksen tekemisen jälkeen

Hankintalainsäädäntö säätelee julkisia hankintoja pääasiassa kilpailutusprosessin ajan. Hankintasopimuksen tekemisen jälkeen julkisia hankintoja säätelevät tietyt hankintalain oikeussuojakeinot, julkisten hankintojen periaatteet, muu pakottava lainsäädäntö sekä yleinen sopimusoikeus. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on selvittää niitä velvollisuuksia, joita hankintayksiköllä on tarjoajia kohtaan hankintapäätöksen syntymisen jälkeen. Tutkimuksessa käsitellään myös velvollisuuksien toteutumatta jäämisestä syntyviä tehosteita eli sanktioita. Tutkimusmenetelmänä käytetään lainoppia. Aihetta havainnollistetaan oikeustapauksilla markkinaoikeudesta, yleisistä oikeuksista sekä Euroopan yhteisön tuomioistuimesta.

Karta öfver storfurstendömet Finland sammandragen, med stöd af de tillförlitligaste kartor uti general landtmäteri kontoret samt särskildte benäget meddelade upplysningar, uppå K. E. Holms förlag, af A. W. Eklund /

1 kartta :, vär. ;, lehti 88,7 x 58 cm

Karta öfver storfurstendömet Finland efter nya tillförlitliga källor och med särskildt begagnande af general stabens original-kartor utgiftven år 1860 af öfverste Georg Alfthan /

1 kartta :, vär. ;, 72,5 x 47,4 cm, lehti 83 x 58 cm

Kartor och beskrifningar öfver socknarne i Nylands län / upprättade å general landmäteri kontoret, lithografierade och utgifne till granskning och berigtigande år 1844.

1 kartasto ([35] s., [24] karttalehteä (7 taitettuina)) : 24 karttaa, vär. ; 56 cm

Post- och väg-karta öfver stor furstendömet Finland, med stöd af kartor utgifne af general landtmäteri contoiret, general staben, St Petersburgska postamtet, herrar Schubert, Ekelund, Brummer, von Knorring med flere och tillförlitligaste väga-uppgifter af alla storfurstendömets herrar gouverneurer samt enskilta bidrag utarbetad åren 1846 och 1848 af Berndt Ad. Lindeman postmästare

1 kartta :, vär. ;, 102 x 70 cm, [1:1231722], skalan är en million 231722 del af naturliga storleken

Ptolemaisch General Tafel begreifend der Halben undern Weldt Beschrybung

Julkaisussa: Cosmographia : Beschreibung aller Lender durch Sebastianum Munsterum in welcher begriffen

Ptolemaisch ander General Tafel begreifend die Halbe wie die vordrige beschrybt die gantze Kugel der Weldt

Julkaisussa: Cosmographia : Beschreibung aller Lender durch Sebastianum Munsterum in welcher begriffen

Die erst[e] General Tafel die Beschreibung und den Circkel des gantzen Erdtrichs und Meers innhaltende

Julkaisussa: Cosmographia : das ist: Beschreibung der Gantzen Welt

General passcharta öfwer Österjöön och Skager-Rack, uthwysandes alla courserne på det aldranogaste och accurateste, som det uhti platt och effter een medierat compassens afwykningh görligit warit

Julkaisussa: General hydrographisk chart-book öfwer Östersjön och Katte-Gatt till sin raetta figur och stoorleek

Tulevaisuuden lähtökohdista kansanvallan kolmiliittoon. Kansallinen Edistyspuolue ja kansallisen eheytymisen politiikka 1919–1939.

Kansallista Edistyspuoluetta ja sen toimijoita maailmansotien välisen Suomen sisäpolitiikassa tarkasteleva väitöstutkimus paneutuu puolueen kansallista eheytymistä ajaneen poliittisen linjan taustoihin, muodostumiseen ja toteutumiseen maailmansotien välisenä aikana vuosina 1919-1939. Vahvasti aineistopohjainen ja lähdekriittinen poliittisen historian tutkimus keskittyy parlamentaarisiin toimijoihin, poliittiseen kenttään ja näiden tuottamiin aineistoihin, kuten edistyspuolueen ja sen toimijoiden arkistoihin, lehdistöön ja valtiopäiväpöytäkirjoihin. Tutkimus selvittää, millainen oli edistyspuolueen kansallisen eheytymisen linja, mihin sillä pyrittiin, miten sitä toteutettiin ja miten se toteutui. Kansainvälisen vertailun kautta tutkimuksessa luodaan myös kuva suomalaisesta liberalismista ja liberalistista. Joulukuussa 1918 perustettu Kansallinen Edistyspuolue oli liberaali puolue, jonka politiikassa korostui erityisesti liberalismin sosiaalinen tulkinta. Puolueen sisäpoliittiseksi linjaksi vastaitsenäistyneessä ja sisällissodan runtelemassa valtiossa muodostui kansallisen eheytymisen edistäminen. Ajatuksen taustalla olivat K. J. Ståhlbergin tulevaisuuden lähtökohtia hahmotelleet artikkelit, jotka julkaistiin Helsingin Sanomissa huhtikuussa 1918 sisällissodan vielä riehuessa. Ståhlbergin mukaan kansalliseen eheytymiseen ei tullut pyrkiä sodan vuoksi vaan siitä huolimatta. Nuorsuomalaiselta puolueelta perityt liberaalit periaatteet täydentyivätkin edistyspuoluelaisessa ajattelussa sisällissodan ja tasavallan puolesta käydyn valtiomuototaistelun avainkokemuksilla. Itsenäisen Suomen ensimmäisiä vuosia hallinneissa keskustahallituksissa kansallista eheytymistä edistettiin sosiaalipoliittisin uudistuksin mm. oppivelvollisuus- ja asutuslakien muodossa. Myös sisällissodan vankien armahdukset olivat osa tätä ohjelmaa. Tutkimus osoittaa, että edistyspuolueen kansallisen eheytymisen politiikan keskeisenä tavoitteena oli poliittisen sovittelun kautta integroida vasemmisto osaksi parlamentaaris-demokraattista järjestelmää. Eheytyspolitiikan todellinen käyttöarvo ja edistyspuolueen poliittiset toimintamahdollisuudet alkoivat kuitenkin heiketä vuoden 1922 eduskuntavaalien jälkeen.Tutkimuksesta käy ilmi, että toteutettu eheytyspolitiikka ja sen osittainen epäonnistuminen näkyivät sekä kommunistien jatkuvana kannatuksena että sisäpoliittisen ilmapiirin oikeistolaistumisena. Tämä kehitys nosti myös edistyspuolueessa esille voimat, jotka suosivat porvariyhteistyötä ohi keskustavasemmistolaisen eheytyspoliittisen linjan. Alkuvuosien jälkeen valtiomuototaistelun koossapitävä voima heikkeni edistyspuolueen sisällä ja 1920-luvun puolivälissä käydyt linjakiistat osoittivat, että osalle puolueen jäsenistä vuoden 1918 puoluevalinnassa keskeisemmässä roolissa oli ollut tasavaltalaisuus kuin vasemmiston integrointi ja kansallinen eheytyminen. Edistyspuolueen johto ei kuitenkaan ollut valmis luopumaan eheytyspoliittisesta linjasta ja sen ympärille luodusta puolueidentiteetistä, joten porvariyhteistyötä kannattanut oikeisto-oppositio päätyi suurelta osin eroamaan puolueesta vuonna 1927. Tutkimus osoittaa, että parlamentarismin rapautuminen ja pienelle yleispuolueelle elintärkeiden yhteistyömahdollisuuksien heikkeneminen luokkapuolueiden puristuksessa johtivat edistyspuolueen kannatuksen alamäkeen sotien välisenä aikana. Se kutistui 26 kansanedustajan keskisuuresta puolueesta vain kuuden edustajan pienpuolueeksi. Puolueidentiteetin vahvuus ja keskeisten toimijoiden puolueen kokoa suurempi poliittinen painoarvo pitivät sen lakkauttamispohdinnoista huolimatta kuitenkin koossa ja kiinni politiikan ytimessä. Oikeistoradikalismin vuodet 1920–1930-lukujen taitteessa olivat edistyspuolueellesekä uhka että mahdollisuus. Tutkimuksessa käy ilmi, että vaikka kommunisminvastaisen kansanliikkeen vaatimukset olivat edistyspuoluelaisten mielestä oikeutettuja, oli kansanliikkeen niiden ajamiseksi omaksumia laittomia ja ulkoparlamentaarisia keinoja vaikea hyväksyä. Eheytyspolitiikan kannalta katsottuna melkotoivottamalta näyttänyt tilanne kääntyi kuitenkin lopulta voitoksi: äärivasemmisto eliminoitiin, äärioikeisto ajautui paitsioon ja tie maltillisen vasemmiston ja keskustan yhteistyölle aukesi jälleen. Tämä johti lopulta vuonna 1937 punamultahallitukseen ja kansanvallan kolmiliittoon Kansallisen Edistyspuolueen, SDP:n ja Maalaisliiton kesken. Kokemus siitä, että itsenäisyys oli alati uhattuna, toi suomalaiseen liberalismiin varsin nationalistisia piirteitä, joita eurooppalaisten veljespuolueiden ohjelmista ei löydy. Liberalismiin usein liitetty mielleyhtymä sen kosmopoliittisesta, kansallisvaltioita ylittävästä luonteesta jäi Suomessa sotien välisenä aikana nationalismin ja itäisen naapurin luoman uhan varjoon. Suomen sisäpoliittinen tilanne ja geopoliittinen asema loivat vaatimuksen vahvasta kansallisesta yhtenäisyydestä. Suomalainen liberalismi määrittyikin eurooppalaisia vastineitaan voimakkaammin nuorta valtiota hallinneen kansallisuusajattelun, itsesäilytysvaiston ja kansallisen eheyden vaatimusten kautta. Tutkimuksessa todetaan, että edistyspuolueen eheytyspoliittisen linjan muotoutumista ja toteutumista vuosien 1919‒1939 aikana voi pitää idealismin voittona realismista. Lukuun ottamatta reformipolitiikan vuosia edistyspuolueen pitäytyminen valitulla linjalla näyttäytyi poliittisten toimintamahdollisuuksien kannalta katsottuna ajoittain jopa epärealistiselta. Koko sotien välistä aikaa tarkastellessa voikin todeta, että se, minkä edistyspuolue poliittisten päämäärien saavuttamisen valossa voitti, sen se menetti kannatusluvuissa.

Parental and Successor Liability in EU Competition Law Infringements

Under EU competition law, parent companies may be held jointly and severally liable for the competition law infringements committed by their subsidiaries. The possibility of holding parent companies liable demonstrates a significant exception from the idea of separate legal entities. However, it is not the only deviation developed under EU competition law. In cases, where the legal entity responsible for the anti-competitive conduct has changed its form, liability can be attributed to the new operator, in particular, to its successor. The principles of legal certainty and legitimate expectations are issues that surround the doctrines of parental and successor liability. The aim of this thesis is to present a comprehensive comparative analysis of the parental and successor liability doctrines and to clarify the conditions under which it is possible to attribute liability for the infringements of EU competition law. The main purpose is therefore to demonstrate the problems related to the allocation of liability and to discuss whether these liability principles, established to assure the effective enforcement of the EU competition rules, are good solutions. The research methods used in this thesis are the legal dogmatic approach and the comparative law approach. The former enables the possibility of using the case law and legislation as a framework in which the difficulties concerning the application of parental and successor liability can be discussed while the latter ensures the comparison of the characteristics and judgments. The doctrines of parental and successor liability are both well established, but the application practice has caused several difficulties. These problems derive from, inter alia, the broadness and disjointed developed of the doctrines. There has been much recent case law dealing with these issues and having the potential to open up a considerable risk and to allocate strict liability for parent and successor companies.

Legal education in crisis: healing and humanizing Canadian law schools /

Western law schools are suffering from an identity and moral crisis. Many of the legal profession's problems can be traced to the law school environment, where students are taught to reason and practice in ways that are often at odds with their own personalities and values and even with generally accepted psychologically healthy practices. The idealism, ethic of care, and personal moral compasses of many students become eroded and even lost in the present legal education system. Formalism, rationalism, elitism, and big business values have become paramount. In such a moment of historical crisis, there exists the opportunity to create a new legal education story. This paper is a conceptual study of both my own Canadian legal education and the general legal education experience. It examines core problems and critiques of the existing Western legal education organizational and pedagogical paradigm to which Canadian law schools adhere. New approaches with the potential to enrich, humanize, and heal the Canadian law school experience are explored. Ultimately, the paper proposes a legal education system that is more interdisciplinary, theoretically and practically integrated, emotionally intelligent, technologically connected, morally accountable, spiritual, and humane. Specific pedagogical and curricular strategies are suggested, and recommendations for the future are offered. The dehumanizing aspects of the law school experience in Canada have rarely been studied. It is hoped that this thesis will fill a gap in the research and provide some insight into an issue that is of both academic and public importance, since the well-being of law students and lawyers affects the interests of their clients, the general public, and the integrity and future of the entire legal system.

The law of the sea: the United States, Canada and the deep seabed

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.