Opressão econômica e violência social: retratos do cotidiano em três parábolas da Fonte Q (Q 12,39-40; 42-46; 19,12-27)

Num ambiente como o da Galiléia do século I, onde o ensino era realizado nas comunidades religiosas, vilarejos e núcleos familiares de forma oral, o método de fixação de ensinos mediante a assimilação de símbolos do cotidiano era fundamental. Por conta disso, acreditamos que, dentre as fontes orais ou escritas preservadas e organizadas pelos Evangelhos Sinóticos, as parábolas de Jesus compõem o gênero literário mais original por terem sido preservadas na memória, com maior precisão pelos primeiros seguidores de Jesus. Muitos estudiosos empreenderam importantes trabalhos para pesquisar o lugar social das parábolas de Jesus, a maioria deles partindo dos próprios textos dispostos como estão nos Evangelhos. Neste trabalho, nos propomos trabalhar as parábolas de Jesus como ditos bem preservados pela oralidade a partir da teoria da Fonte Q, que é tratada como um dos estratos mais primitivos da tradição formativa dos Evangelhos Sinóticos e do movimento de Jesus. As parábolas do Ladrão (Q 12,39-40), Servo Infiel (Q 12,42-46) e do Dinheiro Confiado (Q 19,12-27) sempre foram vistas pela tradição eclesial como parábolas que tratam da necessária vigilância do cristão por conta da repentina parusia de Jesus. No entanto, nesse trabalho vamos além, pois acreditamos que essas parábolas tratam do contexto social da Galiléia do século I, onde são retratadas a opressão econômica e a violência social imposta aos pequenos proprietários e camponeses empobrecidos.(AU)

DISCURSOS E PRÁTICAS FUNDAMENTALISTAS NA IGREJA PRESBITERIANA DO BRASIL (2002-2008) UMA ANÁ-LISE DA PRETENSA POSIÇÃO DE EQÜIDISTÂNCIA DOS EXTREMOS FUNDAMENTALISTAS E LIBERAIS

Em diversas ocasiões, os líderes da Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil revelaram o desejo de uma eqüidistância teológica dos extremos liberais e fundamentalistas. Entretanto, os dis-cursos e as práticas dessa instituição eclesiástica contrastam com esse posicionamento ofici-al. Além disso, essa pretensa posição de eqüidistância dos extremos liberais e fundamenta-listas não denota fronteiras rígidas, mas é um instrumento eficaz de legitimação do poder nos momentos de reconfiguração do campo religioso, principalmente em situações de crises internas. Outrossim, após a redemocratização do Brasil e o conseqüente aumento de plura-lismo religioso, houve a transformação do campo social brasileiro, provocando dificuldades em setores mais conservadores dessa instituição. Atualmente, procura-se revitalizar a pró-pria tradição religiosa diante das ameaças de sua dissolução impostas pelos processos e-mancipatórios modernos e pela influência das concepções seculares e supostamente atéias da vida (como o feminismo, a luta em defesa dos direitos reprodutivos, a união civil entre pessoas do mesmo sexo, o chamado ―movimento de lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis e transgêneros‖ etc.). No campo religioso, os resultados imediatos dessa postura de reação em face das transformações sociais impostas pela modernidade são: (1) misoginia; (2) aquela manifestação de ativismo político-religioso de caráter conservador os protestantes de pen-dor fundamentalista, cuja expansão no Brasil se vem processando há muitas décadas, em ritmo sabidamente veloz, com base em um modelo de proselitismo muito bem-sucedido entre as camadas mais pobres da população brasileira, por todo território nacional.(AU)

O COMPROMISSO E O CUIDADO COM A VIDA NAS ORIGENS HISTÓRICAS E NOS DOCUMENTOS OFICIAIS DA IGREJA METODISTA NO BRASIL. SUBSÍDIOS TEÓRICOS PARA A INCLUSÃO DA PESSOA COM DEFICIÊNCIA FÍSICA.

A necessidade de estudos mais aprofundados sobre o que a Igreja Metodista tem a oferecer para que se transforme a realidade atual da pessoa com deficiência física no meio onde vive, tanto na sociedade, como no que diz respeito à participação na vida eclesiástica é o que justifica a presente dissertação. Serão analisadas, primeiramente, as práticas sociais presentes na história do movimento metodista em suas origens. Em seguida serão examinadas as relações e correspondências entre os documentos da Igreja Metodista e a Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos, a qual é recomendada e reconhecida pela Igreja Metodista. Serão levantados elementos nos documentos oficiais da Igreja Metodista no Brasil, dentre eles Cânones, Plano para a Vida e a Missão, Credo Social, Regras Gerais e outros que demonstrem o compromisso desta Igreja junto a pessoas com deficiências físicas. Enfim, este estudo demonstrará, mediante os aspectos abordados que, tanto em sua origem histórica como nos documentos oficiais da Igreja Metodista são encontrados subsídios que fundamentam a responsabilidade social da Igreja, especificamente pela inclusão social da pessoa com deficiência física, o que faz da comunidade metodista acessível a todas as pessoas.(AU)

ANÁLISE SISTÊMICA DAS RELAÇÕES DE PODER EM GRUPOS DE LIDERANÇA OFICIAL DE IGREJAS DE GOVERNO CONGREGACIONAL: Estudo de Caso em Igrejas Menonitas de Curitiba

A pesquisa a seguir tem o poder como objeto de estudos, especificamente na forma de relações de poder em conselhos diretores (pastoral e administrativo) de igrejas menonitas em Curitiba. A forma presumida de governo dessas igrejas é historicamente congregacional, isto é, as assembléias das respectivas igrejas são supremas e últimas nas deliberações. A metodologia de pesquisa é sociológica, indutiva, funcionalista, com tendências fenomenológicas, tendo como perspectiva principal a teoria sistêmica e seus recursos de pesquisa. A teoria geral dos sistemas orienta os fundamentos da pesquisa, a teoria dos sistemas sociais é o arcabouço da pesquisa. O método de pesquisa é a observação-participante com registros em vídeo e áudio, transcrição, análise e elaboração de conclusões. A técnica de pesquisa citada demonstrou-se eficaz e útil para o levantamento de dados em pesquisas de campo que tratam de grupos e suas funções diferenciadas em agremiações eclesiásticas. Os objetivos buscam identificar a dinâmica sistêmica nas reuniões dos conselhos observados, bem como identificar o processo das relações de poder nos mesmos. As hipóteses lançadas como ponto de partida afirmam que a teoria sistêmica em qualquer perspectiva é observável, bem como os elementos (conselheiros) das relações de poder se demonstram inconscientes de seus atos de poder. As hipóteses principais e secundárias foram confirmadas pela observação-participante, a saber: a pesquisa verifica a hipótese geral de que mesmo igrejas e seus sistemas sociais evidenciam princípios sistêmicos segundo a teoria geral dos sistemas e a teoria dos sistemas sociais de Niklas Luhmann. As hipóteses específicas verificam se os conselheiros dos grupos de liderança evidenciam consciência do poder exercido e do poder implícito em suas funções e papéis; se os grupos formais, eleitos pela assembléia exercem poder de fato ou se existe influência do poder informal; se existe uma correlação, entre o poder formal e as fronteiras rígidas , o poder informal e a fronteira difusa ; se é possível trabalhar preventivamente e interventivamente através do conceito de relações de poder e os princípios sociais sistêmicos. As igrejas menonitas de Curitiba de maneira geral preservam traços de governo congregacional, mas, a transição para estilos de governo pastorcêntricos e autocráticos a partir dos conselhos observados é um fato e parece irreversível. Aparentemente a causalidade desse movimento surge no contexto social metropolitano e suas implicações, mais do que numa mudança estrategicamente planejada pelas lideranças. Portanto, a transição parece ser cultural. Aliás, as transformações sociais das tradições menonitas são diretamente proporcionais à sua inclusão e inculturação no contexto social em que se situam, confirmando assim os princípios sistêmicos da sociedade em geral.(AU)

PASTORAL EM SITUAÇÃO DE RUA Análise das Ações Pastorais da Comunidade Metodista do Povo de Rua na Cidade de São Paulo 1992 2009

A população em situação de rua é um fenômeno urbano, agravado na contemporaneidade por fatores de ordem social, econômica, cultural que agrupa pessoas independentemente da idade, etnia, grau de instrução e gênero, em situação de exclusão social, impedidos à renda e suprimento de suas necessidades vitais, culturais e sociais. Na condição de população sobrante, enfrenta obstáculos ao desenvolvimento de suas capacidades intelectuais, biológicas e culturais; à equidade de garantia de direitos civis, políticos e sociais; à qualidade de vida em harmonia e bem-estar objetivo dos seres humanos; e ao exercício pleno de sua cidadania. A Comunidade Metodista do Povo de Rua - CMPR encontrou o seu espaço no início da década de noventa, ao tempo em que a Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo, na Legislatura da Prefeita Luíza Erundina, promoveu, através da Secretaria Municipal de Bem-Estar social, o censo para conhecer quem era, como vivia e como era vista a população de rua na cidade de São Paulo. Neste contexto, a Igreja Metodista Coreana Ebenezer oferecia à população uma assistência dominical servindo pão, café com leite e achocolatado na região do Parque Dom Pedro II. Sagrou-se a parceria para a criação da CMPR através do despertar do poder público e da participação da Igreja Metodista Coreana através do Café do Coreano. Foi fundamental a disposição dos Bispos Nelson Campos Leite e Geoval Jacinto da Silva, ambos da Terceira Região Eclesiástica da Igreja Metodista, que iniciaram os trabalhos utilizando a instituição de caráter filantrópico da Igreja Metodista, a AMAS Associação Metodista de Assistência Social. Assim, com sede no Viaduto Pedroso e, por proximidade geográfica, a CMPR vinculou-se a AMAS da Catedral Metodista de São Paulo, atuando em três dimensões: (1) criação da Casa de Convivência, (2) abrigamento no período do inverno; (3) Criação do albergue. O Plano de Ação elaborado pela CMPR que consagrou a criação do Albergue, data da transição 1994/95 e teve como base o Credo Social, o Plano para Vida e Missão da Igreja Metodista e o Plano de Ação encaminhado à Prefeitura, à luz da vertente social do movimento Metodista a partir de João Wesley, estabelecendo que o objetivo geral da CMPR fosse o resgate da cidadania das pessoas que constituem a população de rua. Nesta dimensão, a tese está estruturada em cinco capítulos, inclusa pesquisa de campo que foi aplicada a funcionários e ex-funcionários da CMPR, com objetivo de reunir conteúdos para se analisar as ações pastorais da CMPR na perspectiva da Práxis religiosa, considerando a Práxis filosófica e educacional, a fim de perceber se as ações pastorais são ações criadoras, reflexivas, libertadoras e radicais, e se promovem por meio da CMPR o resgate da cidadania em população de rua na cidade de São Paulo.(AU)

Micro-redes de solidariedade e legitimação: A liderança de mulheres na periferia do poder clérigo-institucional das igrejas pentecostais clássicas na cidade de Diadema

Desde o surgimento do Movimento Pentecostal, mulheres tiveram participação ativa e fundamental para a consolidação do Movimento. Entretanto, com sua institucionalização, o Movimento Pentecostal passou a segregar as mulheres, restringindo sua atuação a funções eclesiais subalternas. Mulheres foram relegadas ao esquecimento. Contudo, a hegemonia do poder masculino não impediu que as mulheres criassem suas redes de sentido nas igrejas pentecostais, através de sociedades de mulheres que funcionam como espaços de socialização e humanização, geralmente em contextos de alta vulnerabilidade social. A presente pesquisa procura visibilizar e problematizar estas redes de socialização e de produção de sentido. O objeto de pesquisa são essas micro-redes sociais constituídas e lideradas por mulheres pentecostais. O método de pesquisa utilizado foi o da História Oral, o qual foi muito útil para compreender, através de depoimentos, como se formam as teias, tramas, interações e redes por onde flui a solidariedade entre as mulheres e a legitimação do poder que as próprias mulheres pentecostais alcançam e usufruem nessas micros-redes. Procurou-se deixar as mulheres falarem por si mesmas. Com a vez e a voz, as mulheres pentecostais!

Religious diplomacy and socialism. The Romanian Orthodox Church and the Church of England, 1956-1959

This article analyzes the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the communist regime during one of the most intense periods of religious persecution in the Romanian People's Republic from 1956 to 1959. The church hierarchy demonstrated its support for the socialist construction of the country, while, at the same time, the regime began a campaign against religion by arresting clergy and reducing the number of religious people in monasteries; rumours even circulated that in 1958 Patriarch Justinian was under house arrest. Seeking closer contact with Western Europe, the regime allowed the hierarchy to meet foreign clergymen, especially from the Church of England. These diplomatic religious encounters played a double role. The regime realised that it could benefit from international ecclesiastical relations, while the image of Justinian in the West changed from that of "red patriarch" to that of a leader who was genuinely interested in his church's survival.

The debate on human automatism in mid-Victorian England

During the 1830s, Marshall Hall carried out innumerable experiments on a great variety of animals to establish the concept of a ‘reflex arc’. In France F.L.Goltz showed that decerebrate frogs were still capable of complex behaviours. Thomas Laycock in England and Ivan Sechenov in Russia sought to apply the reflex idea to the brain. This paper follows the debate in the periodical literature of mid-Victorian England and discusses the contributions of WB Carpenter, Herbert Spencer, TH Huxley, W Clifford and others. The previous outing of this issue in the post-Cartesian seventeenth century had been largely suppressed by ecclesiastical authority. In the nineteenth century ecclesiastical power had waned, at least in England, and the debate could take a more open form. As neurophysiology and behavioural science developed, with the widespread acceptance of Darwinian evolution, it became more and more difficult to deny that brain and mind were part of the natural world and subject to the usual laws of cause and effect. This, of course, had powerful implications for the human self-image and for jurisprudence. These implications are still with us and the work of neurophysiologists such as Benjamin Libet have only reinforced them. Should humans be regarded as ‘automata’ and, if so, what becomes of ‘free will’, ‘responsibility’, and the rule of law? The Victorian debate is still useful and relevant.

Une étude générique du metteur en scène au théâtre:son émergence et son rôle moderne et contemporain

The theatre director (metteur en scene in French) is a relatively new figure in theatre practice. It was not until the I820s that the term 'mise en scene' gained currency. The term 'director' was not in general use until the I880s. The emergence and the role of the director has been considered from a variety of perspectives, either through the history of theatre (Allevy, Jomaron, Sarrazac, Viala, Biet and Triau); the history of directing (Chinoy and Cole, Boll, Veinstein, Roubine); semiotic approaches to directing (Whitmore, Miller, Pavis); the semiotics of performance (De Marinis); generic approaches to the mise en scene (Thomasseau, Banu); post-dramatic approaches to theatre (Lehmann); approaches to performance process and the specifics of rehearsal methodology (Bradby and Williams, Giannachi and Luckhurst, Picon-Vallin, Styan). What the scholarly literature has not done so far is to map the parameters necessarily involved in the directing process, and to incorporate an analysis of the emergence of the theatre director during the modem period and consider its impact on contemporary performance practice. Directing relates primarily to the making of the performance guided by a director, a single figure charged with the authority to make binding artistic decisions. Each director may have her/his own personal approaches to the process of preparation prior to a show. This is exemplified, for example, by the variety of terms now used to describe the role and function of directing, from producer, to facilitator or outside eye. However, it is essential at the outset to make two observations, each of which contributes to a justification for a generic analysis (as opposed to a genetic approach). Firstly, a director does not work alone, and cooperation with others is involved at all stages of the process. Secondly, beyond individual variation, the role of the director remains twofold. The first is to guide the actors (meneur de jeu, directeur d'acteurs, coach); the second is to make a visual representation in the performance space (set designer, stage designer, costume designer, lighting designer, scenographe). The increasing place of scenography has brought contemporary theatre directors such as Wilson, Castellucci, Fabre to produce performances where the performance space becomes a semiotic dimension that displaces the primacy of the text. The play is not, therefore, the sole artistic vehicle for directing. This definition of directing obviously calls for a definition of what the making of the performance might be. The thesis defines the making of the performance as the activity of bringing a social event, by at least one performer, providing visual and/or textual meaning in a performance space. This definition enables us to evaluate four consistent parameters throughout theatre history: first, the social aspect associated to the performance event; second, the devising process which may be based on visual and/or textual elements; third, the presence of at least one performer in the show; fourth, the performance space (which is not simply related to the theatre stage). Although the thesis focuses primarily on theatre practice, such definition blurs the boundaries between theatre and other collaborative artistic disciplines (cinema, opera, music and dance). These parameters illustrate the possibility to undertake a generic analysis of directing, and resonate with the historical, political and artistic dimensions considered. Such a generic perspective on the role of the director addresses three significant questions: an historical question: how/why has the director emerged?; a sociopolitical question: how/why was the director a catalyst for the politicisation of theatre, and subsequently contributed to the rise of State-funded theatre policy?; and an artistic one: how/why the director has changed theatre practice and theory in the twentieth-century? Directing for the theatre as an artistic activity is a historically situated phenomenon. It would seem only natural from a contemporary perspective to associate the activity of directing to the function of the director. This is relativised, however, by the question of how the performance was produced before the modern period. The thesis demonstrates that the rise of the director is a progressive and historical phenomenon (Dort) rather than a mere invention (Viala, Sarrazac). A chronological analysis of the making of the performance throughout theatre history is the most useful way to open the study. In order to understand the emergence of the director, the research methodology assesses the interconnection of the four parameters above throughout four main periods of theatre history: the beginning of the Renaissance (meneur de jeu), the classical age (actor-manager and stage designer-manager), the modern period (director) and the contemporary period (director-facilitator, performer). This allows us properly to appraise the progressive emergence of the director, as well as to make an analysis of her/his modern and contemporary role. The first chapter argues that the physical separation between the performance space and its audience, which appeared in the early fifteenth-century, has been a crucial feature in the scenographic, aesthetic, political and social organisation of the performance. At the end of the Middle Ages, French farces which raised socio-political issues (see Bakhtin) made a clear division on a single outdoor stage (treteau) between the actors and the spectators, while religious plays (drame fiturgique, mystere) were mostly performed on various outdoor and opened multispaces. As long as the performance was liturgical or religious, and therefore confined within an acceptable framework, it was allowed. At the time, the French ecclesiastical and civil authorities tried, on several occasions, to prohibit staged performances. As a result, practitioners developed non-official indoor spaces, the Theatre de fa Trinite (1398) being the first French indoor theatre recognized by scholars. This self-exclusion from the open public space involved breaking the accepted rules by practitioners (e.g. Les Confreres de fa Passion), in terms of themes but also through individual input into a secular performance rather than the repetition of commonly known religious canvases. These developments heralded the authorised theatres that began to emerge from the mid-sixteenth century, which in some cases were subsidised in their construction. The construction of authorised indoor theatres associated with the development of printing led to a considerable increase in the production of dramatic texts for the stage. Profoundly affecting the reception of the dramatic text by the audience, the distance between the stage and the auditorium accompanied the changing relationship between practitioners and spectators. This distance gave rise to a major development of the role of the actor and of the stage designer. The second chapter looks at the significance of both the actor and set designer in the devising process of the performance from the sixteenth-century to the end of the nineteenth-century. The actor underwent an important shift in function in this period from the delivery of an unwritten text that is learned in the medieval oral tradition to a structured improvisation produced by the commedia dell 'arte. In this new form of theatre, a chef de troupe or an experienced actor shaped the story, but the text existed only through the improvisation of the actors. The preparation of those performances was, moreover, centred on acting technique and the individual skills of the actor. From this point, there is clear evidence that acting began to be the subject of a number of studies in the mid-sixteenth-century, and more significantly in the seventeenth-century, in Italy and France. This is revealed through the implementation of a system of notes written by the playwright to the actors (stage directions) in a range of plays (Gerard de Vivier, Comedie de la Fidelite Nuptiale, 1577). The thesis also focuses on Leoni de' Sommi (Quatro dialoghi, 1556 or 1565) who wrote about actors' techniques and introduced the meneur de jeu in Italy. The actor-manager (meneur de jeu), a professional actor, who scholars have compared to the director (see Strihan), trained the actors. Nothing, however, indicates that the actor-manager was directing the visual representation of the text in the performance space. From the end of the sixteenth-century, the dramatic text began to dominate the process of the performance and led to an expansion of acting techniques, such as the declamation. Stage designers carne from outside the theatre tradition and played a decisive role in the staging of religious celebrations (e.g. Actes des Apotres, 1536). In the sixteenth-century, both the proscenium arch and the borders, incorporated in the architecture of the new indoor theatres (theatre a l'italienne), contributed to create all kinds of illusions on the stage, principally the revival of perspective. This chapter shows ongoing audience demands for more elaborate visual effects on the stage. This led, throughout the classical age, and even more so during the eighteenth-century, to grant the stage design practitioner a major role in the making of the performance (see Ciceri). The second chapter demonstrates that the guidance of the actors and the scenographic conception, which are the artistic components of the role of the director, appear to have developed independently from one another until the nineteenth-century. The third chapter investigates the emergence of the director per se. The causes for this have been considered by a number of scholars, who have mainly identified two: the influence of Naturalism (illustrated by the Meiningen Company, Antoine, and Stanislavski) and the invention of electric lighting. The influence of the Naturalist movement on the emergence of the modem director in the late nineteenth-century is often considered as a radical factor in the history of theatre practice. Naturalism undoubtedly contributed to changes in staging, costume and lighting design, and to a more rigorous commitment to the harmonisation and visualisation of the overall production of the play. Although the art of theatre was dependent on the dramatic text, scholars (Osborne) demonstrate that the Naturalist directors did not strictly follow the playwright's indications written in the play in the late nineteenth-century. On the other hand, the main characteristic of directing in Naturalism at that time depended on a comprehensive understanding of the scenography, which had to respond to the requirements of verisimilitude. Electric lighting contributed to this by allowing for the construction of a visual narrative on stage. However, it was a master technician, rather than an emergent director, who was responsible for key operational decisions over how to use this emerging technology in venues such as the new Bayreuth theatre in 1876. Electric lighting reflects a normal technological evolution and cannot be considered as one of the main causes of the emergence of the director. Two further causes of the emergence of the director, not considered in previous studies, are the invention of cinema and the Symbolist movement (Lugne-Poe, Meyerhold). Cinema had an important technological influence on the practitioners of the Naturalist movement. In order to achieve a photographic truth on the stage (tableau, image), Naturalist directors strove to decorate the stage with the detailed elements that would be expected to be found if the situation were happening in reality. Film production had an influence on the work of actors (Walter). The filmmaker took over a primary role in the making of the film, as the source of the script, the filming process and the editing of the film. This role influenced the conception that theatre directors had of their own work. It is this concept of the director which influenced the development of the theatre director. As for the Symbolist movement, the director's approach was to dematerialise the text of the playwright, trying to expose the spirit, movement, colour and rhythm of the text. Therefore, the Symbolists disengaged themselves from the material aspect of the production, and contributed to give greater artistic autonomy to the role of the director. Although the emergence of the director finds its roots amongst the Naturalist practitioners (through a rigorous attempt to provide a strict visual interpretation of the text on stage), the Symbolist director heralded the modem perspective of the making of performance. The emergence of the director significantly changed theatre practice and theory. For instance, the rehearsal period became a clear work in progress, a platform for both developing practitioners' techniques and staging the show. This chapter explores and contrasts several practitioners' methods based on the two aspects proposed for the definition of the director (guidance of the actors and materialisation of a visual space). The fourth chapter argues that the role of the director became stronger, more prominent, and more hierarchical, through a more political and didactic approach to theatre as exemplified by the cases of France and Germany at the end of the nineteenth-century and through the First World War. This didactic perspective to theatre defines the notion of political theatre. Political theatre is often approached by the literature (Esslin, Willett) through a Marxist interpretation of the great German directors' productions (Reinhardt, Piscator, Brecht). These directors certainly had a great influence on many directors after the Second World War, such as Jean Vilar, Judith Molina, Jean-Louis Barrault, Roger Planchon, Augusto Boal, and others. This chapter demonstrates, moreover, that the director was confirmed through both ontological and educational approaches to the process of making the performance, and consequently became a central and paternal figure in the organisational and structural processes practiced within her/his theatre company. In this way, the stance taken by the director influenced the State authorities in establishing theatrical policy. This is an entirely novel scholarly contribution to the study of the director. The German and French States were not indifferent to the development of political theatre. A network of public theatres was thus developed in the inter-war period, and more significantly after the Second World War. The fifth chapter shows how State theatre policies establish its sources in the development of political theatre, and more specifically in the German theatre trade union movement (Volksbiihne) and the great directors at the end of the nineteenth-century. French political theatre was more influenced by playwrights and actors (Romain Rolland, Louise Michel, Louis Lumet, Emile Berny). French theatre policy was based primarily on theatre directors who decentralised their activities in France during both the inter-war period and the German occupation. After the Second World War, the government established, through directors, a strong network of public theatres. Directors became both the artistic director and the executive director of those institutionalised theatres. The institution was, however, seriously shaken by the social and political upheaval of 1968. It is the link between the State and the institution in which established directors were entangled that was challenged by the young emerging directors who rejected institutionalised responsibility in favour of the autonomy of the artist in the 1960s. This process is elucidated in chapter five. The final chapter defines the contemporary role of the director in contrasting thework of a number of significant young theatre practitioners in the 1960s such as Peter Brook, Ariane Mnouchkine, The Living Theater, Jerzy Grotowski, Augusto Boal, Eugenio Barba, all of whom decided early on to detach their companies from any form of public funding. This chapter also demonstrates how they promoted new forms of performance such as the performance of the self. First, these practitioners explored new performance spaces outside the traditional theatre building. Producing performances in a non-dedicated theatre place (warehouse, street, etc.) was a more frequent practice in the 1960s than before. However, the recent development of cybertheatre questions both the separation of the audience and the practitioners and the place of the director's role since the 1990s. Secondly, the role of the director has been multifaceted since the 1960s. On the one hand, those directors, despite all their different working methods, explored western and non-western acting techniques based on both personal input and collective creation. They challenged theatrical conventions of both the character and the process of making the performance. On the other hand, recent observations and studies distinguish the two main functions of the director, the acting coach and the scenographe, both having found new developments in cinema, television, and in various others events. Thirdly, the contemporary director challenges the performance of the text. In this sense, Antonin Artaud was a visionary. His theatre illustrates the need for the consideration of the totality of the text, as well as that of theatrical production. By contrasting the theories of Artaud, based on a non-dramatic form of theatre, with one of his plays (Le Jet de Sang), this chapter demonstrates how Artaud examined the process of making the performance as a performance. Live art and autobiographical performance, both taken as directing the se(f, reinforce this suggestion. Finally, since the 1990s, autobiographical performance or the performance of the self is a growing practical and theoretical perspective in both performance studies and psychology-related studies. This relates to the premise that each individual is making a representation (through memory, interpretation, etc.) of her/his own life (performativity). This last section explores the links between the place of the director in contemporary theatre and performers in autobiographical practices. The role of the traditional actor is challenged through non-identification of the character in the play, while performers (such as Chris Burden, Ron Athey, Orlan, Franko B, Sterlac) have, likewise, explored their own story/life as a performance. The thesis demonstrates the validity of the four parameters (performer, performance space, devising process, social event) defining a generic approach to the director. A generic perspective on the role of the director would encompass: a historical dimension relative to the reasons for and stages of the 'emergence' of the director; a socio-political analysis concerning the relationship between the director, her/his institutionalisation, and the political realm; and the relationship between performance theory, practice and the contemporary role of the director. Such a generic approach is a new departure in theatre research and might resonate in the study of other collaborative artistic practices.

Maltese Experience with Digitizing Cultural Heritage

The article gives an account of the various microfilming initiatives taken in Malta during the last thirty years. Various archives have managed to microfilm their holdings under co-operation agreements with international societies, or manuscript libraries. The advent of digital technology is now posing new challenges and opportunities for the archives sector. The idea of a National Memory Project that will try to bridge the different approaches in the preservation of records in the various public, private, and ecclesiastical archives in Malta is discussed. Technical challenges are highlighted, as are the opportunities that arise from collaboration and active participation in international projects such as the European Visual Archives (EVA), and the SEEDI initiative.

The Romanian Orthodox Church

At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.

Psychic Punishment Costs and Deterrence

In this paper we analyze criminal deterrence in the presence of specific psychic costs of punishments. We consider a dynamic model with three players, analyzing the choices of a representative lawmaker, potential criminal and judge. In our setting the lawmaker decides whether to introduce a fixed punishment enhancement above a chosen threshold of crime level, depending on its popularity among the voters. In reaction, the judge, who is influenced by her own preferences as well as the opinion of her peer group, might change the probability of punishment, through affecting the standard of reasonable doubt. Our results suggest that large discontinuous and mandatory increases in punishment can have unintended effects that are contrary to the stated goal of such punishment enhancements. In equilibrium, when either the judge or her peer group is "anti-punishment" enough, the level of criminal activity might increase in response to the punishment enhancement. This perverse effect is less likely to occur if there is a higher number of peer groups within the "elite", so that a greater extent of self-selection by judges can occur. Our results have relevance for a number of areas outside the traditional criminal justice system as well, such as special courts (such as ecclesiastical or military courts), or the strictness and enforcement of regulations.

Una sociedad legalista: Abogados, procuradores de causas y la creación de una cultura legal colonial en Lima y Potosí, 1540–1670

This study deals with the formation, reproduction, and the role in litigation of two branches of the legal profession, lawyers and procurators. They were the experts in charge of civil, criminal, and ecclesiastical litigation during the Old Regime. While the lawyers provided erudite legal advice, procurators oriented and drove the procedure as legal representatives of their clients. The European legal revolutions of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries forged a new legal culture in which the lawsuit was reputed to be the best way to settle disputes. Likewise, that legal culture conferred an important place to specialists as legal facilitators of the contending parties. When Castilians exported their legal system to the New World, they spread a complex and bureaucratic framework, contributing to the reproduction of a class of experts in urban spaces. Lima and Potosi, two urban centers created in the sixteenth century, quickly became significant ‘legal cities’. This dissertation explores how the legal markets of these cities operated, the careers of their specialists, their professional options, social images regarding them, and litigation costs. This study examines the careers of 267 facilitators and demonstrates that they constituted a class of distinctive legal professionals. Legal culture embodies the representation and use of law. The closeness of specialists with litigants, in particular of procurators familiarized the parties with litigation and its complex processes. These specialists forged dominant legal discourses and manipulated juridical order. Litigants were not passive agents of their specialists. Caciques and members of the Hispanicized communities appropriated the law in a visible way as the growing litigiousness illustrates. Colonial law (of a pluralistic basis) was an arena of assertion and discussion of rights by different social actors, encomenderos, leading citizens, widows, native chieftains, artisans, and commoners. This study concludes that this struggle and manipulation served to legitimate the role of those legal experts and gave birth to a complex legalistic society in the Andes under Spanish Habsburg rule.

Negotiating identities, striving for state recognition: Blacks in Córdoba, Argentina 1776–1853

Race in Argentina played a significant role as a highly durable construct by identifying and advancing subjects (1776–1810) and citizens (1811–1853). My dissertation explores the intricacies of power relations by focusing on the ways in which race informed the legal process during the transition from a colonial to national State. It argues that the State’s development in both the colonial and national periods depended upon defining and classifying African descendants. In response, people of African descendent used the State’s assigned definitions and classifications to advance their legal identities. It employs race and culture as operative concepts, and law as a representation of the sometimes, tense relationship between social practices and the State’s concern for social peace. This dissertation examines the dynamic nature of the court. It utilizes the theoretical concepts multicentric legal orders that are analyzed through weak and strong legal pluralisms, and jurisdictional politics, from the late eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries. This dissertation juxtaposes various levels of jurisdiction (canon/state law and colonial/national law) to illuminate how people of color used the legal system to ameliorate their social condition. In each chapter the primary source materials are state generated documents which include criminal, ecclesiastical, civil, and marriage dissent court cases along with notarial and census records. Though it would appear that these documents would provide a superficial understanding of people of color, my analysis provides both a top-down and bottom-up approach that reflects a continuous negotiation for African descendants’ goal for State recognition. These approaches allow for implicit or explicit negotiation of a legal identity that transformed slaves and free African descendants into active agents of their own destinies.

The words of God: Religious texts and the Counter -Reformation in the Spanish world

This dissertation analyzes a variety of religious texts such as catechisms, confession manuals, ecclesiastical legislation, saints' lives, and sermons to determine the definitions of orthodoxy held by the Spanish clergy and the origins of such visions. The conclusion posited by this research was that there was a definite continuity between the process of Catholic reform in Spain and the process of Catholic expansion into the New World in that the objectives and concerns of the Spanish clergy in Europe and the New World were very similar. This dissertation also analyzes sources that predated the Council of Trent and demonstrates that within the Iberian context the Council of Trent cannot be used as a starting date for the attempts at Catholic reform. In essence, this work concludes the Spanish clergy's activities were influenced by humanist concepts of models and model behaviour which is reflected in their attempt to form model Catholics in Spain and the New World and in their impulse to produce written texts as standards. ^