782 resultados para Political Rents in Banking,
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This article presents the continuities from the past -structural asymmetries and hyper-presidentialism- as well as the innovations of the new democratic Argentina. This mixture of continuity and innovation has contributed to the development of particular forms of intergovernmental relations which we call cross control mechanisms and interference between the federal and provincial levels. This mixture also contributes to the shining of subnational actors in national arenas and of the provincial party identities. These elements are what primarily determine the way the democratic political game in Argentina has been structured, since the transition.
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El presente trabajo tiene por objetivo analizar la evolución presentada por la rentabilidad industrial y financiera bajo el actual esquema de desarrollo de economía abierta y liberalización de mercados que ha sido implementado en Colombia a partir de 1990.
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We propose and estimate a financial distress model that explicitly accounts for the interactions or spill-over effects between financial institutions, through the use of a spatial continuity matrix that is build from financial network data of inter bank transactions. Such setup of the financial distress model allows for the empirical validation of the importance of network externalities in determining financial distress, in addition to institution specific and macroeconomic covariates. The relevance of such specification is that it incorporates simultaneously micro-prudential factors (Basel 2) as well as macro-prudential and systemic factors (Basel 3) as determinants of financial distress. Results indicate network externalities are an important determinant of financial health of a financial institutions. The parameter that measures the effect of network externalities is both economically and statistical significant and its inclusion as a risk factor reduces the importance of the firm specific variables such as the size or degree of leverage of the financial institution. In addition we analyze the policy implications of the network factor model for capital requirements and deposit insurance pricing.
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Originalmente presentada en francés como proyecto de grado para la Maestría en Derecho Bancario y Financiero de la Universidad de Estrasburgo, la presente monografía tiene por objetivo analizar la Gestión Colectiva como estrategia para las Holdings. La Gestión Colectiva es un término francés empleado para designar al intermediario financiero que convierte el ahorro individual en portafolios colectivos. En Colombia, la Gestión Colectiva es conocida como Carteras Colectivas o Fondos de Inversión Colectiva, (su nombre más reciente). Este vehículo financiero, es en cierto modo una democratización de las finanzas, ya que canaliza el ahorro de la población hacia las principales industrias, permitiendo que las empresas hagan del ahorro individual una fuente de financiación para sus proyectos, y que la mayor parte de la población tenga acceso a las finanzas. Es por esto, que el tema frecuentemente es abordado desde el punto de vista de la protección a los inversionistas y no, desde los vehículos que prestan dicho servicio. Sin embargo, la presente Monografía estudia la Gestión Colectiva como una posible estrategia para las Holdings, analizando desde este punto de vista, la pertinencia de implementar la Gestión Colectiva como estrategia para reunir fondos para las Holdings. De ahí que el derecho comparado sea de gran ayuda para comprender si dicha estrategia es viable en todos los países en general o si, por el contrario, como lo vemos en Derecho Bancario, unos países sean más favorables que otros. El presente, es un estudio multidisciplinario en el cual se tienen en cuenta variables de tipo legal, económico y político, y se implementan teorías económicas aplicables al estudio del Derecho como Law & Economics. En una primera parte nos centramos en un análisis comparado de las legislaciones de dos países con niveles de desarrollo diferente, a saber, Francia y Colombia. Y, en la segunda parte analizamos el rol de la Gestión Colectiva en las Holdings, así como sus ventajas y desventajas según la legislación aplicable.
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We study the role of natural resource windfalls in explaining the efficiency of public expenditures. Using a rich dataset of expenditures and public good provision for 1,836 municipalities in Peru for period 2001-2010, we estimate a non-monotonic relationship between the efficiency of public good provision and the level of natural resource transfers. Local governments that were extremely favored by the boom of mineral prices were more efficient in using fiscal windfalls whereas those benefited with modest transfers were more inefficient. These results can be explained by the increase in political competition associated with the boom. However, the fact that increases in efficiency were related to reductions in public good provision casts doubts about the beneficial effects of political competition in promoting efficiency.
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While the colonial policies and the missionary activities dented the caste system by playing upon the caste rivalries to divide and rule, the post-independence Indian democracy transformed the traditional castes into valuable vote-banks that have permitted non-brahmin castes to achieve political leadership in several States, particularly following the politics of reservation recommended by the Mandal Commission in 1980s.
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The main thesis of this paper is that Freire’s original experience in Angicos anticipated a grand design for social transformation of educational systems. As such it brought together two key concepts that formulated the basis of his educational system: popular culture as an counter-hegemonic project and popular education, more particularly what was later called citizen schools or public popular education as keystone of his new educational system. I use the term Paulo Freire System to show that his original attempts were not only to challenge pedagogical the prevailing banking education system that was so pervasive in Brazil and Latin American at the time. In challenging the hegemony of banking education, its narrative, theoretical foundations, epistemology and methodology, Freire and his team sought to create a new system that could replace the old one. They saw banking education not only as obsolete in terms of modernization of systems but also oppressive in gnoseological, epistemological and political terms. In the conclusion of this paper I will discuss the twins obsessions of Freire, already present in the Angicos experience and that will stay with him throughout his life: the relationship between democracy, citizenship and education, and education as a postcolonial ethical act of social transformation. I would like to emphasize therefore that the Paulo Freire system, as conceived in the Angicos experience and its aftermath was a much larger and comprehensive system that originally considered, even by his critics.
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This work seeks to reconstruct the dynamics of the agreements and disagreements between the State and the indigenous peoples in Ecuador, emphasising particularly on two key elements: first, the indigenous peoples participation and exercise of their political rights, in particular the right to self-government and autonomy within their jurisdictions; and secondly, indigenous peoples’ degree of direct influence on public policies’ formulation and implementation, specially those directly affecting their territories, including the exploitation of natural resources. In Ecuador, during this historical period, the state has gone through three major moments in its relationship with indigenous peoples: neo - indigenism associated to developmentalism (1980-1984); multiculturalism associated to neoliberalism (1984- 2006) as one of the dominant trends over the period; and the crisis of neoliberalism and the search for national diversity and interculturalism associated to post- neoliberalism (2007-2013). Each has had a particular connotation, as to the scope and methods to respond to indigenous demands. In this context, this research aims to answer the central question: how has the Ecuadorian State met the demands of the indigenous movement in the last three decades, and how has it ensured the validity of their gradually recognized rights? And how and to what extent by doing so, it contradicts and alters the existing economic model based on the extraction of primary resources?
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Urban regeneration programmes in the UK over the past 20 years have increasingly focused on attracting investors, middle-class shoppers and visitors by transforming places and creating new consumption spaces. Ensuring that places are safe and are seen to be safe has taken on greater salience as these flows of income are easily disrupted by changing perceptions of fear and the threat of crime. At the same time, new technologies and policing strategies and tactics have been adopted in a number of regeneration areas which seek to establish control over these new urban spaces. Policing space is increasingly about controlling human actions through design, surveillance technologies and codes of conduct and enforcement. Regeneration agencies and the police now work in partnerships to develop their strategies. At its most extreme, this can lead to the creation of zero-tolerance, or what Smith terms 'revanchist', measures aimed at particular social groups in an effort to sanitise space in the interests of capital accumulation. This paper, drawing on an examination of regeneration practices and processes in one of the UK's fastest-growing urban areas, Reading in Berkshire, assesses policing strategies and tactics in the wake of a major regeneration programme. It documents and discusses the discourses of regeneration that have developed in the town and the ways in which new urban spaces have been secured. It argues that, whilst security concerns have become embedded in institutional discourses and practices, the implementation of security measures has been mediated, in part, by the local socio-political relations in and through which they have been developed.
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The main aim of this study was to ascertain and discuss the current challenges and opportunities facing construction contractors in Ghana. This involved a review of the economic, legal and political environments in which contractors in Ghana operate; a review of published studies on construction in developing countries generally and Ghana specifically; and in-depth interviews and discussions with seven building and civil engineering contractors in Ghana in 2009 and 2010. Six road contractors were also interviewed. The findings indicate significant challenges relating mainly to financing for projects and a harsh business environment. However, most contractors interviewed admitted to significant problems in their own organisations. It is clear that the contracting environment in Ghana is harsh particularly for local contractors who are often not paid on time and without compensation for late payment. However, local construction firms in Ghana who want to breakthrough ought to formulate the right strategic plans, develop innovative business strategies, develop professionalism, and merge with local firms with similar organisational values and characteristics. In short, local or indigenous Ghanaian contractors ought to face up to the reality of competition and the dynamics of modern business in order to survive, grow and become major players in the construction industry in Ghana.
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This article discusses emotion as a strategy of political agency in post-Thatcherite documentary theatre. The 1990s saw a renaissance in theatre writing based in directness and immediacy but based in two quite different forms of drama, In-Yer-Face theatre and fact-based drama. There are clear distinctions between these forms: the new brutalist writing was aggressively provocative; documentary theatre engaged the audience by revealing an urgent truth. Both claimed a kind of realism that confronted actuality, be that of situation or experience, through forms of theatre that cultivated emotional engagement. In-Yer-Face theatre used emotional shock to penetrate the numb cynicism that its creators perceived. Documentary theatre used observation and the cultivation of sympathy to enlist its audience in a shared understanding of what was hidden, not understood or not noticed. The article analyses the functioning of emotional enlistment to engage the audience politically in two examples of documentary theatre, Black Watch and Guantanamo