Does Europe Need a Common Foreign & Security Policy? CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 06.1, 15 September, 1996

CFSP's performance is widely regarded as weak. Why did Europe's stance in world politics not improve with the Treaty of Maastricht? The article analyses the present policy approach and the institutionalist and militarystrategic reform proposals. It is argued that policy and proposals suffer from drawbacks leading to an uncomprehensive formulation of a Common Foreign and Security Policy. Both do not provide CFSP with a necessary strategy but instead largely duplicate existing organizations. Furthermore, they propose concepts that are not viable because member states do not agree on a common defense policy. In addition, they fail to offer answers adequate to today's challenges, which are not primarily military in nature. Instead, a socioeconomic security policy appears to be a more realistic option. It is necessary because no other organization provides it sufficiently; it is viable because member states could agree on iti and it is adequate because the stabilization of countries in Eastern Europe is best achieved by social and economic policy-and not by military deterrence.

A bibliography on modern social questions;

Mode of access: Internet.

Christianity and the social rage,

"Several of the closing chapters have appeared in the Bibliotheca sacra." - Pref.

Pensar su tiempo, deshilvanar el orden social

Edgardo Antonio Vigo fue un artista plástico que utilizó distintas técnicas y formas de expresión, como la poesía visual, las performances urbanas, el arte correo, la escritura de manifiestos y otros textos, así como la edición de revistas, entre otras actividades. Vigo produjo su poética en clave de rebeldía de su tiempo, especialmente entre los '60 y '70, pero su rebelión transcurrió también por fuera del estereotipo más consolidado para la época. La obra de Vigo retoma algunos procedimientos de las vanguardias, como la utilización del objeto ya hecho, el uso de espacios alternativos de producción y difusión de sus obras, el abandono casi completo del formato de cuadro, entre otros. Interesa pensar en este trabajo de qué modo esta apropiación de técnicas y procedimientos previos, se combina con otra ruptura dirigida no sólo al sistema artístico, sino también al orden social. En este sentido, la obra de Vigo piensa su tiempo. ;Así como tematizó ciertos acontecimientos de relevancia política de los ámbitos nacional e internacional, también realizó una operación novedosa en su obra: la utilización del discurso judicial-administrativo. Se analizan en este trabajo algunos de sus usos en acciones artísticas. Concluimos en que se trató de una materia que incorporaría en su poética para desnaturalizarla de su lugar original, aristocrático y privatista. En este sentido, toma un aspecto no menor del funcionamiento del orden social disociándolo de su lugar normal y, al ofrecerlo a todos a través de acciones artísticas, permite una apropiación descentrada, fuera de los límites impuestos por su naturaleza

Disabilities, justice and the new eugenics of gene therapy

Eugenics is a difficult matter for discussion because, even as a term, it has fallen into disrepute. Yet a eugenic mindset pervades the discourses of reproduction and genetics in the West. I utilise the futures scenario of gene therapy to explore conceptually how the intersecting trajectories of science and religion make a new eugenics possible. The problematic of an inherent elitism within these sources, combined with a quest for power, leads me to renew the call for an adequate moral space within which to explore the requirements of social justice.

Effectiveness of screening for risk of medical emergencies in the elderly

Study objective: UK government policy mandates the introduction of 'intermediate care services' to reduce emergency admissions to hospital from the population aged 75 years or more. We evaluated one of these initiatives-the Keep Well At Home (KWAH) Project-in a West London Primary Care Trust. Design: KWAH involves a two-phase screening process, including a home visit by a community nurse. We employed cohort methods to determine whether KWAH resulted in fewer emergency attendances and admissions to hospital in the target population, from October 1999 to December 2002. Results: estimated levels of coverage in the two phases of screening were 61 and 32%, respectively. The project had not maintained records of which additional health and social care services had been delivered following screening. The rates of emergency admissions to hospital in the 9 months before screening were similar in practices that did and did not join the project (rate ratio (RR) = 1.05; 95% CI 0.95-1.17), suggesting absence of volunteer bias. Over the first 37 months of the project, there was no significant impact on either attendances at Accident & Emergency departments (RR = 1.02; 95% CI 0.97-1.06) or emergency admissions of elderly patients (RR = 0.98; 95% CI 0.93-1.05). Conclusion: the KWAH Project has been ineffective in reducing emergency admissions among the elderly. Significant questions arise in relation to selection of the screening instruments, practicality of achieving higher coverage of the eligible population, and creation of a new postcode lottery.

Deregulation, competition policy and intra-professional contests in medical education

This paper investigates how government policy directions embracing deregulation and market liberalism, together with significant pre-existing tensions within the Australian medical profession, produced ground breaking change in the funding and delivery of medical education for general practitioners. From an initial view between and within the medical profession, and government, about the goal of improving the standards of general practice education and training, segments of the general practice community, particularly those located in rural and remote settings, displayed increasingly vocal concerns about the approach and solutions proffered by the predominantly urban-influenced Royal Australian College of General Practitioners (RACGP). The extent of dissatisfaction culminated in the establishment of the Australian College of Rural and Remote Medicine (ACRRM) in 1997 and the development of an alternative curriculum for general practice. This paper focuses on two decades of changes in general practice training and how competition policy acted as a justificatory mechanism for putting general practice education out to competitive tender against a background of significant intra-professional conflict. The government's interest in increasing efficiency and deregulating the 'closed shop' practices of professions, as expressed through national competition policy, ultimately exposed the existing antagonisms within the profession to public view and allowed the government some influence on the sacred cow of professional training. Government policy has acted as a mechanism of resolution for long standing grievances of the rural GPs and propelled professional training towards an open competition model. The findings have implications for future research looking at the unanticipated outcomes of competition and internal markets.

Language, respect and the power of protest: Linguistic stereotyping and people with disabilities in Japan

Discriminatory language became an important social issue in the west in the late twentieth century, when debates on political correctness and minority rights focused largely on the issue of respect in language. Japan is often criticized for having made only token attempts to address this issue. This paper investigates how one marginalized group—people with disabilities—has dealt with discriminatory and disrespectful language. The debate has been played out in four public spaces: the media, the law, literature, and the Internet. The paper discusses the kind of language, which has generated protest, the empowering strategies of direct action employed to combat its use, and the response of the media, the bureaucracy, and the literati. Government policy has not kept pace with social change in this area; where it exists at all, it is often contradictory and far from clear. I argue that while the laws were rewritten primarily as a result of external international trends, disability support groups achieved domestic media compliance by exploiting the keen desire of media organizations to avoid public embarrassment. In the absence of language policy formulated at the government level, the media effectively instituted a policy of self-censorship through strict guidelines on language use, thereby becoming its own best watchdog. Disability support groups have recently enlisted the Internet as an agent of further empowerment in the ongoing discussion of the issue.

CONVERSÃO E JUSTIÇA SOCIAL EM JOSÉ COMBLIN

No presente estudo sobre o tema Conceito de Conversão e Justiça Social no pensamento de José Comblin , procurei desenvolver o conceito do tema proposto. Esta dissertação desenvolvida no Programa da Pós-Graduação em Ciências da Religião pertence à linha de pesquisa Religião, Sociedade e Cultura . A metodologia adotada na coleta de dados foi de uma pesquisa bibliográfica. O questionamento que norteou a pesquisa foi: qual o conceito de conversão e justiça social no pensamento de José Comblin? Com as respostas obtidas foi possível desenvolver o primeiro capítulo com a biografia de José Julles Comblin juntamente com as pessoas que de alguma forma inspiraram e influenciaram sua carreira no Brasil e na América Latina. No segundo capítulo foi apresentado o conceito de Conversão para Comblin chegando a uma conclusão que a conversão é para o Reino de Deus e não para qualquer instituição religiosa. Já no terceiro capítulo foi apresentado o conceito de Justiça Social chegando a uma conclusão que justiça social acontece quando a sociedade se converte ao pobre com amor prático e não somente de palavras.

A CRÍTICA SOCIAL DO DITO DE JEREMIAS CONTRA O REI JEOAQUIM: Uma análise exegética de Jeremias 22,13-19 (609-598 a.C)

O presente estudo exegético tem por objetivo demonstrar a crítica social de Jeremias contra o rei Jeoaquim, tendo como fonte principal a crítica social de Jr 22,13-19. Para tal, partiremos da análise do contexto literário, histórico e religioso da crítica social de Jeremias, para então fazer a análise exegética do texto proposto, através da qual enfocaremos, dentre os diversos conteúdos, a justiça social inserida na perícope. Compreendendo que um texto surge dentro de um ambiente social, evidenciaremos, com base na crítica social, as práticas violentas do rei Jeoaquim em seu reinado, contra os trabalhadores injustiçados, o pobre e o necessitado na sociedade de Judá. Por fim, demonstrando as questões históricas do profeta Jeremias em sua vivencia internacional em meio aos impérios existentes, e o sistema opressor do rei Jeoaquim, contra os menos favorecidos da sociedade de Judá.

The missing ingredient:inter-municipal cooperation and central-local relations in the UK

The thrust of the argument presented in this chapter is that inter-municipal cooperation (IMC) in the United Kingdom reflects local government's constitutional position and its exposure to the exigencies of Westminster (elected central government) and Whitehall (centre of the professional civil service that services central government). For the most part councils are without general powers of competence and are restricted in what they can do by Parliament. This suggests that the capacity for locally driven IMC is restricted and operates principally within a framework constructed by central government's policy objectives and legislation and the political expediencies of the governing political party. In practice, however, recent examples of IMC demonstrate that the practices are more complex than this initial analysis suggests. Central government may exert top-down pressures and impose hierarchical directives, but there are important countervailing forces. Constitutional changes in Scotland and Wales have shifted the locus of central- local relations away from Westminster and Whitehall. In England, the seeding of English government regional offices in 1994 has evolved into an important structural arrangement that encourages councils to work together. Within the local government community there is now widespread acknowledgement that to achieve the ambitious targets set by central government, councils are, by necessity, bound to cooperate and work with other agencies. In recent years, the fragmentation of public service delivery has affected the scope of IMC. Elected local government in the UK is now only one piece of a complex jigsaw of agencies that provides services to the public; whether it is with non-elected bodies, such as health authorities, public protection authorities (police and fire), voluntary nonprofit organisations or for-profit bodies, councils are expected to cooperate widely with agencies in their localities. Indeed, for projects such as regeneration and community renewal, councils may act as the coordinating agency but the success of such projects is measured by collaboration and partnership working (Davies 2002). To place these developments in context, IMC is an example of how, in spite of the fragmentation of traditional forms of government, councils work with other public service agencies and other councils through the medium of interagency partnerships, collaboration between organisations and a mixed economy of service providers. Such an analysis suggests that, following changes to the system of local government, contemporary forms of IMC are less dependent on vertical arrangements (top-down direction from central government) as they are replaced by horizontal modes (expansion of networks and partnership arrangements). Evidence suggests, however that central government continues to steer local authorities through the agency of inspectorates and regulatory bodies, and through policy initiatives, such as local strategic partnerships and local area agreements (Kelly 2006), thus questioning whether, in the case of UK local government, the shift from hierarchy to network and market solutions is less differentiated and transformation less complete than some literature suggests. Vertical or horizontal pressures may promote IMC, yet similar drivers may deter collaboration between local authorities. An example of negative vertical pressure was central government's change of the systems of local taxation during the 1980s. The new taxation regime replaced a tax on property with a tax on individual residency. Although the community charge lasted only a few years, it was a highpoint of the then Conservative government policy that encouraged councils to compete with each other on the basis of the level of local taxation. In practice, however, the complexity of local government funding in the UK rendered worthless any meaningful ambition of councils competing with each other, especially as central government granting to local authorities is predicated (however imperfectly) on at least notional equalisation between those areas with lower tax yields and the more prosperous locations. Horizontal pressures comprise factors such as planning decisions. Over the last quarter century, councils have competed on the granting of permission to out-of-town retail and leisure complexes, now recognised as detrimental to neighbouring authorities because economic forces prevail and local, independent shops are unable to compete with multiple companies. These examples illustrate tensions at the core of the UK polity of whether IMC is feasible when competition between local authorities heightened by local differences reduces opportunities for collaboration. An alternative perspective on IMC is to explore whether specific purposes or functions promote or restrict it. Whether in the principle areas of local government responsibilities relating to social welfare, development and maintenance of the local infrastructure or environmental matters, there are examples of IMC. But opportunities have diminished considerably as councils lost responsibility for services provision as a result of privatisation and transfer of powers to new government agencies or to central government. Over the last twenty years councils have lost their role in the provision of further-or higher-education, public transport and water/sewage. Councils have commissioning power but only a limited presence in providing housing needs, social care and waste management. In other words, as a result of central government policy, there are, in practice, currently far fewer opportunities for councils to cooperate. Since 1997, the New Labour government has promoted IMC through vertical drivers and the development; the operation of these policy initiatives is discussed following the framework of the editors. Current examples of IMC are notable for being driven by higher tiers of government, working with subordinate authorities in principal-agent relations. Collaboration between local authorities and intra-interand cross-sectoral partnerships are initiated by central government. In other words, IMC is shaped by hierarchical drivers from higher levels of government but, in practice, is locally varied and determined less by formula than by necessity and function. © 2007 Springer.