869 resultados para victims of violence


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Introdução - O abuso sexual de crianças constitui um problema de saúde pública, com aproximadamente 73 milhões de casos de meninos e 150 milhões de meninas registrados anualmente no mundo. O abuso sexual gera consequências negativas e condutas de risco que contribuem com algumas das principais causas de morte, doença e deficiência nas vítimas do abuso. Pais ou cuidadores primários são fundamentais no processo de orientação e de cuidado das crianças abusadas, no sentido de prevenir as consequências cognitivas, comportamentais e emocionais evidenciadas no futuro dessas crianças. Entretanto, as habilidades das famílias de cuidadores para lidar com a problemática ainda são insuficientes. Objetivo - Descrever os processos e significados da experiência vivida pelos pais ou cuidadores primários de crianças abusadas sexualmente. Método - Os dados empíricos foram tratados utilizando-se o Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo (DSC), fundamentado na Teoria das Representações Sociais, que viabiliza a emergência das representações sociais por meio da construção dos discursos coletivos obtidos de depoimentos de um grupo específico. Foram avaliados 60 pais ou cuidadores primários não estupradores, que responderam à cinco situações-problema, cada uma com questões correspondentes, residentes nos municípios de Cajicá e Tabio de Bogotá, Colômbia. O processamento e a análise dos dados foram realizados no sofware Qualiquantisoft, associado à metodologia do DSC. Resultados - Na primeira situação-problema, que aborda o porquê do silêncio do filho sobre o abuso, os entrevistados enfatizaram que é fundamental o relacionamento pais e filhos (45,7 por cento , n = 43), bem como melhorar o papel de pais por meio da escuta, do diálogo e do confiar, dedicando mais tempo às crianças; também acham que o silêncio se deve ao medo por parte das crianças e a ameaças e intimidação por parte do abusador, Na situação-problema 2, relativa à identificação do abuso sexual como problema real, o significado atribuído configura cadeias que se repetem por transmissão intergeracional (26,9 por cento , n = 21). Na situação-problema 3, o que fazer no futuro, 53,3 por cento dos entrevistados (n = 32) acham que a criança está comprometida comportamentalmente e enfatizam a homossexualidade com perda da identidade como consequência da violência sexual. Na situação-problema 4, que enfatiza o papel da rede social quanto ao cuidado da criança, os entrevistados acreditam que a solução é dar proteção (29,1 por cento ; n = 32), com ações que visem a afastar a criança do ambiente agressor, dar orientação, apoio e segurança à criança e à família. A quinta situação-problema que diz respeito ao cuidado das crianças abusadas; 34,26 por cento dos entrevistados (n = 37) enfatizam o apoio e a ajuda com a interveniência da rede de apoio social e afetivo. Conclusão - Para os pais ou cuidadores primários de crianças abusadas sexualmente, os significados se expressam como afetivo, coragem, superação, não ter medo e saber reconhecer as falhas dos pais. Em função dos resultados, que identificam posturas tradicionais dos respondentes, recomenda-se programas inovadores com um alto componente educativo, onde se contextualize o abuso sexual por meio de situações reais em escolas, delegacias, nas famílias e na comunidade, com interveniência das redes de apoio social; enfatiza-se igualmente a necessidade de formação mais humanizada dos profissionais de apoio social.

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For more than half of a century, Colombia has been living in a state of violence, a nationwide political violence. As the time goes by, this situation gets even worse. Now the violence is implanted for different interests, such as personal, political, social and economical interests. For this reason, the information for this thesis was gathered from the time of the independence, through the era of violence until today; considering a reflection that begins with the perspective of Marx, passing by a theoretical compilation of the conflict, with an anthropological, psychological, biological and sociological perspective. In addition, different theories about violence have been studied to recognize the ideological approach of the different armed movements that have emerged in Colombia. Statistical, economical and social data including class struggle, social stratification, exclusion and gender perspective among others, have been considered from an anthropological and interdisciplinary approach for studying the violence. A strong interest in the social reintegration process, through an ethnographic study, based on the actors backgrounds, their lives, experiences and their geographical location have provided information that will allow to know the reality of those who are living in the process, those who survive it and those who go on with their lives in society, and those who after doing it return to the armed groups. Population displaced by violence, refugees, has contributed to this study about their possibilities to return to the society or to be excluded by it. With this purpose, a theoretical and a documentary analysis as well as fieldwork have been done, trying to bring forward tools and guidelines to make some progress in developing effective solutions for social integration of Colombian armed conflict victims.

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The last two decades have been marked by a growing public awareness of family violence. Research by social scientists has suggested that family violence is widespread (Gelles and Straus, 1988). It is estimated that every year 1.8 to 4 million women are physically abused by their partners (Novello, 1992). In fact, more women are abused by their husbands or boyfriends than are injured in car accidents, muggings, or rapes (Jaffe, Wolfe, and Wilson, 1990). A recent prevalence study by Fantuzzo, Boruch, Beriama, Atkins, and Marcus (1997) found that children were disproportionately present in households where there was a substantial incident of adult female assault. Experts estimate that 3.3 to 10 million children are exposed to marital violence each year (Carlson, 1984; Straus, 1991). Until recently, most researchers did not consider the impact of parental conflict on the children who witness this violence. The early literature in this field primarily focused on the incidence of violence against women and the inadequate response of community agencies (Jaffe et al, 1990). The needs of children were rarely considered. However, researchers have become increasingly aware that children exposed to marital violence are victims of a range of psychological maltreatment (e.g., terrorizing, isolation;Hart, Brassared & Karlson, 1996) and are at serious risk for the development of psychological problems (Fantuzzo, DePaola, Lambert, Martino, Anderson, and Sutton, 1991). Jouriles, Murphy and O'Leary (1989) found that children of battered women were four times more likely to exhibit psychopathology as were children living in non-violent homes. Further, researchers have found associations between childhood exposure to parental violence and the expression of violence in adulthood (Carlson, 1990). Existing research suggests that children who have witnessed marital violence manifest numerous emotional, social, and behavioral problems (Sternberg et al., 1993; Fantuzzo et al., 1991; Jaffe et al, 1990). Studies have found that children of battered women exhibit more internalizing and externalizing behavior problems than non-witnesschildren (Hughes and Fantuzzo, 1994; McCloskey, Figueredo, and Koss, 1995). In addition, children exposed to marital violence have been found to exhibit difficulties with social problem-solving, and have lower levels of social competence than nonwitnesses (Rosenberg, 1987; Moore, Pepler, Weinberg, Hammond, Waddell, & Weiser, 1990). Other reported difficulties include low self esteem (Hughes, 1988), poor school performance (Moore et al., 1990) and problems with aggression (Holden & Ritchie, 1991; Jaffe, Wolfe, Wilson, & Zak, 1986). Further, within the last decade, researchers have found that some children are traumatized by the witnessing experience, showing elevated levels of posttraumatic stress symptoms (Devoe & Graham-Bermann, 1997; Rossman, Bingham, & Emde, 1996; Kilpatrick, Litt, & Williams, 1997). These findings corroborate clinical reports that describe many exposed children as experiencing trauma reactions. It appears that the negative effects of witnessing marital violence are numerous and varied, ranging from mild emotional and behavioral problems to clinically significant levels of posttraumatic stress symptoms. These incidence figures and research findings indicate that children's exposure to violence is a significant problem in our nation today and has serious implications for the future.

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Deadly, inter-ethnic group conflict remains a threat to international security in a world where the majority of armed violence occurs not only within states but in the most ungoverned areas within states. Conflicts that occur between groups living in largely ungoverned areas often become deeply protracted and are difficult to resolve when the state is weak and harsh environmental conditions place human security increasingly under threat. However, even under these conditions, why do some local conflicts between ethnic groups escalate, whereas others do not? To analyze this puzzle, the dissertation employs comparative methods to investigate the conditions under which violence erupts or stops and armed actors choose to preserve peace. The project draws upon qualitative data derived from semi-structured interviews, focus group dialogues, and participant observation of local peace processes during field research conducted in six conflict-affected counties in Northern Kenya. Comparative analysis of fifteen conflict episodes with variable outcomes reveals the conditions under which coalitions of civic associations, including local peace committees, faith-based organizations, and councils of elders, inter alia, enhance informal institutional arrangements that contain escalation. Violence is less likely to escalate in communities where cohesive coalitions provide platforms for threat-monitoring, informal pact making, and enforcement of traditional codes of restitution. However, key scope conditions affect whether or not informal organizational structures are capable of containing escalation. In particular, symbolic acts of violence and the use of indiscriminant force by police and military actors commonly undermine local efforts to contain conflict. The dissertation contributes to the literatures on civil society and peacebuilding, demonstrating the importance of comparing processes of escalation and non-escalation and accounting for interactive effects between modes of state and non-state response to local, inter-ethnic group conflict.

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This project explores the puzzle of religious violence variation. Religious actors initiate conflict at a higher rate than their secular counterparts, last longer, are more deadly, and are less prone to negotiated termination. Yet the legacy of religious peacemakers on the reduction of violence is undeniable. Under what conditions does religion contribute to escalated violence and under what conditions does it contribute to peace? I argue that more intense everyday practices of group members, or high levels of orthopraxy, create dispositional indivisibilities that make violence a natural alternative to bargaining. Subnational armed groups with members whose practices are exclusive and isolating bind together through ritual practice, limit the acceptable decisions of leaders, and have prolonged timeframes, all of which result in higher levels of intensity, intransigence and resolve during violent conflict. The theory challenges both instrumentalist and constructivist understandings of social identity and violence. To support this argument, I construct an original cross-national data-set that employs ethnographic data on micro-level religious practices for 724 subnational armed groups in both civil wars and terror campaigns. Using this data, I build an explanatory “religious practice index” for each observation and examine its relationship with conflict outcomes. Findings suggest that exclusive practice groups fight significantly longer with more intensity and negotiate less. I also apply the practice model to qualitative cases. Fieldwork in the West Bank and Sierra Leone reveals that groups with more exclusive religious practicing membership are principle contributors to violence, whereas those with inclusive practices can contribute to peace. The project concludes with a discussion about several avenues for future research and identifies the practical policy applications to better identify and combat religious extremism.

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This article advocates for a fundamental re-understanding about the way that the history of race is understood by the current Supreme Court. Represented by the racial rights opinions of Justice John Roberts that celebrate racial progress, the Supreme Court has equivocated and rendered obsolete the historical experiences of people of color in the United States. This jurisprudence has in turn reified the notion of color-blindness, consigning racial discrimination to a distant and discredited past that has little bearing to how race and inequality is experienced today. The racial history of the Roberts Court is centrally informed by the context and circumstances surrounding Brown v. Board of Education. For the Court, Brown symbolizes all that is wrong with the history of race in the United States - legal segregation, explicit racial discord, and vicious and random acts of violence. Though Roberts Court opinions suggest that some of those vestiges still exits, the bulk of its jurisprudence indicate the opposite. With Brown’s basic factual premises as its point of reference, the Court has consistently argued that the nation has made tremendous strides away from the condition of racial bigotry, intolerance, and inequity. The article accordingly argues that the Roberts Court reliance on Brown to understand racial progress is anachronistic. Especially as the nation’s focus for racial inequality turned national in scope, the same binaries in Brown that had long served to explain the history of race relations in the United States (such as Black-White, North-South, and Urban-Rural) were giving way to massive multicultural demographic and geographic transformations in the United States in the years and decades after World War II. All of the familiar tropes so clear in Brown and its progeny could no longer fully describe the current reality of shifting and transforming patterns of race relations in the United States. In order to reclaim the history of race from the Roberts Court, the article assesses a case that more accurately symbolizes the recent history and current status of race relations today: Keyes v. School District No. 1. This was the first Supreme Court case to confront how the binaries of cases like Brown proved of little probative value in addressing how and in what ways race and racial discrimination was changing in the United States. Thus, understanding Keyesand the history it reflects reveals much about how and in what ways the Roberts Court should rethink its conclusions regarding the history of race relations in the United States for the last 60 years.

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Women and children become victims of human trafficking and exploitation as a result of economic globalization, national history, social structures, and geographical positioning. Human trafficking has increasingly become a global crisis of human rights violations, threatening the lives of women and children in developing countries, like the Philippines. The Philippines can evolve into a model for ending the exploitation of human trafficking if the government commits to implementing internationally recognized strategies, such as strengthening the prosecution of traffickers, providing efficient support for victims, and partnering with international organizations and local non-governmental organizations to further prevent human trafficking from occurring. The results will be felt locally, nationally, and internationally, helping the global community meet the challenges of the Millennium Development Goals.

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Introduction: female Genital Mutilation is internationally considered an affront on human rights and an act of violence against women and young girls. Furthermore, it hierarchises and perpetuates inequality and denies the right to bodily and psychosocial integrity of women and young girls. Aims: to detect the key points for the abolition of Female Genital Mutilation as well as the necessary resources for its eradication. Material and Method: a qualitative methodology with an ethnonursing perspective, via semi-structured interviews, held both individually and in groups, in 21 men familiar with Female Genital Mutilation. Findings: through the voices of men familiar with this tradition, five key points are presented for its gradual eradication: sensitisation and awareness building, team action, abolition-promoting media, focusing action on rural areas and applying educational means before punitive ones. Conclusion and practical implications: awareness-raising via the combined efforts of families, communities and governments, together with the promotion of health education programmes in demonstrating the complications derived from this practice, play a vital part in eradicating Female Genital Mutilation.

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Tese de doutoramento, Psicologia (Psicologia da Educação), Universidade de Lisboa, 2016

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Cette étude vise à comprendre le phénomène de la violence physique vécue par les éducateurs oeuvrant dans dix Centres Jeunesse (CJ) du Québec. Pour ce faire, un sondage de victimisation a été administré à 586 éducateurs en internat. En premier lieu, la prévalence de cette problématique sera établie. Par la suite, les facteurs individuels et environnementaux prédisposant aux agressions physiques seront identifiés. Des éducateurs sondés, 53,9 % rapportent avoir été victimes de violence physique au cours de la dernière année. Sur le plan individuel, être affecté par les manifestations agressives des clients et la fréquence des violences psychologiques subies augmentent les risques de victimisation physique. Quant au contexte, l’âge de la clientèle et le motif de l’intervention (basé sur la loi justifiant le placement) auprès de l’enfant ou de l’adolescent influencent l’occurrence des actes violents dirigés contre les éducateurs. Nos analyses montrent également que les violences physiques dont sont victimes les éducateurs affectent autant l’individu que l’institution. L’identification de facteurs permettant de prédire les risques de victimisation pourrait notamment servir à orienter les programmes de prévention de la violence dans les CJ, mais aussi à cibler les éducateurs les plus à risque afin de leur fournir un soutien adapté.

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The Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is an EU policy area that is particularly evocative of the ‘politics of numbers’. The European Union has at its disposal a wide array of sources providing detailed information about the capacities and pressures of its member states’ asylum systems. This paper discusses the content of asylum data and the evolving interaction between its different sources, ranging from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to the European Commission’s EUROSTAT and DG HOME, the European Asylum Support Office, FRONTEX, the European Migration Network (EMN) and national databases. However, the way in which such data are often misused, or even omitted, in political debate affects the soundness of policy decisions in the CEAS. Drawing on debates over the contested phenomenon of ‘asylum shopping’ and the exemption of victims of torture and unaccompanied minors from accelerated and border procedures in the recast asylum procedures Directive, this briefing paper argues that solid data-based evidence is often absent from political negotiations on CEAS measures affecting refugees and asylum-seekers.

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The currency crisis that started in Russia and Ukraine during 2014 has spread to neighbouring countries in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The collapse of the Russian ruble, expected recession in Russia, the stronger US dollar and lower commodity prices have negatively affected the entire region, with the consequence that the European Union's entire eastern neighbourhood faces serious economic, social and political challenges because of weaker currencies, higher inflation, decreasing export revenues and labour remittances, net capital outflows and stagnating or declining GDP. •The crisis requires a proper policy response from CIS governments, the International Monetary Fund and the EU. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbass requires rapid resolution, as the first step to return Russia to the mainstream of global economic and political cooperation. Beyond that, both Russia and Ukraine need deep structural and institutional reforms. The EU should deepen economic ties with those CIS countries that are interested in a closer relationship with Europe. The IMF should provide additional assistance to those CIS countries that have become victims of a new regional contagion, while preparing for the possibility of more emerging-market crises arising from slower growth, the stronger dollar and lower commodity prices.

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Gennany has recently witnessed a vast increase in anti-foreign violence. Assembling data from a wide variety of recent research, the paper addresses two basic questions: to what extent is the outburst of xenophobic attacks a German peculiarity? and what are the explanations for the mcreasing violence? An analysis of criminal statistics of various European countries and of comparative opinion polls in the European Community shows that Germany has indeed witnessed a growth of anti-foreign sentiment, and a level of violence that is conspicuous from a com­ parative perspective. Four possible determinants of this peculiarity of recent German history are discussed: (1) the growing ethnic and cultural heterogeneity due to the vast increase in immigration from non-European countries; (2) the increasing costs of foreigners' claims on the German welfare state; (3) the economic context of immigration; and (4) the transformation of national identity in the context of German unification. It is shown that neither the rate of immigration nor the position of foreigners in the German welfare state yields satisfactory explanations for the recent upsurge in violence, which only occurred after unification. The key for an explanation lies in a particu­lar macro-constellation that is characterized by the concurrence of a massive wave of immigration with an economic crisis, and with the ethnicization of German national identity in the context of unification. Anti-foreign sentiments do not automatically follow increases in immigration, but grow in a specific political climate to which the political elites actively contribute.

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The Brussels terrorist attacks of 22 March 2016 provoked widespread political condemnation and public outrage. The events have brought to the fore past discussions regarding the limits of member states’ counterterrorism policies and the extent to which the EU could play a role in shaping more effective responses to these acts of violence.

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Introdução: As pressões constantes do mundo laboral e, a especificidade do seu trabalho expõe os enfermeiros a actos de violência como o mobbing ou assédio moral. Este é um fenómeno dissimulado e psicossocial que afecta o indivíduo, o grupo de trabalho e a organização e, que importa aprender a combater. Objectivos: Determinar a prevalência de mobbing nos enfermeiros; caracterizar o mobbing; relacionar a influência das características sociodemográficas e profissionais na percepção de mobbing dos enfermeiros. Metodologia: Estudo quantitativo, de carácter descritivo-correlacional, transversal. A amostra não probabilística por conveniência foi constituída por 143 enfermeiros do Hospital Sousa Martins, Guarda. Maioritariamente são mulheres (71,3%) e, com média de idades de 37 anos. Possuem formação base 71,3%, 69,9% pratica horário rotativo, 69,2% tem vínculo estável e, tempo médio de exercício profissional de 14 anos. Os dados foram colhidos através de questionário que integrou a escala LIPT-60. Resultados: Os enfermeiros em estudo experienciaram baixos níveis de mobbing no seu contexto laboral. Em média, referem sentir oito condutas de assédio moral com efeito (0,20) e intensidade reduzida (1,37). As condutas mais experimentadas visam o bloqueio à comunicação e a difamação. Cerca de 42,0% dos enfermeiros admitem já ter sido vítima de mobbing e 24,1% referem que aconteceu por um período de seis meses. Os principais agressores identificados foram os médicos (40,0%) e os superiores hierárquicos (37,1%). Contudo, a percepção de mobbing é maior à medida que se progride na carreira, bem como nos enfermeiros que praticam regime de horário fixo e, que trabalham no mesmo serviço há 5 – 10 anos. Conclusões: Apesar dos baixos índices de percepção de mobbing, este está presente no contexto laboral dos enfermeiros tornando-os vulneráveis e afectando a prestação de cuidados. Os ataques sentidos acontecem sobretudo, de forma dissimulada fazendo denotar a gravidade deste fenómeno, sobre o qual impera prevenir e intervir. Palavras-Chave: Mobbing; Assédio moral; Abuso psicológico; Violência psicológica; Agressão psicológica no trabalho.