Dialect features indexing hipster identity on social media: the case of the city of Malaga

Identity is a recurrent research interest in current sociolinguistics and it is also of primary interest in digital discourse studies. Identity construction is closely related to stance and style (Eckert 2008; Jaffe 2009), which are fundamental concepts for understanding the language use and its social meanings in the case of social media users from Malaga. As the specific social meanings of a set of dialect features constitute a style, this style and the social (and technological) context in which the variants are used determine the meanings that are actually associated with each variant. Hence, every variant has its own indexical field covering any number of potential meanings. The Spanish spoken in Malaga, as Andalusian Spanish in general, was in the past often times considered an incorrect, low prestige variety of Spanish which was strongly associated with the poor, rural, backward South of Spain. This southern Spanish variety is easily recognised because of its innovative phonetic features that diverge from the national standard. In this study several of these phonetic dialect features are looked at, which users from Malaga purposefully employ (in a textualised form) on social media for identity construction. This identity construction is analysed through interactional and ethnographic methods: A perception and an imitation task served as key data and were supplemented by answers to a series of open questions. Further data stems from visual, multimodal elements (e.g. images, photos, videos) posted by users from the city of Malaga. The program TAMS Analyzer was used for data codification and analysis. Results show that certain features that in spoken language are considered rural and old-fashioned, acquire new meaning on social media, namely of urbanity and fashion. Moreover, these features, if used online, are associated with hipsters. That is, the “cool” social media index the “coolness” of the dialect features in question and, thus, the mediatisation makes their indexical fields even more multi-layered and dynamic. Social media users from Malaga performatively employ these stylised dialect features to project a hipster identity and certain related stances.

Combining series elastic actuation and magneto-rheological damping for the control of agile locomotion

All-terrain robot locomotion is an active topic of research. Search and rescue maneuvers and exploratory missions could benefit from robots with the abilities of real animals. However, technological barriers exist to ultimately achieving the actuation system, which is able to meet the exigent requirements of these robots. This paper describes the locomotioncontrol of a leg prototype, designed and developed to make a quadruped walk dynamically while exhibiting compliant interaction with the environment. The actuation system of the leg is based on the hybrid use of series elasticity and magneto-rheological dampers, which provide variable compliance for natural-looking motion and improved interaction with the ground. The locomotioncontrol architecture has been proposed to exploit natural leg dynamics in order to improve energy efficiency. Results show that the controller achieves a significant reduction in energy consumption during the leg swing phase thanks to the exploitation of inherent leg dynamics. Added to this, experiments with the real leg prototype show that the combined use of series elasticity and magneto-rheologicaldamping at the knee provide a 20 % reduction in the energy wasted in braking the knee during its extension in the leg stance phase.

Modelo prospectivo de cooperación universitaria transfronteriza para la sostenilibidad : caso, espacios urbanos, insulares y costeros del Caribe y Centroamérica

Ante la cuestión ¿La universidad debe amoldarse a la realidad ambiental o debe precursar nuevas realidades? se propone demostrar la factibilidad de alcanzar aproximaciones objetivables hacia el desarrollo sostenible, mediante la cooperación universitaria transfronteriza en ambientes urbanos insulares y costeros de la subregión del Caribe y Centroamérica. Se desarrolla el estudio en cuatro momentos: momento proyectivo en el cual se delimita el problema y se contextualiza su significación en el plano teórico de las sub-áreas implicadas. Fue reconocida la existencia de un problema social que, más allá de significar una actuación negativa intencional humana, revela una insuficiencia en el aprovechamiento de un potencial conocido y estratégico cuyos síntomas suelen ser: crisis ambiental generalizada; poca capacidad de respuesta por parte de las universidades ante las exigencias del desarrollo sostenible; incipientes estrategias de cooperación interinstitucional con refuerzo negativo en la atomización de esfuerzos materiales y comunicacionales. Se contrastaron enfoques y se adoptó una postura ante un hecho determinante: La universidad como articulador del desarrollo sostenible; hecho concretado en un objeto investigable: la cooperación universitaria como estrategia aún no focalizada en acercamientos al desarrollo sostenible. En la estrategia de abordaje de la investigación, la gestión fue considerada hipótesis de trabajo no positivista, generando en consecuencia la aplicación de adaptaciones a metodologías reconocidas, contextualizadas dentro de una particular visión sobre del hecho investigado. En el momento metodológico se describe el diseño concreto y los procedimientos de abordaje del problema en todas sus fases. En el momento técnico, fueron aplicados instrumentos y técnicas para obtener los datos diagnósticos e iniciar el diseño de un modelo de cooperación universitaria para el desarrollo sostenible. El diagnóstico se basó en estrategias cuali-cuantitativas que permitieron el análisis de resultados en la aplicación de encuestas, entrevistas a expertos, análisis prospectivo estructural, situacional e integrado. La construcción del modelo se desarrolló con fundamento en experiencias de cooperación previas, adoptando modelos de gestión de relevante alcance científico como referencias de aplicación. Se trata de una investigación socio-ambiental cuyo objeto de estudio la identifica como no experimental, aplicada; basada en el análisis descriptivo de datos cualicuantitativos, conducidos en un diseño de campo devenido finalmente en un proyecto factible. La información se recolectada por observación de campo, aplicación de instrumentos y dinámicas inspiradas en grupos de enfoque a escala local y nacional; con sujetos pertenecientes al sistema de educación universitaria e instancias gubernamentales y sociales propias del ámbito seleccionado. Conduce el estudio a la presentación del modelo MOP-GECUDES, descrito en cuanto a sus dimensiones, variables, estrategias; con 166 indicadores clasificados en 49 categorías, expresados en metas. Se presenta en 24 procedimientos, apoyados en 47 instrumentos específicos consistentes en aplicaciones prácticas, hojas metodológicas o manual de instrucciones para la operacionalización del modelo. Se complementa el diseño con un sistema de procedimientos surgidos de la propia experiencia, lo que le atribuye el modelo diseñado el rasgo particular de haber sido diseñado bajo sus propios principios. Faced with the question: Does the college must conform to the environmental reality or has to should promote new realities? This research aims to demonstrate the feasibility of achieving objectifiable approaches towards sustainable development through cross-border university cooperation in urban, coastal and islands space" of Caribbean and Central American. This study is developed in four stages: projective moment, in which delimits the problem, and contextualizes its importance in their theoretical subareas. It was recognized that there is a social problem, that beyond an intentional human action negative, reveals a deficience ability in exploiting potential strategic known and whose symptoms are: widespread environmental crisis, poor ability to answer on the part of universities to the demands of sustainable development; emerging interagency cooperation strategies with the aggravating fragmentation of resources. Were contrasted Approaches and was been adopted a stance before a triggering event: The university as articulator of sustainable development. Fact materialized in a study object: university cooperation as a strategy that yet has not been focused on approaches to sustainable development. In research approach, the management was considered as a working-hypothesis not positivist, consequently, were applied adjustments recognized methodologies that were contextualized within the author's personal view on the matter under investigation. En el momento metodológico se describe el diseño concreto y los procedimientos de abordaje del problema en todas sus fases. At the methodological time, describes the design and procedures to address the problem in all its phases. At the technical time, were applied tools directed to obtain diagnostic data and start designing a model of university cooperation for sustainable development. The diagnosis was based on qualitative and quantitative strategies that allowed the analysis of findings in the surveys, expert interviews, prospective analysis, and structural situational and integrated. Construction of the model was developed on the basis of cooperation experiences of the author, adopting management models relevant scientific scope and application references. It is a socio-environmental research with a not-experimental focus of study, applied, based on the descriptive analysis of qualitative and quantitative data, conducted in a field design that finally was been become a feasible project. The information is collected by field observation, application of instruments inspired in dynamic focus groups at local and national levels, with individual-subjects of the university education system; the government bodies and the social groups of the selected area. The Study leads to the presentation of the model MOP-GECUDES, described in terms of their dimensions, variables, strategies; with 166 indicators classified in 49 categories, expressed in its activities and goals. It comes in 24 procedures, supported by 47 specific instruments consisting of practical applications, methodology sheets or instructions for the operationalization of the model. Design is complemented with a system of procedures arising from the own experience. This have the particular attribute of generate a model than has been designed under its own principles.

Accurate pedestrian indoor navigation by tightly coupling foot-mounted IMU and RFID measurements

We present a new method to accurately locate persons indoors by fusing inertial navigation system (INS) techniques with active RFID technology. A foot-mounted inertial measuring units (IMUs)-based position estimation method, is aided by the received signal strengths (RSSs) obtained from several active RFID tags placed at known locations in a building. In contrast to other authors that integrate IMUs and RSS with a loose Kalman filter (KF)-based coupling (by using the residuals of inertial- and RSS-calculated positions), we present a tight KF-based INS/RFID integration, using the residuals between the INS-predicted reader-to-tag ranges and the ranges derived from a generic RSS path-loss model. Our approach also includes other drift reduction methods such as zero velocity updates (ZUPTs) at foot stance detections, zero angular-rate updates (ZARUs) when the user is motionless, and heading corrections using magnetometers. A complementary extended Kalman filter (EKF), throughout its 15-element error state vector, compensates the position, velocity and attitude errors of the INS solution, as well as IMU biases. This methodology is valid for any kind of motion (forward, lateral or backward walk, at different speeds), and does not require an offline calibration for the user gait. The integrated INS+RFID methodology eliminates the typical drift of IMU-alone solutions (approximately 1% of the total traveled distance), resulting in typical positioning errors along the walking path (no matter its length) of approximately 1.5 m.

Proposal for a semantic hierarchy of terminological metaphors in science and technology

Cognitive linguistics is considered as one of the most appropriate approaches to the study of scientific and technical language formation and development, where metaphor is accepted to play an essential role. This paper, based on the Cognitive Theory of Metaphor, takes as the starting point the terminological metaphors established in the research project METACITEC(Note 1), which was developed with the purpose of unfolding constitutive metaphors and their function in the language of science and technology. After the analysis of metaphorical terms and using a mixed corpus from the fields of Agriculture, Geology, Mining, Metallurgy, and other related technical fields, this study presents a proposal for a hierarchy of the selected metaphors underlying the scientific conceptual system, based on the semantic distance found in the projection from the source domain to the target domain. We argue that this semantic distance can be considered as an important parameter to take into account in order to establish the metaphoricity of science and technology metaphorical terms. The findings contribute to expand on the CTM stance that metaphor is a matter of cognition by reviewing the abstract-concrete conceptual relationship between the target and source domains, and to determine the role of human creativity and imagination in the language of science and technology configuration

Análisis de la marcha: evaluación de un exoesqueleto aplicado a la marcha asistida

La marcha humana es el mecanismo de locomoción por el cual el cuerpo humano se traslada en línea recta gracias a una serie de movimientos coordinados de la pelvis y de las articulaciones del miembro inferior. Frecuentemente se encuentra influenciada por factores biomecánicos, anatómicos o patologías del sistema neuromusculoesquelético que modifican la forma de caminar de cada individuo. La lesión de médula espinal es una de las patologías que afectan el desarrollo normal de los patrones de la marcha por alteración de la movilidad, de la sensibilidad o del sistema nervioso autónomo. Aunque la lesión medular afecta otras funciones, además de la pérdida de función motora y sensorial, la recuperación de la capacidad de caminar es la mayor prioridad identificada por los pacientes durante la rehabilitación. Por ello, el desarrollo de dispositivos que faciliten la rehabilitación o compensación de la marcha es uno de los principales objetivos de diferentes grupos de investigación y empresas. En el contexto del proyecto Hybrid Technological Platform for Rehabilitation, Functional Compensation and Training of Gait in Spinal Cord Injury Patients se ha desarrollado un dispositivo que combina una órtesis activa (exoesqueleto) y un andador motorizado. Este sistema, como otros dispositivos, tiene el movimiento humano como estándar de referencia, no obstante no se evalúa de manera habitual, cómo es el patrón de la marcha reproducido y su similitud o diferencias con la marcha humana, o las modificaciones o adaptaciones en la interacción con el cuerpo del paciente. El presente estudio trata de examinar las características de la marcha normal en diversos grupos de población, y las diferencias con el patrón de marcha lenta. Finalmente, se pretende evaluar qué modificaciones y adaptaciones sufre el patrón de marcha lenta teórico al ser reproducido por el exoesqueleto. La presente investigación consiste en un estudio cuantitativo transversal desarrollado en dos etapas: estudio 1 y estudio 2. En el estudio 1 se analizó el patrón de la marcha a velocidad libremente seleccionada (normal) y el patrón de la marcha a velocidad lenta (0.25m/s) en 62 sujetos distribuidos en grupos considerando el sexo y los percentiles 25, 50 y 75 de estatura de la población española. Durante el estudio 2 se analizó el patrón de la marcha lenta reproducido por el dispositivo Hybrid a diferentes porcentajes de peso corporal (30%, 50% y 70%) en diez sujetos seleccionados aleatoriamente de la muestra del estudio 1. En ambos estudios se obtuvieron variables espacio-temporales y cinemáticas mediante un sistema de captura de movimiento con 6 cámaras distribuidas a lo largo de un pasillo de marcha. Se calcularon las medias, las desviaciones estándar y el 95% de intervalo de confianza, y el nivel alfa de significación se estableció en α=0.05 para todas las pruebas estadísticas. Las principales diferencias en el patrón normal de la marcha se encontraron en los parámetros cinemáticos de hombres y mujeres, aunque también se presentaron diferencias entre los grupos en función de la estatura. Las mujeres mostraron mayor flexión de cadera y rodilla, y mayor extensión de tobillo que los hombres durante el ciclo normal, aunque la basculación lateral de la pelvis, mayor en las mujeres, y el desplazamiento lateral del centro de gravedad, mayor en los hombres, fueron los parámetros identificados como principales discriminantes entre sexos. La disminución de la velocidad de la marcha mostró similares adaptaciones y modificaciones en hombres y en mujeres, presentándose un aumento de la fase de apoyo y una disminución de la fase de oscilación, un retraso de los máximos y mínimos de flexoextensión de cadera, rodilla y tobillo, y una disminución del rango articular en las tres articulaciones. Asimismo, la basculación lateral de la pelvis y el movimiento vertical del centro de gravedad disminuyeron, mientras que el movimiento lateral del centro de gravedad y el ancho de paso aumentaron. Durante la evaluación del patrón de la marcha reproducido por el exoesqueleto se observó que las tres articulaciones del miembro inferior disminuían el rango de movimiento por la falta de fuerza de los motores para contrarrestar el peso corporal, incluso con un 70% de descarga de peso. Además, la transferencia de peso se encontró limitada por la falta de movimiento de la pelvis en el plano frontal y se sustituyó por un aumento de la inclinación del tronco y, por tanto, del movimiento lateral del centro de gravedad. Este hecho, junto al aumento del desplazamiento vertical del centro de gravedad, hizo del patrón de la marcha reproducido por el exoesqueleto un movimiento poco eficiente. En conclusión, se establecen patrones de marcha normal diferenciados por sexos, siendo la basculación lateral de la pelvis y el movimiento lateral del centro de gravedad los parámetros discriminantes más característicos entre sexos. Comparando la marcha a velocidad libremente seleccionada y la velocidad lenta, se concluye que ambos sexos utilizan estrategias similares para adaptar el patrón de la marcha a una velocidad lenta y se mantienen las características diferenciadoras entre hombres y mujeres. En relación a la evaluación del dispositivo Hybrid, se deduce que la falta de movimiento lateral de la pelvis condiciona la transferencia de peso y el aumento del rango de movimiento del centro de gravedad y, en consecuencia, tiene como resultado un patrón de la marcha poco eficiente. Este patrón no resultaría indicado para los procesos de rehabilitación o recuperación de la marcha, aunque podría considerarse adecuado para la compensación funcional de la bipedestación y la locomoción. ABSTRACT The human walking is a means of moving body forward using a repetitious and coordinated sequence of pelvis and lower limb motions. It is frequently influenced by biomechanical and anatomical factors or by musculoskeletal pathologies which modify the way of walking. The spinal injury is one of those pathologies which affect the normal pattern of walking, due to the alteration of the mobility, the sensory or the autonomic nervous system. Although the spinal injury affects many other body functions, apart from the motor and sensory ones, the main priority for patients is to recover the ability of walking. Consequently, the main objective of many research groups and private companies is the development of rehabilitation and compensation devices for walking. In this context, the Hybrid Technological Platform for Rehabilitation, Functional Compensation and Training of Gait in Spinal Cord Injury Patients project has developed a device which integrates an exoskeleton and a motorized smart walker. This system, as other similar devices, has the human movement as standard reference. Nevertheless, these devices are not usually evaluated on the way they reproduce the normal human pattern or on the modifications and in the interactions with the patient’s body. The aim of the present study is to examine the normal walking characteristics, to analyze the differences between self-selected and low speed walking patterns, and to evaluate the modifications and adaptations of walking pattern when it is reproduced by the exoskeleton. The present research is a quantitative cross-sectional study carried out in two phases: study 1 and study 2. During the study 1, the self-selected and the low speed (0.25m/s) walking patterns were analyzed in sixty-two people distributed in groups, according to sex and 25th, 50th and 75th percentiles of height for Spanish population. The study 2 analyzed the low speed walking pattern reproduced by the Hybrid system in three conditions: 30%, 50% and 70% of body weight support. To do this, ten subjects were randomly selected and analyzed from the people of study 1. An optoelectronic system with six cameras was used to obtain spatial, temporal and kinematic parameters in both studies. Means, standard deviations and 95% confidence intervals of the study were calculated. The alpha level of significance was set at α=0.05 for all statistical tests. The main differences in normal gait pattern were found in kinematic parameters between men and women. The hip and the knee were more flexed and the ankle plantar flexion was higher in women than in men during normal gait cycle. Although the greater pelvic obliquity of women and the higher lateral movement of center of gravity of men were the most relevant discriminators between male and female gait patterns. Comparing self-selected and low speed walking patterns, both sexes showed similar adaptations and modifications. At low speed walking, men and women increased the stance phase ratio and decreased the swing phase ratio. The maximum and minimum peak flexion of hip, knee and ankle appeared after and the range of motion of them decreased during low speed walking. Furthermore, the pelvic obliquity and the vertical movement of the center of gravity decreased, whereas the lateral movement of center of gravity and step width increased. Evaluating the gait pattern reproduced by the exoskeleton, a decrease of lower limb range of motion was observed. This was probably due to the lack of strength of the engines, which were not able to control the body weight, even with the 70% supported. Moreover, the weight transfer from one limb to the contralateral side was restricted due to the lack of pelvis obliquity. This movement deficiency was replaced by the lateral torso sway and, consequently, the increase of lateral movement of the center of gravity. This fact, as well as the increase of the vertical displacement of the center of gravity, made inefficient the gait pattern reproduced by the exoskeleton. In conclusion, different gait patterns of both sexes have been determined, being pelvis obliquity and lateral movement of center of gravity the most relevant discriminators between male and female gait patterns. Comparing self-selected and low speed walking patterns, it was concluded that both sexes use similar strategies for adapting the gait pattern to a low speed, and therefore, the differentiating characteristics of normal gait are maintained. Regarding the Hybrid system evaluation, it was determined that the gait pattern reproduced by the exoskeleton is inefficient. This was due to the lack of pelvis obliquity and the increase of the center of gravity displacement. Consequently, whereas the walking pattern reproduced by the exoskeleton would not be appropriated for the rehabilitation process, it could be considered suitable for functional compensation of walking and standing.

Business, development and inclusive supply chains. Exploring pathways for the sustainable incorporation of the poor as suppliers in agrifood supply chains

El panorama global está cambiando, y esto influye sobre la forma en la que entendemos y tratamos de alcanzar un desarrollo humano sostenible. El crecimiento de la población conlleva una mayor presión sobre los recursos, pero también supone una mayor cantidad de mano de obra y de talento; la concentración en áreas urbanas está cambiando las dinámicas sociales y desafiando los canales de comercialización tradicionales, pero también genera nuevos mercados y fomenta la innovación; los cambios en la economía global están reduciendo los tradicionales desequilibrios de poder entre los países occidentales y el resto del mundo; y las crecientes interconexiones crean nuevos riesgos pero también oportunidades para lanzar iniciativas de alcance global. Todas estas tendencias nos están obligando a repensar qué es el desarrollo humano y de qué manera deberíamos afrontar el reto de la pobreza. Es comúnmente aceptado que la globalización implica interdependencia y que, para conseguir un desarrollo humano sostenible, la colaboración entre actores de distintos ámbitos es necesaria. Se observa una creciente convergencia de temas, intereses y soluciones en torno al desarrollo sostenible, incluso en diferentes países y sectores, lo que está facilitando la colaboración estratégica entre empresas, gobiernos y sociedad civil. Existen pocas duda a día de hoy sobre el papel fundamental que las empresas deben desempeñar en la transición mundial hacia la sostenibilidad ambiental y la erradicación de la pobreza. Las empresas están evolucionando desde un enfoque tradicional centrado en la maximización de beneficios económicos hacia un enfoque holístico que integra la sostenibilidad y la responsabilidad social como parte del núcleo de negocio de las compañías. En el ámbito medioambiental, muchas empresas ya han comenzado a actuar y tratan de reducir sus emisiones, sus desechos y su consumo de energía. Sin embargo la contribución de las empresas a la reducción de la pobreza no está tan clara. Actualmente en torno a 1,2 miles de millones de personas viven en situación de extrema pobreza. La mayoría de estas personas aún vive en zonas rurales donde la mayor parte de la población activa trabaja en el sector agrícola. Por lo tanto, mejorar las oportunidades y reducir los riesgos de los productores más vulnerables en el sector de la agricultura puede ser un motor de desarrollo rural y reducción de la pobreza, especialmente en países de bajo nivel de desarrollo cuyas economías están fundamentalmente basadas en la agricultura. Algunas empresas comienzan a incluir a los pobres en sus operaciones como consumidores, proveedores y emprendedores. Esta tesis se centra en las potenciales oportunidades relacionadas con la incorporación sostenible de los pobres como proveedores de productos y/o de mano de obra. La colaboración entre empresas y productores vulnerables de países en desarrollo es un tema relativamente nuevo y todavía poco estudiado. La pregunta que guía esta tesis es: “¿Cómo pueden las empresas facilitar la inclusión sostenible en cadenas de suministro de productores vulnerables de los países menos desarrollados?”. Para responder a la pregunta anterior, la autora ha aplicado una metodología de casos de estudio. Esta metodología se considera apropiada porque la investigación sobre cadenas de suministro inclusivas es todavía escasa y porque es necesario entender en profundidad un fenómeno de la vida real, y para ello es fundamental conocer su contexto. En primer lugar, se realiza una revisión de literatura para identificar las proposiciones y los constructos teóricos que guiarán la posterior recogida de datos. La revisión de literatura se divide en dos partes: una más general que explora la dimensión social de la sostenibilidad en cadenas de suministro, y una más específica que se centra en la incorporación de los pobres como proveedores en cadenas de suministro. A lo largo de la última década, ha habido un crecimiento exponencial de los estudios académicos sobre la sostenibilidad de las cadenas de suministro, pero la mayoría de los esfuerzos se han dirigido hacia la dimensión medioambiental de la sostenibilidad. Por lo tanto la revisión de literatura, que se presenta en la Sección 3.1 (página 35) y que profundiza en la sostenibilidad social de las cadenas de suministro, puede considerarse una contribución en sí misma. Esta revisión de literatura revela que la investigación sobre aspectos sociales en cadenas de suministro está cobrando impulso en distintas áreas de conocimiento, principalmente en los ámbitos de investigación sobre “gestión de cadenas de suministro”, “responsabilidad social corporativa” y “estudios del desarrollo”. La investigación existente sobre sostenibilidad social de cadenas de suministro se centra en tres temas: aclarar la definición de sostenibilidad social; analizar la implementación de estrategias de sostenibilidad social en cadenas de suministro; y estudiar el apoyo de las em presas líderes a proveedores vulnerables para facilitar su transición hacia la sostenibilidad. Un marco conceptual que resume los principales hallazgos de esta primera parte de la revisión de literatura es planteado en la Figura 7 (página 48). No obstante, en el área de investigación que está emergiendo en torno a la sostenibilidad social de las cadenas de suministro, los estudios relacionados con la reducción de la pobreza son aún escasos. Además se aprecia una falta de contribuciones desde y sobre los países menos desarrollados, así como una clara tendencia a reflejar la visión de las empresas líderes de las cadenas de suministro, olvidando la perspectiva de los proveedores. La segunda parte de la revisión de literatura presentada en la Sección 3.2 (página 51) profundiza en tres líneas de investigación que exploran, desde distintas perspectivas, la inclusión de los pobres en cadenas de suministro. Estas líneas son “Global Value Chains” (GVC), “Base of the Pyramid” (BoP) y “Sustainable Supply Chain Management” (SSCM). La investigación en GVC analiza las cadenas de suministro desde la perspectiva de la globalización económica y el comercio internacional, poniendo especial énfasis en las implicaciones para los países en desarrollo y las comunidades vulnerables. GVC caracteriza las cadenas de suministro según la forma en la que son gobernadas, las oportunidades de mejora que existen para los productores que forman parte de la cadena y el grado de inclusión o exclusión de las comunidades más pobres y vulnerables. La investigación en BoP explora las relaciones comerciales entre empresas y comunidades pobres. La premisa fundamental del concepto BoP es la posibilidad de combinar la generación de beneficios con la reducción de la pobreza. La propuesta original es que mediante la venta de productos y servicios a las comunidades pobres de países en desarrollo, la pobreza puede ser reducida al tiempo que las empresas incrementan sus beneficios, especialmente las grandes empresas multinacionales. Esta idea ha ido evolucionando y, a día de hoy, los investigadores BoP consideran la incorporación de los pobres no sólo como consumidores sino también como empleados, proveedores y co-creadores. La investigación en SSCM ha estado fundamentalmente orientada al estudio de la dimensión medioambiental de la sostenibilidad de cadenas de suministro. Sin embargo, la creciente externalización de la producción a países en desarrollo y las demandas de los grupos de interés para que las empresas aborden todos los aspectos de la sostenibilidad han llevado a los académicos de SSCM a reconocer la importancia de integrar asuntos relacionados con la reducción de la pobreza en sus investigaciones. Algunos estudios comienzan a apuntar los principales retos a los que se enfrentan las empresas para colaborar con productores vulnerables en sus cadenas de suministro. Estos retos son: falta de comunicación, altos costes de transacción y el incremento de la complejidad de las operaciones. Las contribuciones de estas tres líneas de investigación son complementarias para el estudio de las cadenas de suministro inclusivas. Sin embargo, raramente han sido consideradas conjuntamente, ya que pertenecen a ámbitos de conocimiento distintos. Esta tesis integra las aportaciones de GVC, BoP y SSCM en un marco conceptual para la creación y gestión de cadenas de suministro inclusivas. Este marco conceptual para cadenas de suministro inclusivas queda representado en la Figura 9 (página 68). El marco conceptual refleja las motivaciones que llevan a las empresas a colaborar con productores vulnerables, los retos a los que se enfrentan al hacerlo, y los caminos o estrategias que están siguiendo para construir y operar cadenas de suministro inclusivas de manera que sean beneficiosas tanto para la empresa como para los productores vulnerables. A fin de validar y refinar el marco conceptual propuesto, tres casos de estudio se llevan a cabo. Las cadenas de suministro analizadas por los casos de estudio pertenecen al sector agrícola y sus principales proveedores se encuentran en países de África subsahariana. Múltiples métodos de recolección de datos y triangulación son utilizados para mejorar la fiabilidad de los datos. La autora desarrolló trabajos de campo en Senegal, Etiopía y Tanzania. Estos viajes permitieron enriquecer el proceso de recogida de información mediante entrevistas semiestructuradas y conversaciones informales con los principales actores de la cadena de suministro y mediante la observación directa de los procesos y las interacciones entre productores vulnerables y empresas. El Caso de estudio A (Sección 5.1 en página 96) es un caso de estudio único. Analiza la cadena de suministro local de verduras en Senegal. La organización focal es Manobi, una empresa senegalesa que provee servicios de bajo coste a emprendedores locales del sector agrícola. El Caso de estudio A proporciona un interesante análisis del funcionamiento de una cadena de suministro local en un país en desarrollo y muestra como la provisión de servicios profesionales puede mejorar el desempeño de productores vulnerables. El Caso de estudio B (Sección 5.2 en página 122) es un caso de estudio único. Analiza la cadena de suministro global de flor cortada con origen en Etiopía. La organización focal es EHPEA, la Asociación Etíope de Productores y Exportadores Hortícolas, cuya misión es promover y salvaguardar la posición competitiva del sector agrícola etíope en el mercado global. El Caso de estudio B ayuda a comprender mejor la perspectiva de los proveedores respecto a los requerimiento de sostenibilidad del mercado global. También muestra cómo la inclusión de los productores en el proceso de desarrollo de un estándar privado facilita su implementación posterior. El Caso de estudio C (Sección 5.3 en página 143) es un caso de estudio múltiple. Analiza la cadena de suministro global de café especial con origen en Tanzania. Las organizaciones focales son comerciantes que conectan de manera directa a pequeños agricultores de café en países en desarrollo con empresas tostadoras de café en países desarrollados. El Caso de estudio C muestra cómo un pequeño agricultor puede proveer un producto “premium” al mercado global, y participar en un segmento diferenciado del mercado a través de una cadena de suministro transparente y eficiente. Las aportaciones empíricas de los casos de estudio ayudan a validar y mejorar el marco conceptual sobre cadenas de suministro inclusivas (ver discusión en el Capítulo 6 en página 170). El resultado es la propuesta de una nueva versión del marco conceptual representado en la Figura 40 (página 195). Los casos de estudio también proporcionan interesantes aportaciones en relación a la gestión de cadenas de suministro inclusivas y muestran las perspectivas de distintos actores implicados. Esta tesis arroja luz sobre el papel de las empresas en la creación y la gestión de cadenas de suministro inclusivas llevando a cabo una revisión de literatura multidisciplinar y analizando tres casos de estudio en países africanos. Como resultado, esta tesis presenta una serie de contribuciones empíricas y teóricas al ámbito de investigación emergente en torno a las cadenas de suministro inclusivas (Capítulo 7). Esta tesis también pretende ser útil a profesionales que deseen facilitar la incorporación de los pobres como proveedores en condiciones justas y beneficiosas. ABSTRACT The global outlook is changing, and this is influencing the way we understand and try to achieve sustainable human development. Population growth entails increasing pressure over resources, but it also provides greater workforce and talent; concentration in urban areas is changing social dynamics and challenging traditional marketing channels, but also creating news markets and driving innovation; the global economy shift is rebalancing the traditional power imbalance between Western countries and the rest of the world, making new opportunities to arise; and interconnections and global interdependence create new risks but also opportunities for launching initiatives with a global reach. All these trends are impelling us to rethink what development is and in which way poverty alleviation should be approached. It is generally agreed that globalization implies interdependence and, in order to achieve sustainable human development, collaboration of all actors is needed. A convergence of issues, interests and solutions related to sustainable development is being observed across countries and sectors, encouraging strategic collaboration among companies, governments and civil society. There is little doubt nowadays about the crucial role of the private sector in the world’s path towards environmental sustainability and poverty alleviation. Businesses are evolving from a “business as usual” stance to a more sustainable and responsible approach. In the environmental arena, many companies have already “walk the talk”, implementing environmental management systems and trying to reduce emissions and energy consumption. However, regarding poverty alleviation, their contribution is less clear. There are around 1.2 billion people living in extreme poverty. Most of this people still live in rural areas where the agricultural sector employs a big part of the active population. Therefore, improving opportunities and reducing risks for vulnerable producers in the agri-food sector can be a primary engine of rural development and poverty alleviation, particularly in the poor, agriculture-based economies of least developed countries. Some companies are beginning to include the poor into their operations as consumers, suppliers and entrepreneurs. This thesis focuses specifically on the potential opportunities related to the sustainable incorporation of the poor as suppliers of products and/or labor. Business collaboration with vulnerable producers in developing countries is a relatively new trend and it is still understudied. The overall question guiding this thesis is: “How can businesses facilitate the sustainable inclusion of vulnerable producers from least developed countries into supply chains?”. In order to answer the research question, the author has applied a case study research strategy. This methodology is considered appropriate because research about inclusive supply chains is still at an early stage, and because there is a need to understand a real-life phenomenon in depth, but such understanding encompasses important contextual conditions. First, a literature review is conducted, in order to identify the research propositions and theoretical constructs that will guide the data collection. The literature review is divided in two parts: a more general one that explores the social dimension of sustainability of supply chains, and a more specific one that focuses on the incorporation of the poor as suppliers in supply chains. During the last decade, there has been an exponential growth of studies in the field of supply chain sustainability, but research efforts have traditionally been directed towards the analysis of the environmental dimension. Therefore, the literature review presented in Section 3.1 (page 35) that delves into social sustainability of supply chains can be considered a contribution in itself. This literature review reveals that the investigation of social issues in supply chains is gaining momentum and comes from different academic disciplines, namely Supply Chain Management, Corporate Social Responsibility and Development Studies. Existing research about social sustainability of supply chains focuses on three issues: clarify the definition of social sustainability; analyze the implementation of social sustainability strategies in supply chains; and study lead companies’ support to vulnerable suppliers in their transition towards sustainability. A conceptual framework that outlines the main findings that emerge from this first part of literature review is proposed in Figure 7 (page 48). Nevertheless, in this nascent field of social sustainability of supply chains, studies related to poverty alleviation are still scarce. Moreover, a lack of contributions from and about least developed countries has been observed, as well as a tendency to reflect on the lead firms’ standpoint, neglecting the suppliers’ perspective. The second part of the literature review (Section 3.2 in page 51) delves into three research streams that are exploring the inclusion of the poor into supply chains from different viewpoints. These research streams are Global Value Chains (GVC), Base of the Pyramid (BoP) and Sustainable Supply Chain Management (SSCM). GVC research discusses the dynamics of economic globalization and international trade, putting special emphasis in the implications for developing countries and vulnerable communities. GVC characterizes supply chains by the way they are governed, the upgrading opportunities that exist for producers in the chain and the degree of inclusion or exclusion of impoverished communities. BoP research explores trading relationships between businesses and impoverished communities. The core premise of the BoP concept is the possibility to combine profits with poverty alleviation. The original BoP proposition is that by marketing innovative products and services to poor communities in developing countries, poverty would be reduced and companies would increase their benefits, especially multinational companies. This idea has evolved to consider the incorporation of the poor to business activities not only as consumers, but also as employees, entrepreneurs and co-creators. The SSCM school of thought has mainly focused on studying the environmental dimension of supply chain sustainability, neglecting the consideration of the social perspective. However, in recent years, increasing outsourcing of production to developing countries and stakeholders’ demands for a more holistic approach to business sustainability have led SSCM scholars to acknowledge the importance of integrating poverty concerns in this field’s research agenda. Some SSCM studies identify the main operational challenges for companies which engage with vulnerable suppliers in their supply chains: missing communication, higher transactional and operational costs and increased complexity. Contributions from these three research streams are complementary for the study of inclusive supply chains. However, they have been rarely considered together, since they belong to different research areas. This thesis seeks to play a dovetailing role in this scenario by proposing a conceptual framework for creating and operating inclusive supply chains that builds on contributions from GVC, SSCM and BoP research. This framework for inclusive supply chains is depicted in Figure 9 (page 68), and explains the motivations that drive businesses to collaborate with vulnerable suppliers, the chal lenges they face in doing so, and the pathways they are following in order to build and operate inclusive supply chains profitably for both buying companies and vulnerable suppliers. In order to validate and refine the proposed framework, three case studies are carried out. The supply chains analyzed by the case studies belong to the agri-food sector and source from Sub-Saharan African countries. Multiple data collection methods and triangulation are used in order to improve reliability of findings. The author carried out field work in Senegal, Ethiopia and Tanzania. These travels enriched the data collection process, providing semi-structured interviews and informal conversations with the main actors in the supply chains, as well as direct observation of processes and interactions among companies and vulnerable suppliers. Case study A (Section 5.1 in page 96) is a single case study. It analyzes a local supply chain in Senegal providing vegetables to the local market. The focal organization is Manobi, a Senegalese inclusive business which provides affordable ICT services to local entrepreneurs in the agri-food sector. Case study A provides interesting insights into the dynamics of local supply chains and how professional services can help to improve their performance. Case study B (Section 5.2 in page 122) is a single case study. It analyzes a global supply chain with origin in Ethiopia providing cut flowers to the global commodity market. The focal organization is EHPEA, Ethiopian Horticulture Producers and Exporters Association, whose mission is to promote and safeguard the competitive position of the Ethiopian horticulture sector within the global market. Case study B helps to better understand the suppliers’ perspective regarding global market sustainability requirements and shows how the inclusion of suppliers in the process of development of a private standard has a positive impact in its implementation. Case study C (Section 5.3 in page 143) is a multiple case study. It analyzes a global supply chain with origin in Tanzania providing coffee to the global niche market of specialty coffee. The focal organizations are traders who are directly connecting smallholder coffee farmers in developing countries to coffee roasters in developed countries. Case study C shows how smallholder farmers can supply a premium product and be incorporated in a differentiated market segment through a transparent and efficient supply chain. The empirical findings from the case studies help to validate and refine the conceptual framework (see discussion in Chapter 6). The proposal of a new version of the conceptual framework is depicted in Figure 40 (page 195). The case studies also provide interesting insights related to the management of inclusive supply chains and show the perspectives of the different actors involved. This thesis sheds some light on the role of businesses in the creation and operation of inclusive supply chains by carrying out a cross-disciplinary literature review and analyzing three case studies in African countries. In doing so, this thesis presents a series of theoretical and empirical contributions to the emerging academic field of inclusive supply chains (Chapter 7). This thesis also intends to be useful to practitioners willing to improve the incorporation of the poor as suppliers in fair and profitable conditions.

Monumentalidad y Arquitectura. Tres consideraciones críticas: lo escrito, lo proyectado y lo construido durante el periodo moderno

El origen de esta tesis considera una lectura (quizás) pendiente: definir críticamente a la monumentalidad en el contexto de la arquitectura moderna. La idea de lo monumental durante la modernidad establece parte de la negación enmarcada en un planteamiento más amplio, basado en el rechazo a todo vínculo con la tradición y la historia. Desde el estatismo del monumento como objeto anacrónico, a la instrumentación de la arquitectura como herramienta simbólica, el proceso transformador más importante para la arquitectura durante el siglo XX contaba con algunas señales que nos daban la pauta para imaginar una realidad conformada por matices y desacuerdos fundamentales. La investigación no pretende contar una nueva historia sobre el periodo moderno, aunque irremediablemente se vale de su registro para presentar la discusión. Así, la idea crítica que sostenemos tiene que ver con las posibilidades estructurales y objetivas del discurso arquitectónico. Un discurso que se analiza en función de tres campos diferenciados, designados como: lo escrito, lo proyectado y lo construido en el periodo de estudio. De esta manera, pensamos que se favorecen las posibilidades dimensionales de la crítica y se amplía el sentido narrativo de la linealidad histórica. Para esta trabajo, la monumentalidad constituye una sustancia de estudio que evidencia las contradicciones, inadvertencias y matices necesarios en la articulación de una visión más compleja sobre los acontecimientos. Convencidos de la eficacia de un modelo dialéctico, que define la condición de lo monumental tanto en una valoración positiva (lo propicio, lo útil, lo verdadero, etc.) como negativa (lo falso, lo ostentoso, lo altisonante, etc.); observaremos que las diferencias alrededor del concepto derivan respectivamente en los significados de monumentalidad y monumentalismo. El contraste y la oposición de ideas expuestas a la luz favorece esa pretensión dimensional de la crítica. De los escritos de Sigfried Giedion -y la Nueva Monumentalidad- a Le Corbusier y la construcción de Chandigarh; o de la crítica anti-monumental de Karel Teige, pasando por el proyecto constructivista de Ivan Leonidov; los distintos episodios referidos en el trabajo encuentran sentido y rechazan las probabilidades arbitrarias y confusas de la selección temática. En ese orden, se busca asignar cierto rigor metodológico e incluso geométrico: la estructura propuesta toma el gran "periodo moderno" en dos bloques temporales, primera-modernidad (alrededor de 1910-1935) y tardo-modernidad (aprox. 1935-1960). En la primera parte se analizan una postura -en mayor medida- reactiva a las manifestaciones de esa hipotética condición monumental, mientras que en el segundo caso la postura se transforma y se perfila un nuevo escenario que anticipará ideológicamente parte de la evidente fractura posmoderna. A su vez, los tres registros anunciados previamente se componen de dos capítulos en función del marco temporal descrito; cada capítulo se desarrolla en tres partes que abundan en los aspectos preliminares de la discusión, luego exponen unos puntos centrales y finalmente orientan un posible recuento. El trabajo se complementa con una parte introductoria que fluye sobre definiciones concretas del monumento, el monumentalismo y la monumentalidad; además de que definirá la orientación de la crítica desarrollada. En una última intervención, a manera de conclusión, se reflexiona sobre el salto temporal, ideológico y estético que la posmodernidad representó para el tema de investigación.   Abstract The purpose of this thesis is to consider a (perhaps) pendant issue: to define monumentality by means of critical approach within the modern context of architecture. The idea of what monumental is during modernity establishes a fraction of the "modern typical denial" based on the rejection of any link to tradition and history. From the anachronistic idea of static monuments, to the orchestration of architecture as a symbolic tool, the most important process of the revolution of architecture during the 20th Century had a few signs that allowed us to imagine a reality conformed by fundamental nuances and disagreements. The aim of this research is not to tell a new story about the modern period, although inexorable it takes note of the register to present the discussion. Therefore, the idea of what we expose as criticism has to do with structural and objective possibilities in the architectural discourse. A speech analyzed in response to three differentiated domains designated here as: the written, the projected and the built during the selected time. In that way, we believe the dimensional possibilities of criticism are favored and the narrative sense of historical process is expanded. In terms of this investigation monumentality constitutes a matter of study that leads us to contradictions, unnoticed issues and necessary gray areas in the articulation of a complex vision about depicted events. We are convinced in the efficiency of a dialectical analysis model in order to define the monumental condition both as a positive value (propitious, useful, truthful, etc.) and a negative one (untrue, ostentatious, pompous, etc.); the idea is to show the differences around respective meanings deriving in terms of monumentality and monumentalism. Contrasting information and the opposition of ideas exposed in this light helped to develop the assumption of dimensional criticism. From Sigfried Giedeon's writings -and the New Monumentality- to Le Corbusier and the construction of Chandigarh; and from Karel Teige's anti-monumental criticism going through the revision of Ivan Leonidov's constructivist project; the variety of episodes referred to this work find some sense and reject the probabilities about confusion and arbitrary in the selection of themes. In order to assign some methodological precision and even geometrical criterion, the proposed structure divides the "great modern time" into two historical blocks: first-modernity (circa 1910-1935) and late-modernity (around 1935-1960). The first part analyzes a -mainly- reactive stance towards the hypothetical expressions of monumental condition, whereas in the second block the rejection tends to be transformed and to project a new scenario that will foresee the ideological postmodern fracture. At the same time, the three registers are composed by two chapters each one will operate depending on the described time frame. Each chapter is organized in three subsequent parts: at first explaining preliminary ideas for discussion, second presenting central points and finally orienting a partial recount. The research is complemented with an introductory episode describing specific definitions concerning the concepts of monument, monumentalism and monumentality; and mainly orienting the developed critique. In a final intervention, as a way of conclusion, we reflect on ideological and aesthetic qualities that postmodern time shift represented for this investigation.

Principios Modernos y Organización de Proyectos

La tesis desvela el origen moderno del modo de afrontar el proyecto de arquitectura mediante métodos de ordenación. Estos procedimientos, fieles a la poética que los respalda, establecen unos principios que anteceden y constituyen la base del método y estos son técnicos, funcionales y sociales. Una cartografía de los principios propuestos por los arquitectos y los teóricos de la arquitectura nos aporta el medio de investigación de la tesis, los libros de arquitecto. La intelectualización y conceptualización que conlleva la arquitectura durante el siglo XX, favorecida por la asociación de los arquitectos, los historiadores y los críticos en encuentros y debates, fomentará la aparición de textos en los que el proyecto de arquitectura se contextualice en su entorno. De esta manera se deja de lado la resolución de un proyecto concreto, mediante la elección entre diversas posibilidades contingentes, para establecer que el acto de proyectar constituye un problema abstracto. Esta postura modifica la resolución del proyecto de arquitectura que ahora se acomete como un caso particular a resolver según los principios y métodos propuestos. Los libros de arquitecto se evidencian como el medio privilegiado para exponer los principios y los métodos de organización de estos, posicionándolos en el ambiente cultural y social. Los principios técnica, función y ciudad que fascinan a los arquitectos desde los años veinte, sufren un proceso de puesta en crisis entre el final de la II Guerra Mundial y la crisis del petróleo del año 1973. A partir de los años setenta pierden su vigencia y ya no deslumbran. Quedan relegados a un principio más, que afecta al proyecto de arquitectura, pero no lo determina. Este desplazamiento en vez de debilitarlos hace que se manifiesten en todo su poder creativo. Las herramientas que explicitan estos principios tales como, la seriación, la modulación, el cambio de escala, los métodos de organización jerarquizados o adaptables, las taxonomías, los diagramas y los relatos, pierden su carga de novedad y de certeza, y su poder metafórico alcanzando la contemporaneidad convertidas en una estructura conceptual sobre la que se organizan los proyectos de arquitectura. ABSTRACT This dissertation reveals the modernist origins of approaching architectural design through organizational methods. These procedures, true to the poetics that back them, establish certain principles that precede and constitute the foundations of the method, and they are technical, functional and social. A map of the principles proposed by architects and architecture theorists provides the means of research of this dissertation; architect’s books. The intellectualization and conceptualization regarding architecture during the 20th century, assisted by the association of architects, historians and critics through conferences and debates, encouraged the advent of texts in which the architectural project is contextualized in its surroundings. In this way, the issue of solving a specific design is set aside by choosing between a diverse set of possible contingencies, establishing that the act of designing constitutes an abstract problem. This stance changed the way the architectural project was carried out by becoming a specific case to be worked out according to the principles and methods proposed. Architect’s books become the privileged means to present the principles and organizational methods of architects, positioning them in cultural and social circles. The principles of technology, functionality and urbanity that had fascinated architects since the 1920s, were put into question between the end of World War II and the 1973 oil crisis. After the 1970s these principles were no longer valid and ceased to amaze. But this displacement, instead of debilitating them, made them appear in their full creative force. The tools that assert these principles, such as serial production, modulation, change of scales, hierarchical or adaptable organizational methods, taxonomies, diagrams and narratives, lose their novel and undisputed content as well as their metaphorical power, reaching us, nowadays, turned into a conceptual structure upon which we organize architectural design.

La Ordenación del Territorio en las Ciudades Globales Europeas: El caso de Madrid

En la Comunidad de Madrid el modelo de ocupación del territorio en las dos últimas décadas ha obedecido a factores de oferta del mercado y no a las necesidades de la población, ello provoca un consumo de suelo y de recursos que conducen a una sobrexplotación insostenible. Las metrópolis globales están experimentando rápidas e intensas transformaciones, basadas en los paradigmas emergentes de la globalización, la gobernanza, la metropolizacion y la dispersión de las actividades en el territorio y a través de ellos se abordan los planes de Londres, París y las tentativas de Madrid. La globalización provoca la pérdida de soberanía de las administraciones publicas y la competitividad entre las ciudades globales en Europa, Londres, Paris y Madrid, son centros de poder, de concentración y crecimiento donde se produce la dualización del espacio y donde la desigualdad participa de la restructuración urbana, concentración de pobreza frente a espacios de la nueva clase emergente en donde dominan los sectores de servicios y las tecnologías de la información. Frente al desarrollo urbano neoliberal de regulación a través del mercado y basada en criterios de eficiencia de la Nueva Gestión Pública, se vislumbra la posibilidad de que la sociedad se administre a si misma por medio de acciones voluntarias y responsables que promuevan los intereses colectivos mediante el reconocimiento de su propia identidad, introduciendo el concepto de gobernanza. Frente, a la explotación del territorio por parte de la sociedad extractiva que genera corrupcion, se propone un modelo de cooperación público-privada basado en la confianza mutua, un marco regulador estable, la transparencia y la información a cuyo flujo más homogéneo contribuirán sin duda las TICs. En todo este proceso, las regiones metropolitanas en Europa se erigen como motores del crecimiento, donde los límites administrativos son superados, en un territorio cada vez más extendido y donde los gobiernos locales tienen que organizarse mediante un proceso de cooperación en la provisión de servicios que ayuden a evitar los desequilibrios territoriales. El fenómeno de la dispersión urbana en desarrollos de baja densidad, los centros comerciales periféricos, la expulsión hacia la periferia de las actividades de menor valor añadido y la concentración de funciones directivas en el centro, conducen a una fragmentación del territorio en islas dependientes del automóvil y a procesos de exclusión social por la huida de las rentas altas y la expulsión de las rentas bajas de los centros urbanos. Se crean fragmentos monofuncionales y discontinuos, apoyados en las autovías, lugares carentes de identidad y generadores de despilfarro de recursos y una falta de sostenibilidad ambiental, económica y social. El estudio de la cultura de la planificación en Europa ayuda a comprender los diferentes enfoques en la ordenación del territorio y el proceso de convergencia entre las diferentes regiones. Los documentos de la UE se basan en la necesidad de la competitividad para el crecimiento europeo y la cohesión social y en relación al territorio en los desarrollos policéntricos, la resolución del dualismo campo-ciudad, el acceso equilibrado a las infraestructuras, la gestión prudente de la naturaleza, el patrimonio y el fomento de la identidad. Se proponen dos niveles de estudio uno actual, los últimos planes de Londres y Paris y el otro la evolución de las tentativas de planes en la Región madrileña siempre en relación a los paradigmas emergentes señalados y su reflejo en los documentos. El Plan de Londres es estratégico, con una visión a largo plazo, donde se confiere un gran interés al proceso, al papel del alcalde como líder y su adaptación a las circunstancias cambiantes, sujeto a las incertidumbres de una ciudad global. El desarrollo del mismo se concibe a través de la colaboración y cooperación entre las administraciones y actores. La estructura del documento es flexible, establece orientaciones y guías indicativas, para la redacción de los planes locales, no siendo las mismas vinculantes y con escasa representación grafica. El Plan de París es más un plan físico, similar al de otros centros europeos, trabaja sobre los sectores y sobre los territorios, con información extensa, con características de “Plan Latino” por la fuerza de la expresión gráfica, pero al mismo tiempo contiene una visión estratégica. Es vinculante en sus determinaciones y normativas, se plantea fomentar, pero también prohibir. Ambos planes tratan la competitividad internacional de sus centros urbanos, la igualdad social, la inclusión de todos los grupos sociales y la vivienda como una cuestión de dignidad humana. Londres plantea la gobernanza como cooperación entre sector público-privado y la necesaria cooperación con las regiones limítrofes, en París las relaciones están más institucionalizadas resaltando la colaboración vertical entre administraciones. Ambos plantean la densificación de nodos servidos por transporte público, modos blandos y el uso los TODs y la preservación de la infraestructura verde jerarquizada, la potenciación de la red azul y la mejora del paisaje de las periferias. En las “tentativas” de planes territoriales de Madrid se constata que estuvieron sujetas a los ciclos económicos. El primer Documento las DOT del año 1984, no planteaba crecimiento, ni económico ni demográfico, a medio plazo y por ello no proponía una modificación del modelo radio concéntrico. Se trataba de un Plan rígido volcado en la recuperación del medio rural, de la ciudad, el dimensionamiento de los crecimientos en función de las dotaciones e infraestructuras existentes. Aboga por la intervención de la administración pública y la promoción del pequeño comercio. Destaca el desequilibrio social en función de la renta, la marginación de determinados grupos sociales, el desequilibrio residencia/empleo y la excesiva densidad. Incide en la necesidad de viviendas para los más desfavorecidos mediante el alquiler, la promoción suelo público y la promoción del ferrocarril para dar accesibilidad al espacio central. Aboga por el equipamiento de proximidad y de pequeño tamaño, el tratamiento paisajístico de los límites urbanos de los núcleos y el control de las actividades ilegales señalando orientaciones para el planeamiento urbano. Las Estrategias (1989) contienen una visión: la modificación del modelo territorial, mediante la intervención pública a través de proyectos. Plantea la reestructuración económica del territorio, la reconversión del aparato productivo, la deslocalización de actividades de escaso valor añadido y una mayor ubicuidad de la actividad económica. Incide en la difusión de la centralidad hacia el territorio del sur, equilibrándolo con el norte, tratando de recomponer empleo y residencia, integrando al desarrollo económico las periferias entre sí y con el centro. Las actuaciones de transporte consolidarían las actuaciones, modificando el modelo radio concéntrico facilitando la movilidad mediante la red de cercanías y la intermodalidad. El plan se basaba en el liderazgo del Consejero, no integrando sectores como el medio ambiente, ni estableciendo un documento de seguimiento de las actuaciones que evaluara los efectos de las políticas y su aportación al equilibrio territorial, a través de los proyectos realizados. El Documento Preparatorio de las Bases (1995), es más de un compendio o plan de planes, recoge análisis y propuestas de los documentos anteriores y de planes sectoriales de otros departamentos. Presenta una doble estructura: un plan físico integrador clásico, que abarca los sectores y territorios, y recoge las Estrategias previas añadiendo puntos fuertes, como el malestar urbano y la rehabilitación el centro. Plantea la consecución del equilibrio ambiental mediante el crecimiento de las ciudades existentes, la vertebración territorial basada en la movilidad y en la potenciación de nuevas centralidades, la mejora de la habitabilidad y rehabilitación integral del Centro Urbano de Madrid, y la modernización del tejido productivo existente. No existe una idea-fuerza que aglutine todo el documento, parte del reconocimiento de un modelo existente concentrado y congestivo, un centro urbano dual y dos periferias al este y sur con un declive urbano y obsolescencia productiva y al oeste y norte con una dispersión que amenaza al equilibrio medioambiental. Señala como aspectos relevantes, la creciente polarización y segregación social, la deslocalización industrial, la aparición de las actividades de servicios a las empresas instaladas en las áreas metropolitanas, y la dispersión de las actividades económicas en el territorio por la banalización del uso del automóvil. Se plantea el reto de hacer ciudad de la extensión suburbana y su conexión con el sistema metropolitano, mediante una red de ciudades integrada y complementaria, en búsqueda de un mayor equilibrio y solidaridad territorial. Las Bases del PRET (1997) tenían como propósito iniciar el proceso de concertación en que debe basarse la elaboración del Plan. Parte de la ciudad mediterránea compacta, y diversa, y de la necesidad de que las actividades económicas, los servicios y la residencia estén en proximidad, resolviéndolo mediante una potente red de transporte público que permitiese una accesibilidad integrada al territorio. El flujo de residencia hacia la periferia, con un modelo ajeno de vivienda unifamiliar y la concentración del empleo en el centro producen desequilibrio territorial. Madrid manifiesta siempre apostó por la densificación del espacio central urbanizado, produciendo su congestión, frente al desarrollo de nuevos suelos que permitieran su expansión territorial. Precisa que es necesario preservar los valores de centralidad de Madrid, como generador de riqueza, canalizando toda aquella demanda de centralidad, hacia espacios más periféricos. El problema de la vivienda no lo ve solo como social, sino como económico, debido a la pérdida de empleos que supone su paralización. Observa ya los crecimientos residenciales en el borde de la region por el menor valor del suelo. Plantea como la política de oferta ha dado lugar a un modelo de crecimiento fragmentado, desequilibrado, desestructurado, con fuertes déficits dotacionales y de equipamiento, que inciden en la segregación espacial de las rentas, agravando el proceso de falta de identidad morfológica y de desarraigo de los valores urbanos. El plan señalaba que la presión sobre el territorio creaba su densificación por las limitaciones de espacio, Incidía en limitar el peso de la intervención pública, no planteando propuestas de cooperación público-privado. La mayor incoherencia estriba en que los objetivos eran innovadores y coinciden en su mayoría con las propuestas estudiadas de Londres o Paris, pero se intentan implementar a través de un cambio hacia un modelo reticulado homogéneo, expansivo sobre el territorio, que supone un consumo de suelo y de infraestructuras para solucionar un problema inexistente, la gestión de la densidad. Durante las dos últimas décadas en ausencia de un plan regional, la postura neoliberal fue la de un exclusivo control de legalidad del planeamiento, los municipios entraron en un proceso de competencia para aprovechar las iniciales ventajas económicas de los crecimientos detectados, que proporcionaban una base económica “sólida” a unos municipios con escasos recursos en sus presupuestos municipales. La legislación se modifica a requerimiento de grupos interesados, no existiendo un marco estable. Se pierde la figura del plan no solo a nivel regional, si no en los sectores y el planeamiento municipal donde los municipios tiende a basarse en modificaciones puntuales con la subsiguiente pérdida del modelo urbanístico. La protección ambiental se estructura mediante un extenso nivel de figuras, con diversidad de competencias que impide su efectiva protección y control. Este proceso produce un despilfarro en la ocupación del suelo, apoyada en las infraestructuras viarias, y un crecimiento disperso y de baja densidad, cada vez más periférico, produciéndose una segmentación social por dualización del espacio en función de niveles de renta. Al amparo del boom inmobiliario, se produce una falta de política social de vivienda pública, más basada en la dinamización del mercado con producción de viviendas para rentas medias que en políticas de alquiler para determinados grupos concentrándose estas en los barrios desfavorecidos y en la periferia sur. Se produce un incremento de la vivienda unifamiliar, muchas veces amparada en políticas públicas, la misma se localiza en el oeste principalmente, en espacios de valor como el entorno del Guadarrama o con viviendas más baratas por la popularización de la tipología en la frontera de la Región. El territorio se especializa a modo de islas monofuncionales, las actividades financieras y de servicios avanzados a las empresas se localizan en el norte y oeste próximo, se pierde actividad industrial que se dispersa más al sur, muchas veces fuera de la región. Se incrementan los grandes centros comerciales colgados de las autovías y sin población en su entorno. Todo este proceso ha provocado una pérdida de utilización del transporte público y un aumento significativo del uso del vehículo privado. En la dos últimas décadas se ha producido en la región de Madrid desequilibrio territorial y segmentación social, falta de implicación de la sociedad en el territorio, dispersión del crecimiento y un incremento de los costes ambientales, sociales y económicos, situación, que solo, a través del uso racional del territorio se puede reconducir, apoyado en una planificación integrada sensible y participativa. ABSTRACT In Madrid the model of land occupation in the past two decades has been driven by market supply factors rather than the needs of the population. This results in a consumption of land and resources that leads to unsustainable overexploitation. Addressing this issue must be done through sensitive and participatory integrated planning. Global cities are experiencing rapid and intense change based on the emerging paradigms of globalization, governance, metropolization and the dispersion of activities in the territory. Through this context, a closer look will be taken at the London and Paris plans as well as the tentative plans of Madrid. Globalization causes the loss of state sovereignty and the competitiveness among global cities in Europe; London, Paris and Madrid. These are centres of power, concentration and growth where the duality of space is produced, and where inequality plays a part in urban restructuration. There are concentrated areas of poverty versus areas with a new emerging class where the services sector and information technologies are dominant. The introduction of ICTs contributes to a more homogeneous flow of information leading, us to the concept of governance. Against neoliberal urban development based on free market regulations and efficiency criteria as established by the “New Public Management”, emerge new ways where society administers itself through voluntary and responsible actions to promote collective interests by recognizing their own identity. A new model of public-private partnerships surfaces that is based on mutual trust, transparency, information and a stable regulatory framework in light of territorial exploitation by the “extractive society” that generates corruption. Throughout this process, European metropolitan regions become motors of growth where administrative boundaries are overcome in an ever expanding territory where government is organized through cooperative processes to provide services that protect against regional imbalances. Urban sprawl or low-density development as seen in peripheral shopping centres, the off-shoring of low added-value activities to the periphery, and the concentration of business and top management functions in the centre, leads to a fragmentation of the territory in automobile dependent islands and a process of social exclusion brought on by the disappearance of high incomes. Another effect is the elimination of low income populations from urban centres. In consequence, discontinuous expansions and mono-functional places that lack identity materialize supported by a highway network and high resource consumption. Studying the culture of urban planning in Europe provides better insight into different approaches to spatial planning and the process of convergence between different regions. EU documents are based on the need of competitiveness for European growth and social cohesion. In relation to polycentric development territory they are based on a necessity to solve the dualism between field and city, balanced access to infrastructures, prudent management of nature and solidifying heritage and identity Two levels of study unfold, the first being the current plans of London and Île-de-France and the second being the evolution of tentative plans for the Madrid region as related to emerging paradigms and how this is reflected in documents. The London Plan is strategic with a long-term vision that focuses on operation, the role of the mayor as a pivotal leader, and the adaptability to changing circumstances brought on by the uncertainties of a global city. Its development is conceived through collaboration and cooperation between governments and stakeholders. The document structure is flexible, providing guidance and indicative guidelines on how to draft local plans so they are not binding, and it contains scarce graphic representation. The Plan of Paris takes on a more physical form and is similar to plans of other European centres. It emphasizes sectors and territories, using extensive information, and is more characteristic of a “Latin Plan” as seen in its detailed graphic expression. However, it also contains a strategic vision. Binding in its determinations and policy, it proposes advancement but also prohibition. Both plans address the international competitiveness of urban centres, social equality, inclusion of all social groups and housing as issues of human dignity. London raises governance and cooperation between public and private sector and the need for cooperation with neighbouring regions. In Paris, the relations are more institutionalized highlighting vertical collaboration between administrations. Both propose nodes of densification served by public transportation, soft modes and the use of TOD, the preservation of a hierarchical green infrastructure, and enhancing the landscape in urban peripheries. The tentative territorial plans for the Madrid region provide evidence that they were subject to economic cycles. The first document of master guidelines (1984) does not address either economic or demographic growth in the mid term and therefore does not propose the modification of the radio-concentric model. It is a rigid plan focused on rural and urban recovery and the dimensioning of growth that depends on endowments and infrastructures. It advocates government intervention and promotes small business. The plan emphasizes social imbalance in terms of income, marginalization of certain social groups, the imbalance of residence/employment and excessive density. It stresses the need for social rent housing for the underprivileged, promotes public land, and the supports rail accessibility to the central area. It backs facilities of proximity and small size, enhancing the landscaping of city borders, controlling illegal activities and draws out guidelines for urban planning. The strategies (1989) contain a vision: Changing the territorial model through public intervention by means of projects. They bring to light economic restructuring of territory, the reconversion of the productive apparatus, relocation of low value-added activities, and greater ubiquity of economic activity. They also propose the diffusion of centrality towards southern territories, balancing it with the north in an attempt to reset employment and residence that integrates peripheral economic development both in the periphery and the centre. Transport would consolidate the project, changing the radius-concentric model and facilitating mobility through a commuter and inter-modality network. The plan derives itself from the leadership of the minister and does not integrate sectors such as environment. It also does not incorporate the existence of a written document that monitors performance to evaluate the effects of policies and their contribution to the territorial balance. The Preparatory Document of the Bases, (1995) is more a compendium, or plan of plans, that compiles analysis and proposals from previous documents and sectorial plans from other departments. It has a dual structure: An integrating physical plan covering the sectors and territories that includes the previous strategies while adding some strengths. One such point is the urban discomfort and the rehabilitation of the centre. It also poses the achievement of environmental balance through the growth of existing cities, the territorial linking based on mobility, strengthening new centres, improving the liveability and comprehensive rehabilitation of downtown Madrid, and the modernization of the existing production network. There is no one powerful idea that binds this document. This is due to the recognition of an existing concentrate and congestive model, a dual urban centre, two eastern and southern suburbs suffering from urban decay, and an obsolescent productive north and west whose dispersion threatens the environmental balance. Relevant aspects the document highlights are increasing polarization and social segregation, industrial relocation, the emergence of service activities to centralized companies in metropolitan areas and the dispersion of economic activities in the territory by the trivialization of car use. It proposes making the city from the suburban sprawl and its connection to the metropolitan system through a network of integrated and complementary cities in search of a better balance and territorial solidarity. The Bases of PRET (1997) aims to start the consultation process that must underpin the development of the plan. It stems from a compact and diverse Mediterranean city along with the need for economic activities, services and residences that are close. To resolve the issue, it presents a powerful network of public transport that allows integrated accessibility to the territory. The flow of residence to the periphery based on a foreign model of detached housing and an employment concentration in the centre produces territorial imbalance. Madrid always opted for the densification of the central space, producing its congestion, against the development of new land that would allow its territorial expansion. The document states that the necessity to preserve the values of the housing problem is not only viewed as social, but also economic due to the loss of jobs resulting from their paralysis. It notes the residential growth in the regional border due to the low price of land and argues that the policy of supply has led to a fragmented model of growth that is unbalanced, unstructured, with strong infrastructure and facility deficits that affect the spatial segregation of income and aggravate the lack of morphological identity, uprooting urban values. The pressure on the territory caused its densification due to space limitation; the proposed grid model causes land consumption and infrastructure to solve a non-problem, density. Focusing on limiting the weight of public intervention, it does not raise proposals for public-private cooperation. The biggest discrepancy is that the targets were innovative and mostly align with the proposals in London and Paris. However, it proposes to be implemented through a shift towards a uniform gridded model that is expansive over territory. During the last two decades, due to the absence of a regional plan, a neoliberal stance held exclusive control of the legality of urban planning. The municipalities entered a competition process to take advantage of initial economic benefits of such growth. This provided a “solid” economic base for some municipalities with limited resources in their municipal budgets. The law was amended without a legal stable framework at the request of stakeholders. The character of the plan is lost not only regionally, but also in the sectors and municipal planning. This tends to be based on specific changes with the loss of an urban model. Environmental protection is organized through an extensive number of protection figures with diverse competencies that prevent its effective protection. This process squanders the use of the land, backed by increasing road infrastructure, dispersed occupations with low-density growth causing a social segmentation due to space duality based on income levels. During the housing boom, there is a reduction in social public housing policy mostly due to a boost in the market of housing production for average incomes than in rental policies for needy social groups that focus on disadvantaged neighbourhoods and southern suburbs. As a result, there is an increase in single-family housing, often protected by public policy. This is located primarily in the west in areas of high environmental value such as Guadarrama. There is also cheaper housing due to the popularization of typology in the border region. There, territory works as a mono-functional islands. Financial activities and advanced services for companies are located to the north and west where industrial activity is lost as it migrates south, often outside the region. The number of large shopping centres hanging off the highway infrastructure with little to no surrounding population increases. This process leads to the loss of dependency on public transport and a significant increase in the use of private vehicles. The absence of regional planning has produced more imbalance, more social segmentation, more dispersed growth and a lot of environmental, social and economic costs that can only be redirected through rational territorial.

El Prado, de territorio a escenario : la construcción del espacio en un lugar tangible y su significado

"Si el hombre es el cuidador de las palabras y sólo de ellas emerge el sentido de las cosas, la arquitectura tiene un cometido preciso: hacer de las condiciones ya dadas de cada lugar palabras que signifiquen las cualidades de la existencia, y que desvelen la riqueza y contenidos que en ellas se contienen potencialmente" Ignasi Solá Morales. Lugar: permanencia o producción, 1992. Esta tesis surge tanto del afán por comprender la identidad de uno de los espacios más representativos de mi ciudad, asumido familiarmente pero que plantea muchas dudas respecto a su caracterización, como de la preocupación personal respecto a la aparente hegemonía del modelo urbano de la "ciudad genérica", crudamente expuesto por Rem Koolhaas a finales del siglo XX, que pone en crisis la ciudad histórica. El territorio, espacio físico concreto, y la memoria asociada a este, obliterados, son considerados como punto de partida para confrontarlos con la proclamación del nuevo modelo de "ciudad genérica", de raíz eminentemente económica y tecnológica. La realidad tangible de un espacio, aparentemente forjado en base a los valores denostados por el nuevo modelo propuesto, se estudia desde las premisas opuestas. La idea del no-lugar, teorizado por Marc Augé y tomado como modelo por Koolhaas, supone éste emancipado tanto de las preexistencias históricas como de su ubicación física concreta, planteando un tipo de espacio de representación al margen del territorio y la memoria. Sin pretender adoptar una postura resistente u opuesta, sino antitética y complementaria, se toman aquí las premisas de Koolhaas para contrastarlas con una porción del territorio a medio camino entre la arquitectura y la ciudad, a fin de desarrollar una reflexión que sirva de complemento y contrapeso al paradigma espacial que la “ciudad genérica” implica y cuya inmediatez y supuesta anomia parecen anular cualquier intención interpretativa al neutralizar los centros históricos y proclamar el agotamiento de la historia. El planteamiento de una teoría dicotómica frente al espacio y las teorías arquitectónicas asociadas a este ya fue formulado por Colin Rowe y Fred Koetter a finales de los años setenta del siglo pasado. Se plantea aquí la idea de una “ciudad tangible” como opuesta a la idea de la "ciudad genérica" enunciada por Koolhaas. Tomando el territorio y la memoria como referencia principal en un lugar concreto y huyendo de la premisa de la inmediatez del instante y el "presente perpetuo" proclamado por Koolhaas, del que según él seríamos prisioneros, se establece una distancia respecto al objeto de análisis que desarrolla el estudio en la dirección opuesta al supuesto origen del mismo, planteando la posibilidad de reactivar una reflexión en torno al territorio y la memoria en el seno del proceso global de habitación para poner de manifiesto determinados mecanismos de configuración de un espacio de representación al margen de la urgencia del presente, reactivando la memoria y su relación con el territorio como punto de partida. Desde de la reconstrucción hipotética del territorio, partiendo de la propia presencia física del mismo, su orografía, la paleo-biología, las analogías etológicas, los restos arqueológicos, la antropología o la historia, se reivindica la reflexión arquitectónica como disciplina diversa y privilegiada en cuanto al análisis espacial, tratando de discernir el proceso mediante el cual el Prado pasó de territorio a escenario. La organización cronológica del estudio y la incorporación de muy diversas fuentes, en su mayoría directas, pretende poner de manifiesto la condición transitiva del espacio de representación y contrastar el pasado remoto del lugar y su construcción con el momento actual, inevitablemente encarnado por el punto de vista desde el cual se desarrolla la tesis. El Prado parece albergar, agazapado en su nombre, la raíz de un origen remoto y olvidado. Si como enunciaba Ignasi Solá-Morales la función de la arquitectura es hacer aflorar los significados inherentes al lugar, esta tesis se plantea como una recuperación de la idea del vínculo entre el territorio y la memoria como fuente fundamental en la definición de un espacio de representación específico. El escrutinio del pasado constituye un acto eminentemente contemporáneo, pues el punto de vista y la distancia, inevitablemente condicionados por el presente, determinan la mirada. El culto contemporáneo a la inmediatez y la proclamación de la superación de los procesos históricos han relegado el pasado, en cierto grado, a depósito de restos o referente a superar, obviando su ineluctable condición de origen o momento anterior condicionante. Partiendo de la reconstrucción del lugar sobre el cual se halla el Prado ubicado y reconsiderando, según las premisas desarrolladas por la moderna historiografía, fundamentalmente desarrolladas por la Escuela francesa de los Annales, la cotidianeidad y lo anónimo como fuente de la que dimanan muchos de los actuales significados de nuestros espacios de representación, tomando como punto de partida un lugar remoto y olvidado, se estudia como se fue consolidando el Prado hasta devenir un lugar insigne de referencia asociado a los poderes fácticos y el espacio áulico de la capital de las Españas en el siglo XVII. El proceso mediante el cual el Prado pasó de territorio a escenario implica la recuperación de la memoria de un espacio agropecuario anónimo y el análisis de cómo, poco a poco, se fue depositando sobre el mismo el acervo de los diversos pobladores de la región que con sus particularidades culturales y sociales fueron condicionando, en mayor o menor grado, un lugar cuyo origen se extiende retrospectivamente hasta hace más de dos mil años, cuando se considera que pudo darse la primera habitación a partir de la cual, de manera ininterrumpida, el Prado ha venido siendo parte de lo que devino, más tarde, Madrid. La llegada de nuevos agentes, vinculados con estructuras de poder y territoriales que trascendían la inmediatez del territorio sobre el que se comenzó a erigir dicho lugar, sirven para repasar los diferentes depósitos ideológicos y culturales que han ido conformando el mismo, reivindicando la diversidad y lo heterogéneo del espacio de representación frente a la idea homogeneizadora que el modelo genérico implica. La constitución del Prado como un espacio de referencia asociado al paganismo arcaico a partir de la praxis espacial cotidiana, su relación con las estructuras defensivas de Al-Andalus y la atalaya Omeya, la apropiación del los primitivos santuarios por parte la iglesia, su relación con un determinado tipo de espiritualidad y las órdenes religiosas más poderosas de la época, la preferencia de Carlos V por Madrid y sus vínculos con la cultura europea del momento, o la definitiva metamorfosis del lugar a partir del siglo XVI y el advenimiento de un nuevo paganismo emblemático y estetizado, culminan con el advenimiento de lo económico como representación del poder en el seno de la corte y la erección del Palacio del Buen Retiro como manifestación tangible de la definitiva exaltación del Prado a espacio de representación áulico. Decía T.S. Elliot que la pugna por el espacio de la memoria constituye el principal rasgo del clasicismo, y el Prado, ciertamente, participa de ese carácter al que está profundamente asociado en la conciencia espacial de los madrileños como lugar de referencia. Acaso la obliteración del territorio y la memoria, propuestas en la “ciudad genérica” también tengan algo que ver con ello. ABSTRACT "If man is the caretaker of words and only they provide the sense of things, the architecture has a precise mission: to make out from the given conditions of each place words that mean the qualities of existence, and which unveil the wealth and content they potentially contain " Ignasi Solá Morales. Place: permanence or production, 1992. This thesis arises from both the desire to understand the identity of one of the most representative spaces of my city, assumed in a familiar way but that raises many doubts about its characterization, and from a personal concern about the apparent hegemony of the urban model of the "generic city " so crudely exposed by Rem Koolhaas in the late twentieth century that puts a strain on the historic city. The obliteration of the territory, specific physical space, and its associated memory, are considered as a starting point to confront them with the proclamation of the new model of "generic city" raised from eminently economic and technological roots. The tangible reality of a space, apparently forged based on the values reviled by the proposed new model, is studied from opposite premises. The idea of non-place, theorized by Marc Augé and modeled by Koolhaas, implies the emancipation from both historical preexistences and physical location, posing a type of space representation outside the territory and memory. Without wishing to establish a confrontational or opposite position, but an antithetical and complementary stance, the premises of Koolhaas are here taken to contrast them with a portion of territory halfway between architecture and the city, to develop a study that will complement and counterbalance the spatial paradigm that the "generic city" means and whose alleged immediacy and anomie appear to nullify any interpretative intention by neutralizing the historic centers and proclaiming the exhaustion of history. The approach of a dichotomous theory versus space and architectural theories associated with this were already formulated by Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter during the late seventies of last century. The idea of a "tangible city" as opposed to the idea of the "generic city" enunciated by Koolhaas arises here. Taking the territory and memory as the main reference in a particular place and trying to avoid the premise of the immediacy of the moment and the "perpetual present" proclaimed by Koolhaas, of which he pleas we would be prisoners, a distance is established from the object of analysis developing the study in the opposite direction to the alleged origin of it, raising the possibility of reactivating a reflection on the territory and memory within the overall process of inhabiting to reveal certain representational space configuration mechanisms outside the urgency of the present, reviving the memory and its relationship with the territory as a starting point. From the hypothetical reconstruction of the territory, starting from its physical presence, geography, paleo-biology, ethological analogies, archaeological remains, anthropology or history, architecture is claimed as a diverse as privileged discipline for spatial analysis, trying to discern the process by which the Prado moved from territory to stage. The chronological organization of the study and incorporating a variety of sources, most direct, aims to highlight the transitive condition of representational space and contrast the remote past of the place and its construction with the current moment, inevitably played by the view point from which the thesis develops. The Prado seems to harbor, in its name, the root of a remote and forgotten origin. If, as Ignasi Sola-Morales said, the aim of architecture is to bring out the meanings inherent in the site, this thesis is presented as a recovery of the idea of the link between the territory and memory as a key source in defining a specific space of representation. The scrutiny of the past is an eminently contemporary act, for the view and distance inevitably conditioned by the present, determine the way we look. The contemporary cult of immediacy and the proclamation of overcoming historical processes have relegated the past, to some extent, to remains deposit or a reference to overcome, ignoring its ineluctable condition as origin or previous constraint. From rebuilding the site on which the Prado is located and reconsidering everyday life and the anonymous as a source of many arising current meanings of our space of representation, according to the premises developed by modern historiography mainly developed by the French school of Annales, trying to recover the remote and forgotten is attempted, the thesis studies how el Prado was consolidated to become the most significant place of Madrid, deeply associated with the power in the capital of Spain during the XVII century. The process by which the Prado evolved from territory to stage involves the recovery of the memory of an anonymous agricultural space and the analysis of how, little by little, the influence of the various inhabitants of the region with their own and how their cultural and social peculiarities was deposited through time on the common ground and how that determined, to a greater or lesser degree, a place whose origin retrospectively extends over more than two thousand years ago, when we can consider the first inhabiting from which, without interruption, the Prado has come to be part of what became, later, Madrid. The arrival of new players, linked to power structures and territorial issues which transcended the immediacy of the territory on which the place begun to be a characteristic space, serve to review the different ideological and cultural deposits that have shaped the place, claiming diversity and heterogeneous space of representation before the homogenizing idea which the generic model implies. The constitution of the Prado as a benchmark associated with the archaic paganism developed from the ancient everyday spatial praxis, its relationship with the defensive structures of Al-Andalus and the Umayyad watchtower, the appropriation of the early sanctuaries by the roman church, its relationship with a certain type of spirituality and the most powerful religious orders of the time, the preference of Carlos V towards Madrid and its links with the European culture of the moment and the final metamorphosis of the place during the sixteenth century, end at the moment on which the advent of the economic as a representation of power within the court and the erection of the Palacio del Buen Retiro, as a tangible manifestation of the ultimate exaltation of courtly Prado space representation, happened in the mid XVII century. T. S. Elliot said that the struggle for memory space is the main feature of classicism, and the Prado certainly shares part of that character deeply associated in the mental spatial structure of the locals as a landmark. Perhaps the obliteration of territory and memory proposed in the "generic city" might also have something to do with that.

Criterios de restauración, intervención y revitalización del patrimonio industrial : la fábrica de gas de San Paolo en Roma

La tesis está centrada en el patrimonio industrial, y trata de ahondar en los temas enunciados en el título, Criterios de restauración, intervención y revitalización del patrimonio industrial (capítulo 1). La fábrica de gas de San Paolo en Roma (capítulo 2): En el primer capítulo, se profundiza en los criterios institucionalizados de actuación en el patrimonio, pero también se habla sobre la singularidad, los valores originales, estratificados en cada construcción y su contexto. Ello resume la intención de la doctoranda al entender la necesidad del análisis de cada obra en modo profundo, concreto y abierto a novedosos acercamientos, antes de su transformación. Al hablar de intervención frente a restauración, se aborda la conocida polémica que plantea el modo de acercarse al legado histórico. Parece necesario enunciar cómo se consideran en el trabajo estos términos. Mientras la restauración (como diría Cesare Brandi, constituye el momento metodológico del reconocimiento de la obra de arte en su consistencia física y en su doble polaridad estética e histórica, en orden a su transmisión al futuro) es una acción más restrictiva, que implica atención suma a la recuperación y conservación de los valores significativos y únicos del bien, en comunicación con un (posible) equipo interdisciplinar; por intervención se entiende aquí un desarrollo más personal y libre por parte del proyectista, en el que se produce un proceso dialéctico entre la preexistencia y el posicionamiento crítico adoptado a la hora de dar un obligado nuevo uso a ese bien. Es decir, el contraste está en el diferente reconocimiento de la materialidad física y sus significados. En torno a la restauración/intervención, se analizan las perspectivas de actuación en España e Italia, contrastando factores como la formación del arquitecto o el entorno laboral-cultural, y utilizando el método analítico comparativo de casos. Habría un tercer concepto: el de revitalización del patrimonio industrial, Éste hace referencia a su transformación, a sus usos más comunes y compatibles, a la redimensión artística que ha experimentado la arquitectura industrial gracias al arte contemporáneo y a su relación con la Modernidad. Por último, se enuncia en el título el caso de estudio, la Fábrica, que ocupa el segundo capítulo. Se trata de un enorme conjunto industrial singular semi abandonado en el confín del centro histórico, cuyo protagonista es un gran gasómetro, que la autora ha tenido la oportunidad de descubrir en su estancia en la Ciudad Eterna. Este barrio constituyó el primer y único sector industrial de la Roma moderna a inicios del siglo XX. Por varias causas históricas y voluntad política, la ciudad prácticamente no tuvo más desarrollo industrial que el área mencionada, donde se implantaron servicios y actividades de gran transformación (Matadero, Mercados Generales, Almacenes Fluviales, Central Montemartini o esta fábrica). A partir de 1920, se empezó a construir un tejido productivo que la llevó de la situación de posguerra al milagro económico. Frente al mito de la Roma monumental o de la Roma cotidiana, aparece el aspecto industrial como mito de la contemporaneidad. Sin embargo, esta ciudad es demasiado antigua como para convertirse en moderna, y su proceso industrial en contraste con su larga historia resulta breve. La inmediata relación de la fase industrial romana con el resultado de este desarrollo viene identificada con las instalaciones señaladas, más significativas por su excepcionalidad que por la duración del momento irrepetible que representan. Su presencia física perdura a pesar de su abandono, aisladas tras su muro perimetral y casi desconocidas. Esto las hace apetecibles para la especulación inmobiliaria y resultan un caso de estudio ideal para realizar un Plan de Intervención Global, en el que determinar una serie de intervenciones necesarias, usos compatibles y directrices para la ordenación del conjunto, coherentes con los conceptos manejados en el primer capítulo. ABSTRACT The thesis focuses on industrial heritage, delving into the topics listed in its title, Criteria for the restoration, intervention and revitalisation of industrial heritage (chapter 1). The San Paolo gas factory in Rome (chapter 2): Chapter one elaborates on the official criteria to take action on heritage, but also deals with the singularity and original values unique to each construction and its context. This underlines the PhD candidate’s intentions by understanding the need for an in-depth and specific analysis, open to novel approaches to each site before its transformation. When speaking of intervention, as opposed to restoration, we address the well-known controversy that stems from the different ways of approaching historical heritage. It seems necessary to explain how these terms are interpreted in this piece of work. Whereas restoration (as Cesare Brandi would say, constitutes the methodological moment in which the work of art is appreciated in its material form and in its historical and aesthetic duality, with a view to transmitting it to the future) is a more restrictive action, demanding the utmost attention to the recovery and preservation of the piece of heritage’s defining and exceptional values, (ideally) in communication with a interdisciplinary team. By intervention, we hereby understand a more personal and free procedure carried out by the designer in which a dialectical process takes place between preexistence and the critical stance taken in order to give that good a much needed new use. That is, contrast lies in the different recognition of physical materiality and its meanings. As for the restoration/intervention dilemma, the different courses of action followed in Spain and Italy will be analysed, contrasting the architects’ training, the labourcultural environment and taking an analytical comparative case study method. There is a third concept: the revitalisation of industrial heritage, which refers to its transformation, its most common and compatible uses, the artistic redimensioning that industrial architecture has experienced thanks to contemporary art, and its relationship with Modernity. Lastly, the title refers to the case study, i.e., the analysis of the Factory, which makes up chapter 2. It is an enormous and semiabandoned peerless industrial complex on the edge of the historical city centre whose main landmark is a huge gasometer, which the author had the chance to discover during her stay in the Eternal City. This district made up the first and only industrial sector in the modern Rome of the early 20th century. Due to a number of reasons, both historical and political, barely no further industrial development took place in the city beyond the mentioned area, where processing services and activities were set up (Slaughterhouse, General Markets, Riverside Warehouses, Montemartini Power Plant or the said factory). In the 1920s began the construction of the productive fabric that raised the city from its postwar plight to the economic miracle. As opposed to the myth of monumental Rome and daily-life Rome, this industrial Rome rose as contemporaneity’s myth. However, this city is too ancient to become modern, and its industrial process strikes us as brief when confronted with its long history. The close relationship between Rome’s industrial stage and the consequences of this development is best represented by the aforementioned facilities, more relevant due to their uniqueness than the length of the once-in-a-lifetime moment they represent. Their physical presence lives on despite abandonment and isolation, as they stand vastly unknown behind their perimeter walls. This renders them appealing to property speculators, becoming an ideal case study for the creation of a Global Intervention Plan in which to determine a series of necessary actions, compatible uses and directives, all of them consistent with the concepts dealt with in chapter 1. RIASSUNTO La tesi è focalizzata sul patrimonio industriale e cerca di approfondire le tematiche contenute nel titolo, Criteri di restauro, intervento e rivitalizzazione del patrimonio industriale (capitolo 1). La Fabbrica del gas di San Paolo a Roma (capitolo 2): Nel primo capitolo vengono presi in esame i criteri istituzionalizzati di attuazione nel patrimonio, ma si parla anche della unicità, i valori originali, stratificati in ogni costruzione ed il suo contesto. Questo riassume l’intenzione della dottoranda di capire la necessità dell’analisi di ogni opera in modo profondo, concreto e aperto a nuovi approcci, prima della sua trasformazione. Nel parlare di intervento versus restauro, si affronta la famosa polemica che considera il modo di avicinarsi all’eredità storica. Appare necessario precisare come questi termini sono considerati in questo lavoro. Mentre il restauro (come direbbe Cesare Brandi, costituisce il momento metodologico del riconoscimento dell’opera d’arte nella sua consistenza fisica e nella duplice polarità estetica e storica, in vista della sua trasmissione nel futuro) è un’azione più restrittiva, e quindi implica massima attenzione al recupero e conservazione dei valori significativi ed unici del bene, in comunicazione con una (eventuale) squadra interdisciplinare; per intervento si intende qui un processo più personale e libero del progettista, nel quale si produce uno sviluppo dialettico tra la preesistenza e la posizione critica adottata quando si deve dare un nuovo uso di quel bene. Vale a dire che il contrasto risiede nel diverso riconoscimento della materialità fisica e i loro significati. Intorno al restauro / intervento, si analizzano le prospettive di attuazione in Spagna e Italia, contrastando diversi fattori come la formazione dell’architetto o l’ambiente lavorativo-culturale, ed impiegando il metodo analitico comparativo dei casi. Ci sarebbe un terzo concetto: quello della rivitalizzazione del patrimonio industriale. Questo fa riferimento alla sua trasformazione, ai suoi usi più comuni e compatibili, al ridimensionamento artistico vissuto dall’archeologia industriale grazie all’arte contemporanea ed al suo rapporto con la Modernità. In ultimo, si enuncia nel titolo il caso di studio, ovvero l’analisi della Fabbrica, che occupa il secondo capitolo. Si tratta di un enorme complesso industriale semi-abbandonato al confine con il centro storico, il cui protagonista è un grande gasometro, che l’autrice ha avuto modo di scoprire durante il suo soggiorno nella Città Eterna. Questo quartiere costituì il primo e unico moderno settore industriale della Roma moderna all’inizio del Novecento. Per diverse ragioni storiche e volontà politiche, la città praticamente non ha subito ulteriore sviluppo industriale oltre l’area citata, dove si impiantarono servizi e attività di grande trasformazione (Mattatoio, Mercati Generali, Magazzini Generali, Centrale Montemartini o questa fabbrica). Dal 1920, si inizió a costruire un tessuto prodottivo che portò la città dalla situazione post-bellica al miracolo economico. Di fronte al mito della Roma monumentale o della Roma quotidiana, appare questa Roma industriale come mito della contemporaneità. Tuttavia, questa città è troppo antica per diventare moderna, ed il suo processo industriale in contrasto con la sua lunga storia risulta breve. Il rapporto diretto della fase industriale romana con il risultato di questo sviluppo viene identificato con gli impianti segnalati, più significativi per la loro unicità che per la durata del momento irripetibile che rappresentano. La loro presenza fisica perdura nonostante l’abbandono, isolati dietro il loro muro di cinta e quasi sconosciuti. Questo li rende auspicabile per la speculazione immobiliare e sono un caso ideale per eseguire un Piano di Intervento Globale, che determini una serie di interventi necessari, usi compatibili e linee guida per la pianificazione del tutto, in linea con i concetti utilizzati nel primo capitolo.

Sensibilizar para a diversidade linguística e cultural no pré-escolar

Relatório de estágio apresentado para obtenção do grau de mestre na especialidade profissional de educação pré-escolar

50 Years Ago We Marched: What began on the grounds of Lincoln University, ended on the steps of the Alabama State Capitol

LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”

VAR models and methods for monetary and health economics

Negli ultimi anni i modelli VAR sono diventati il principale strumento econometrico per verificare se può esistere una relazione tra le variabili e per valutare gli effetti delle politiche economiche. Questa tesi studia tre diversi approcci di identificazione a partire dai modelli VAR in forma ridotta (tra cui periodo di campionamento, set di variabili endogene, termini deterministici). Usiamo nel caso di modelli VAR il test di Causalità di Granger per verificare la capacità di una variabile di prevedere un altra, nel caso di cointegrazione usiamo modelli VECM per stimare congiuntamente i coefficienti di lungo periodo ed i coefficienti di breve periodo e nel caso di piccoli set di dati e problemi di overfitting usiamo modelli VAR bayesiani con funzioni di risposta di impulso e decomposizione della varianza, per analizzare l'effetto degli shock sulle variabili macroeconomiche. A tale scopo, gli studi empirici sono effettuati utilizzando serie storiche di dati specifici e formulando diverse ipotesi. Sono stati utilizzati tre modelli VAR: in primis per studiare le decisioni di politica monetaria e discriminare tra le varie teorie post-keynesiane sulla politica monetaria ed in particolare sulla cosiddetta "regola di solvibilità" (Brancaccio e Fontana 2013, 2015) e regola del GDP nominale in Area Euro (paper 1); secondo per estendere l'evidenza dell'ipotesi di endogeneità della moneta valutando gli effetti della cartolarizzazione delle banche sul meccanismo di trasmissione della politica monetaria negli Stati Uniti (paper 2); terzo per valutare gli effetti dell'invecchiamento sulla spesa sanitaria in Italia in termini di implicazioni di politiche economiche (paper 3). La tesi è introdotta dal capitolo 1 in cui si delinea il contesto, la motivazione e lo scopo di questa ricerca, mentre la struttura e la sintesi, così come i principali risultati, sono descritti nei rimanenti capitoli. Nel capitolo 2 sono esaminati, utilizzando un modello VAR in differenze prime con dati trimestrali della zona Euro, se le decisioni in materia di politica monetaria possono essere interpretate in termini di una "regola di politica monetaria", con specifico riferimento alla cosiddetta "nominal GDP targeting rule" (McCallum 1988 Hall e Mankiw 1994; Woodford 2012). I risultati evidenziano una relazione causale che va dallo scostamento tra i tassi di crescita del PIL nominale e PIL obiettivo alle variazioni dei tassi di interesse di mercato a tre mesi. La stessa analisi non sembra confermare l'esistenza di una relazione causale significativa inversa dalla variazione del tasso di interesse di mercato allo scostamento tra i tassi di crescita del PIL nominale e PIL obiettivo. Risultati simili sono stati ottenuti sostituendo il tasso di interesse di mercato con il tasso di interesse di rifinanziamento della BCE. Questa conferma di una sola delle due direzioni di causalità non supporta un'interpretazione della politica monetaria basata sulla nominal GDP targeting rule e dà adito a dubbi in termini più generali per l'applicabilità della regola di Taylor e tutte le regole convenzionali della politica monetaria per il caso in questione. I risultati appaiono invece essere più in linea con altri approcci possibili, come quelli basati su alcune analisi post-keynesiane e marxiste della teoria monetaria e più in particolare la cosiddetta "regola di solvibilità" (Brancaccio e Fontana 2013, 2015). Queste linee di ricerca contestano la tesi semplicistica che l'ambito della politica monetaria consiste nella stabilizzazione dell'inflazione, del PIL reale o del reddito nominale intorno ad un livello "naturale equilibrio". Piuttosto, essi suggeriscono che le banche centrali in realtà seguono uno scopo più complesso, che è il regolamento del sistema finanziario, con particolare riferimento ai rapporti tra creditori e debitori e la relativa solvibilità delle unità economiche. Il capitolo 3 analizza l’offerta di prestiti considerando l’endogeneità della moneta derivante dall'attività di cartolarizzazione delle banche nel corso del periodo 1999-2012. Anche se gran parte della letteratura indaga sulla endogenità dell'offerta di moneta, questo approccio è stato adottato raramente per indagare la endogeneità della moneta nel breve e lungo termine con uno studio degli Stati Uniti durante le due crisi principali: scoppio della bolla dot-com (1998-1999) e la crisi dei mutui sub-prime (2008-2009). In particolare, si considerano gli effetti dell'innovazione finanziaria sul canale dei prestiti utilizzando la serie dei prestiti aggiustata per la cartolarizzazione al fine di verificare se il sistema bancario americano è stimolato a ricercare fonti più economiche di finanziamento come la cartolarizzazione, in caso di politica monetaria restrittiva (Altunbas et al., 2009). L'analisi si basa sull'aggregato monetario M1 ed M2. Utilizzando modelli VECM, esaminiamo una relazione di lungo periodo tra le variabili in livello e valutiamo gli effetti dell’offerta di moneta analizzando quanto la politica monetaria influisce sulle deviazioni di breve periodo dalla relazione di lungo periodo. I risultati mostrano che la cartolarizzazione influenza l'impatto dei prestiti su M1 ed M2. Ciò implica che l'offerta di moneta è endogena confermando l'approccio strutturalista ed evidenziando che gli agenti economici sono motivati ad aumentare la cartolarizzazione per una preventiva copertura contro shock di politica monetaria. Il capitolo 4 indaga il rapporto tra spesa pro capite sanitaria, PIL pro capite, indice di vecchiaia ed aspettativa di vita in Italia nel periodo 1990-2013, utilizzando i modelli VAR bayesiani e dati annuali estratti dalla banca dati OCSE ed Eurostat. Le funzioni di risposta d'impulso e la scomposizione della varianza evidenziano una relazione positiva: dal PIL pro capite alla spesa pro capite sanitaria, dalla speranza di vita alla spesa sanitaria, e dall'indice di invecchiamento alla spesa pro capite sanitaria. L'impatto dell'invecchiamento sulla spesa sanitaria è più significativo rispetto alle altre variabili. Nel complesso, i nostri risultati suggeriscono che le disabilità strettamente connesse all'invecchiamento possono essere il driver principale della spesa sanitaria nel breve-medio periodo. Una buona gestione della sanità contribuisce a migliorare il benessere del paziente, senza aumentare la spesa sanitaria totale. Tuttavia, le politiche che migliorano lo stato di salute delle persone anziane potrebbe essere necessarie per una più bassa domanda pro capite dei servizi sanitari e sociali.