Pythium soft rot of ginger: Detection and identification of the causal pathogens, and their control

Ginger is considered by many people to be the outstanding member among 1400 other species in the family Zingiberaceae. Not only it is a valuable spice used by cooks throughout the world to impart unique flavour to their dishes but it also has a long track record in some Chinese and Indian cultures for treating common human ailments such as colds and headaches. Ginger has recently attracted considerable attention for its anti-inflammatory, antibacterial and antifungal properties. However, ginger as a crop is also susceptible to at least 24 different plant pathogens, including viruses, bacteria, fungi and nematodes. Of these, Pythium spp. (within the kingdom Stramenopila, phyllum Oomycota) are of most concern because various species can cause rotting and yield loss on ginger at any of the growth stages including during postharvest storage. Pythium gracile was the first species in the genus to be reported as a ginger pathogen, causing Pythium soft rot disease in India in 1907. Thereafter, numerous other Pythium spp. have been recorded from ginger growing regions throughout the world. Today, 15 Pythium species have been implicated as pathogens of the soft rot disease. Because accurate identification of a pathogen is the cornerstone of effective disease management programs, this review will focus on how to detect, identify and control Pythium spp. in general, with special emphasis on Pythium spp. associated with soft rot on ginger.

Pythiogeton ramosum, a new pathogen of soft rot disease of ginger (Zingiber officinale) at high temperatures in Australia

Pythium soft rot (PSR) of ginger caused by a number of Pythium species is of the most concern worldwide. In Australia, PSR outbreaks associated with Pythium myriotylum was recorded in 2007. Our recent pathogenicity tests in Petri dishes conducted on ginger rhizomes and pot trials on ginger plants showed that Pythiogeton (Py.) ramosum, an uncommon studied oomycete in Pythiaceae, was also pathogenic to ginger at high temperature (30–35 °C). Ginger sticks excised from the rhizomes were colonised by Py. ramosum which caused soft rot and browning lesions. Ginger plants inoculated with Py. ramosum showed initial symptoms of wilting and leave yellowing, which were indistinguishable from those of Pythium soft rot of ginger, at 10 days after inoculation. In addition, morphological and phylogenetic studies indicated that isolates of Py. ramosum were quite variable and our isolates obtained from soft rot ginger were divided into two groups based on these variations. This is also for the first time Py. ramosum is reported as a pathogen on ginger at high temperatures.

Legumes or nitrification inhibitors to reduce N2O emissions from subtropical cereal cropping systems in Oxisols?

The DAYCENT biogeochemical model was used to investigate how the use of fertilizers coated with nitrification inhibitors and the introduction of legumes in the crop rotation can affect subtropical cereal production and N2O emissions. The model was validated using comprehensive multi-seasonal, high-frequency dataset from two field investigations conducted on an Oxisol, which is the most common soil type in subtropical regions. Different N fertilizer rates were tested for each N management strategy and simulated under varying weather conditions. DAYCENT was able to reliably predict soil N dynamics, seasonal N2O emissions and crop production, although some discrepancies were observed in the treatments with low or no added N inputs and in the simulation of daily N2O fluxes. Simulations highlighted that the high clay content and the relatively low C levels of the Oxisol analyzed in this study limit the chances for significant amounts of N to be lost via deep leaching or denitrification. The application of urea coated with a nitrification inhibitor was the most effective strategy to minimize N2O emissions. This strategy however did not increase yields since the nitrification inhibitor did not substantially decrease overall N losses compared to conventional urea. Simulations indicated that replacing part of crop N requirements with N mineralized by legume residues is the most effective strategy to reduce N2O emissions and support cereal productivity. The results of this study show that legumes have significant potential to enhance the sustainable and profitable intensification of subtropical cereal cropping systems in Oxisols.

Editorial of "International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies Volume 5, Number 1, 2012"

The first two articles of this edition of the journal testify to the lengthening reach of the discipline of Critical Indigenous Studies that is, remarkably, still in its nascence. Emiel Martens examines the development of Maori filmmaking since the 1980s and takes the opportunity to explore this Indigenous cinema in the context of developments in the New Zealand film industry generally. Shifting from cultural production to renewable energy, Steven M. Hoffman and Thibault Martin remind us that in the effort to satiate the demands for energy, it is often Indigenous peoples who bear adverse consequences. Using a social capital framework, the authors examine the impact of the development of hydroelectric power upon a displaced Aboriginal community and conclude that displacement has resulted in an erosion of cohesive social bonds that once ensured a sustainable way of life.

Sorption and desorption of sulfuryl fluoride by wheat, flour and semolina

Sulfuryl fluoride (SF) has been developed as a fumigant for control of insect pests in stored grain. However, there is very limited information on the sorption behaviour of this fumigant, which can be critical to its bioactivity, application and potential for residues. We undertook a comprehensive laboratory study of the sorption and desorption of SF by wheat (bread and durum), flour and semolina at 15, 25 and 35 °C, moisture contents 12% and 15%, and concentration × time combinations at CT = 1500 mgh/L (4.167 mg/L × 360 h, 8.928 mg/L × 168 h and 31.25 mg/L × 48 h). At each dosage, sorption rate increased as commodity temperature and moisture content increased. The highest rates of sorption occurred at 35 °C and 15% m.c., and lowest rates at 15 °C and 12% m.c., and the rate was independent of initial concentration. Sorption followed first order reaction kinetics described by the exponential decay equation, Ct = C0·e−k*t, where k is the sorption rate constant. The most important factors determining the rate of sorption were commodity particle size (exposed surfaces) and temperature. Little sorption of fumigant occurred within the first 24 h whereas longer fumigation times resulted in significant sorption. Unbound SF was rapidly lost from the commodity upon aeration with no further desorption detected under any of the test conditions.

Does Fumigation of Durum Wheat and Semolina with Sulfuryl Fluoride affect Quality of the Grain, Semolina and derived Spaghetti and Bread?

There is no information on the effect of sulfuryl fluoride (SF) on durum wheat technological properties and products made from fumigated durum wheat. Durum wheat and semolina were exposed to a range of SF applications under conditions that might be typically encountered in bulk storage facilities used in many countries. SF greatly reduced the germination percentage of fumigated durum wheat with increasing impact under higher SF concentration, grain moisture content, and fumigation temperature. SF greatly reduced seed germination percentage impacting more the higher the SF concentration. SF had little to no effects on grain test weight, 1000 grain weight, hardness, protein content, semolina ash content and mixograph properties. At the highest SF concentration (31.25 mg/L for 48 h) there was a tendency for pasta cooking loss to be increased but still acceptable while other pasta properties were largely unaffected. Fumigation with SF did not have any impact on the baking properties of a wholemeal durum flour-commercial flour mix. Therefore, SF is not recommended if the grains are to be used as seeds for agricultural production but for the production of semolina, pasta and bread, SF used under typical fumigation conditions has little to no impact on technological properties of durum wheat.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

The radical in arts education research

Arts education research, as an interdisciplinary field, has developed in the shadows of a number of research traditions. However amid all the methodological innovation, I believe there is one particular, distinctive and radical research strategy which arts educators have created to research the practice of arts education: namely arts-based research. For many, and Elliot Eisner from Stanford University was among the first, arts education needed a research approach which could deal with the complex dynamics of arts education in the classroom. What was needed was ‘an approach to the conduct of educational research that was rooted in the arts and that used aesthetically crafted forms to reveal aspects of practice that mattered educationally’ (Eisner 2006: 11). While arts education researchers were crafting the principles and practices of arts-based research, fellow artist/researchers in the creative arts were addressing similar needs and fashioning their own exacting research strategies. This chapter aligns arts-based research with the complementary research practices established in creative arts studios and identifies the shared and truly radical nature of these moves. Finally, and in a contemporary turn many will find surprising, I will discuss how the radical aspects of these methodologies are now being held up as core elements of what is being called the fourth paradigm of scientific research, known as eScience. Could it be that the radical dynamics of arts-based research pre-figured the needs of eScience researchers who are currently struggling to manage the ‘deluge of Big Data’ which is disrupting their well-established scientific methods?

Kristallivalheita : Itsepetos filosofisen tulkinnan lähtökohtana eräissä draaman klassikoissa

The philosophical problem of self-deception focuses the relation between desire, advantage, evidence and harm. A self-deceptive person is irrational because he or she belives or wants to belive contrary to the available evidence. The study focuses on different forms of self-deception that come out in certain classical Western dramas. The first self-deception forms are: "S knows that ~p but still belives that p because he wants that ~p", "S wants that p and therefore belives that p.", "S belives that p against evidence t because he wants to belive that p.", "S belives that p if t but S would belive that p even if ~t because S wants to belive that p.", "S belives that p (even if there is t that ~p) because S is ignorant of it." and "S belives that p (even if there is t that ~p) because of ignorant of t due to an internal deception." The main sources on self-deception are the views of contemporary researchers of the subject, such as Robert Audi, Marcia Baron, Bas C. van Fraassen, Mark Johnston, Mike W. Martin, Brian MaLaughlin, Alfred Mele, Amélie Oksenberg Rorty, William Ruddick and Stephen L. White. In this study it is claimed that Shakespeare´s Othello presents self-deception as a tragic phenomenom from witch it follows deceptions and murders. Moliére´s Tartuffe deals with a phony hypocrite´s attempts at cheating. Ibsen´s Wild Duck defends the necessity of vital lies. Beckett´s Waiting for Godot deals with the self-deception witch is related to the waiting of the supernatural rescuer. Miller´s The Death of a Salesman tells about a man who, while pursuing the American myth of success, winds both himself and his family into the skeins of self-deception. They are studied with a Barthesian method that emphasizes the autonomy of literary work and its interpretation independently of the author´s personal history and social conditions. Self-deception has been regarded as an immoral way of thinking or way of action. However, vital lies show the necessity or necessity of the self-deception when it brings joy and optimism to the human being and supports his or her self-esteem and does not cause a suffering or damage, either to self or others. In the study, the processual character of self-deception is brought out.

Structuring time and questioning to achieve tactical awareness in games lessons

Background: A paradigm shift in educational policy to create problem solvers and critical thinkers produced the games concept approach (GCA) in Singapore's Revised Syllabus for Physical Education (1999). A pilot study (2001) conducted on 11 primary school student teachers (STs) using this approach identified time management and questioning as two of the major challenges faced by novice teachers. Purpose: To examine the GCA from three perspectives: structure—lesson form in terms of teacher-time and pupil-time; product—how STs used those time fractions; and process—the nature of their questioning (type, timing, and target). Participants and setting: Forty-nine STs from three different PETE cohorts (two-year diploma, four-year degree, two-year post-graduate diploma) volunteered to participate in the study conducted during the penultimate week of their final practicum in public primary and secondary schools. Intervention: Based on the findings of the pilot study, PETE increased the emphasis on GCA content specific knowledge and pedagogical procedures. To further support STs learning to actualise the GCA, authentic micro-teaching experiences that were closely monitored by faculty were provided in schools nearby. Research design: This is a descriptive study of time-management and questioning strategies implemented by STs on practicum. Each lesson was segmented into a number of sub-categories of teacher-time (organisation, demonstration and closure) and pupil-time (practice time and game time). Questions were categorised as knowledge, technical, tactical or affective. Data collection: Each ST was video-taped teaching a GCA lesson towards the end of their final practicum. The STs individually determined the timing of the data collection and the lesson to be observed. Data analysis: Each lesson was segmented into a number of sub-categories of both teacher- and pupil-time. Duration recording using Noldus software (Observer 4.0) segmented the time management of different lesson components. Questioning was coded in terms of type, timing and target. Separate MANOVAs were used to measure the difference between programmes and levels (primary and secondary) in relation to time-management procedures and questioning strategies. Findings: No differences emerged between the programmes or levels in their time-management or questioning strategies. Using the GCA, STs generated more pupil time (53%) than teacher time (47%). STs at the primary level provided more technical practice, and those in secondary schools more small-sided game play. Most questions (58%) were asked during play or practice but were substantially low-order involving knowledge or recall (76%) and only 6.7% were open-ended or divergent and capable of developing tactical awareness. Conclusions: Although STs are delivering more pupil time (practice and game) than teacher-time, the lesson structure requires further fine-tuning to extend the practice task beyond technical drills. Many questions are being asked to generate knowledge about games but lack sufficient quality to enhance critical thinking and tactical awareness, as the GCA intends.

Legumes or nitrification inhibitors to reduce {N2O} emissions from subtropical cereal cropping systems in Oxisols?

The DAYCENT biogeochemical model was used to investigate how the use of fertilizers coated with nitrification inhibitors and the introduction of legumes in the crop rotation can affect subtropical cereal production and {N2O} emissions. The model was validated using comprehensive multi-seasonal, high-frequency dataset from two field investigations conducted on an Oxisol, which is the most common soil type in subtropical regions. Different N fertilizer rates were tested for each N management strategy and simulated under varying weather conditions. DAYCENT was able to reliably predict soil N dynamics, seasonal {N2O} emissions and crop production, although some discrepancies were observed in the treatments with low or no added N inputs and in the simulation of daily {N2O} fluxes. Simulations highlighted that the high clay content and the relatively low C levels of the Oxisol analyzed in this study limit the chances for significant amounts of N to be lost via deep leaching or denitrification. The application of urea coated with a nitrification inhibitor was the most effective strategy to minimize {N2O} emissions. This strategy however did not increase yields since the nitrification inhibitor did not substantially decrease overall N losses compared to conventional urea. Simulations indicated that replacing part of crop N requirements with N mineralized by legume residues is the most effective strategy to reduce {N2O} emissions and support cereal productivity. The results of this study show that legumes have significant potential to enhance the sustainable and profitable intensification of subtropical cereal cropping systems in Oxisols.

Mutations in known monogenic high bone mass loci only explain a small proportion of high bone mass cases

High bone mass (HBM) can be an incidental clinical finding; however, monogenic HBM disorders (eg, LRP5 or SOST mutations) are rare. We aimed to determine to what extent HBM is explained by mutations in known HBM genes. A total of 258 unrelated HBM cases were identified from a review of 335,115 DXA scans from 13 UK centers. Cases were assessed clinically and underwent sequencing of known anabolic HBM loci: LRP5 (exons 2, 3, 4), LRP4 (exons 25, 26), SOST (exons 1, 2, and the van Buchem's disease [VBD] 52-kb intronic deletion 3'). Family members were assessed for HBM segregation with identified variants. Three-dimensional protein models were constructed for identified variants. Two novel missense LRP5 HBM mutations ([c.518C>T; p.Thr173Met], [c.796C>T; p.Arg266Cys]) were identified, plus three previously reported missense LRP5 mutations ([c.593A>G; p.Asn198Ser], [c.724G>A; p.Ala242Thr], [c.266A>G; p.Gln89Arg]), associated with HBM in 11 adults from seven families. Individuals with LRP5 HBM ( approximately prevalence 5/100,000) displayed a variable phenotype of skeletal dysplasia with increased trabecular BMD and cortical thickness on HRpQCT, and gynoid fat mass accumulation on DXA, compared with both non-LRP5 HBM and controls. One mostly asymptomatic woman carried a novel heterozygous nonsense SOST mutation (c.530C>A; p.Ser177X) predicted to prematurely truncate sclerostin. Protein modeling suggests the severity of the LRP5-HBM phenotype corresponds to the degree of protein disruption and the consequent effect on SOST-LRP5 binding. We predict p.Asn198Ser and p.Ala242Thr directly disrupt SOST binding; both correspond to severe HBM phenotypes (BMD Z-scores +3.1 to +12.2, inability to float). Less disruptive structural alterations predicted from p.Arg266Cys, p.Thr173Met, and p.Gln89Arg were associated with less severe phenotypes (Z-scores +2.4 to +6.2, ability to float). In conclusion, although mutations in known HBM loci may be asymptomatic, they only account for a very small proportion ( approximately 3%) of HBM individuals, suggesting the great majority are explained by either unknown monogenic causes or polygenic inheritance.

Julkisen tilan kontrollin ulottuvuuksia : tapaustutkimus Stop Töhryille -projektista.

Tämä tutkielma keskittyy julkisen kaupunkitilan kontrollin eri muotoihin. Ihmiset käyttävät kaupunkitilaa eri tavoin ja eri tarkoituksiin. Tilan sallitut ja kielletyt käyttömuodot ovat aina erilaisten toiveiden yhteensovittamista: yhteisen neuvottelun tulos. Tilaa myös kontrolloidaan vastaamaan erilaisia toiveita ja odotuksia. Tutkielmassa julkisen tilan kontrollin muodot on jaettu kolmeen: tilan fyysinen muokkaaminen, tilan valvonta ja asenteisiin vaikuttaminen esimerkiksi politiikkaohjelmilla. Tärkeimpänä kiinnostuksen kohteena on tilanne, jossa jokin toiminta kielletään kokonaisuudessaan. Tutkielmassa käytetään konkreettisena esimerkkinä yrityksestä kontrolloida tilaa Helsingin kaupungin Stop Töhryille -projektia: kyseessä on tapaustutkimus em. projektista. Projekti toteutettiin vuosina 1998–2008 Helsingin kaupungin rakennusviraston sekä yleisten töiden lautakunnan alaisuudessa. Projektin tavoitteena oli vähentää ja poistaa kaupunkitilassa näkyviä graffiteja. Keinoina tähän oli tekninen siivous, valvonta ja viestintä. Graffitit voidaan nähdä yhtenä keinona vallata tilaa itselle. Tutkimuksen ongelmanasettelun taustalla on pohdinta siitä, kohdistuuko julkisen tilan kontrolli jonkin tietyn toiminnon ei-toivottavuuteen vai kohdistuuko kontrolli tiettyjen toimijoiden ei-toivottavuuteen. Tavoitteena on selvittää, minkälainen tilan kontrolliin tähtäävä ohjelma Stop Töhryille -projekti oli. Tutkimuskysymykset liittyvät siihen, miksi projekti toteutettiin, mihin projektin toimenpiteet kohdistuivat ja miten nollatoleranssi määriteltiin projektissa. Tutkielman teoreettinen viitekehys pohjautuu Jock Youngin määritelmälle nollatoleranssista, nollatoleranssin kritiikille sekä Henri Lefebvren, Don Mitchellin, Andrea Sharkeyn ja Rob Shieldsin kirjoituksiin oikeudesta tilaan. Aineistona käytetään yleisten töiden lautakunnan kokousten esityslista- ja pöytäkirjamateriaalia sekä haastatteluja projektissa mukana olleille tai projektiin vaikuttaneille tahoille (N=4). Analyysin menetelmänä sovelletaan diskurssianalyysiä. Aineiston perusteella voidaan todeta, että projektissa hyödynnettiin laajasti erilaisia kontrollin keinoja. Projektin toimenpiteet keskittyivät alussa enemmän toimintoon (graffitien puhdistamiseen ja ehkäisyyn), mutta viimeisinä vuosina painopiste siirtyi enemmän toimijaan (graffitintekijään). Aineiston analyysissä yhtenä olennaisena toimijaryhmänä esille nousivat nuoret ja nuoriso, jotka mainittiin useaan otteeseen graffitintekijöinä. Tutkielmassa tätä ilmiötä pohditaan Mike Presdeen nuoruuden kriminalisointi -käsitteen sekä Zygmunt Baumanin ulossulkemisen paradigman kautta. Nollatoleranssiretoriikka on löydettävissä projektista kolmella tasolla: ideologisella, toiminnallisella sekä viestinnällisellä. Nollatoleranssia perusteltiin ideologisella tasolla rikottujen ikkunoiden teesillä: pieniä sosiaalisia häiriöitä poistamalla voidaan ehkäistä suuria rikoksia. Tämä perustelu vietiin toiminnalliselle tasolle, jossa häiriökäyttäytyjiä valvottiin ja heille vaadittiin kovia rangaistuksia. Viestinnällä pyrittiin madaltamaan kansalaisten sietokykyä graffiti-ilmiöön ja edesautettiin mahdollisimman laajan kansalais- ja asukasyhteistyön syntymistä. Lisäksi projektissa luotiin aktiivisesti tiedon ja kielen politiikkaa, joissa tuotetaan käsitystä siitä että graffitit lisäävät turvattomuutta ja konstruoidaan sellainen kieli, jossa graffitit nähdään ongelmana.

Julkisen tilan kontrollin ulottuvuuksia. Tapaustutkimus Stop Töhryille -projektista.

Tämä tutkielma keskittyy julkisen kaupunkitilan kontrollin eri muotoihin. Ihmiset käyttävät kaupunkitilaa eri tavoin ja eri tarkoituksiin. Tilan sallitut ja kielletyt käyttömuodot ovat aina erilaisten toiveiden yhteensovittamista: yhteisen neuvottelun tulos. Tilaa myös kontrolloidaan vastaamaan erilaisia toiveita ja odotuksia. Tutkielmassa julkisen tilan kontrollin muodot on jaettu kolmeen: tilan fyysinen muokkaaminen, tilan valvonta ja asenteisiin vaikuttaminen esimerkiksi politiikkaohjelmilla. Tärkeimpänä kiinnostuksen kohteena on tilanne, jossa jokin toiminta kielletään kokonaisuudessaan. Tutkielmassa käytetään konkreettisena esimerkkinä yrityksestä kontrolloida tilaa Helsingin kaupungin Stop Töhryille -projektia: kyseessä on tapaustutkimus em. projektista. Projekti toteutettiin vuosina 1998–2008 Helsingin kaupungin rakennusviraston sekä yleisten töiden lautakunnan alaisuudessa. Projektin tavoitteena oli vähentää ja poistaa kaupunkitilassa näkyviä graffiteja. Keinoina tähän oli tekninen siivous, valvonta ja viestintä. Graffitit voidaan nähdä yhtenä keinona vallata tilaa itselle. Tutkimuksen ongelmanasettelun taustalla on pohdinta siitä, kohdistuuko julkisen tilan kontrolli jonkin tietyn toiminnon ei-toivottavuuteen vai kohdistuuko kontrolli tiettyjen toimijoiden ei-toivottavuuteen. Tavoitteena on selvittää, minkälainen tilan kontrolliin tähtäävä ohjelma Stop Töhryille -projekti oli. Tutkimuskysymykset liittyvät siihen, miksi projekti toteutettiin, mihin projektin toimenpiteet kohdistuivat ja miten nollatoleranssi määriteltiin projektissa. Tutkielman teoreettinen viitekehys pohjautuu Jock Youngin määritelmälle nollatoleranssista, nollatoleranssin kritiikille sekä Henri Lefebvren, Don Mitchellin, Andrea Sharkeyn ja Rob Shieldsin kirjoituksiin oikeudesta tilaan. Aineistona käytetään yleisten töiden lautakunnan kokousten esityslista- ja pöytäkirjamateriaalia sekä haastatteluja projektissa mukana olleille tai projektiin vaikuttaneille tahoille (N=4). Analyysin menetelmänä sovelletaan diskurssianalyysiä. Aineiston perusteella voidaan todeta, että projektissa hyödynnettiin laajasti erilaisia kontrollin keinoja. Projektin toimenpiteet keskittyivät alussa enemmän toimintoon (graffitien puhdistamiseen ja ehkäisyyn), mutta viimeisinä vuosina painopiste siirtyi enemmän toimijaan (graffitintekijään). Aineiston analyysissä yhtenä olennaisena toimijaryhmänä esille nousivat nuoret ja nuoriso, jotka mainittiin useaan otteeseen graffitintekijöinä. Tutkielmassa tätä ilmiötä pohditaan Mike Presdeen nuoruuden kriminalisointi -käsitteen sekä Zygmunt Baumanin ulossulkemisen paradigman kautta. Nollatoleranssiretoriikka on löydettävissä projektista kolmella tasolla: ideologisella, toiminnallisella sekä viestinnällisellä. Nollatoleranssia perusteltiin ideologisella tasolla rikottujen ikkunoiden teesillä: pieniä sosiaalisia häiriöitä poistamalla voidaan ehkäistä suuria rikoksia. Tämä perustelu vietiin toiminnalliselle tasolle, jossa häiriökäyttäytyjiä valvottiin ja heille vaadittiin kovia rangaistuksia. Viestinnällä pyrittiin madaltamaan kansalaisten sietokykyä graffiti-ilmiöön ja edesautettiin mahdollisimman laajan kansalais- ja asukasyhteistyön syntymistä. Lisäksi projektissa luotiin aktiivisesti tiedon ja kielen politiikkaa, joissa tuotetaan käsitystä siitä että graffitit lisäävät turvattomuutta ja konstruoidaan sellainen kieli, jossa graffitit nähdään ongelmana.